s BACKGROUND After Abbottabad: Pakistan GUIDE 2012 Military Cabinet Crisis Director: Noor El-Edroos Chair: Merita Salihu Vice-Chair: Auste Kriukelyte FCMUN V After Abbottabad: Pakistan Military Cabinet Dear Delegates, Welcome to the Pakistan Military Cabinet! If you are going to be a part of this committee, my guess is that you are fond of orchestrating covert operations, enjoy guarding (and perhaps selling?) precious nuclear secrets, and delight in navigating through delicate political situations. Even if you were not before, we hope you look forward to them now! We surely will be working tirelessly to keep you involved and challenged throughout the weekend. Now that I have (hopefully) sold to you the merits of picking the most exciting committee at FCMUN 2012, allow me to introduce myself. My name is Noor El-Edroos and I will be the Crisis Director for this committee. I am a senior at Mount Holyoke College, majoring in Economics and International Relations. I have been involved with FCMUN from my very first year, and this year I will be saying good bye to what has always been an incredibly exciting conference. Having chaired committees in all three previous FCMUN‟s, I have never experienced the thrill of being in a crisis room; I hope to leave my last FCMUN with all my wishes for wreaking havoc fulfilled! As you have probably guessed by now, I have a penchant for dramatizing everything, and this committee will be no exception. Luckily, this committee and the issues at hand provide a lot to work with. As most of you are aware, the capture and killing of Osama bin Laden has been characterized as one of the most significant moments in recent history. There can be some debate about whether the capture is truly a significant breakthrough, but there is little doubt that Pakistan is, and will remain a vital focal point for all matters pertaining to the war on terror. As delegates in this committee you must work to articulate a diplomatic, as well as strategic stance on this issue. Besides that, you must also continue to further Pakistan‟s strategic interests in the region, and sort out the military‟s various foreign and domestic entanglements. The relevant external „powers‟ will continue to exert pressure on this committee to carry out actions in their favor, but it is up to the delegates to determine what pressures they will yield to, and what ultimately will be in the best interests of the country (Hint: This is supposed to sound cryptic, and somewhat suspicious). Although this committee will be set on May 2nd 2011, and the subsequent days, it will benefit delegates to stay informed about Pakistan‟s current domestic situation and international interactions. It is highly possible that the crisis staff will „borrow‟ crises from real life events. If at any point you have questions about the committee, or regarding your position, please don‟t hesitate to email me at: [email protected]. Your committee staff is extremely excited to meet all of you! Best, Noor El-Edroos, MHC‟12 Page 1 of 15 FCMUN V After Abbottabad: Pakistan Military Cabinet Introduction This committee will simulate a high level, emergency meeting of the Pakistani Military Cabinet in the immediate aftermath of the attack and capture of Osama bin Laden in the northwest city of Abbottabad. The committee will be chaired by General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, the Chief of Army Staff, and the cabinet will comprise some of the most senior, and well-placed military men in Pakistan. The first committee session will be dated May 2, 2011, a day after bin Laden was killed. Delegates are encouraged to come into the first session with ideas on how to respond to recent events, and combine those with any efforts they could provide based on their portfolio powers. This guide should be sufficient in explaining both the events, and respective portfolio powers. Besides damage control from the event itself, delegates should also anticipate a backlash from both domestic and international fronts, and outline a plan of action that will minimize all potential threats and challenges Pakistan will inevitably face in the coming days. The end of one committee session will represent the passage of one day. Though the killing of bin Laden will serve as a main backdrop for the cabinet meeting, it will, by no means be the only challenge the body will have to tackle. There will be a host of ongoing domestic and international issues the committee must confront simultaneously. It is up to the delegates to make politically sensitive decisions, that are not at odds with other goals of the military, and do not compromise the internal stability, and global perception of Pakistan. The Pakistani military has come under increasing pressure within the last few years to crackdown on terrorism both within its borders, and across the region. Relations with the United States have been extremely volatile, and the first half of 2011 saw this „partnership‟ put to test on a number of occasions. On the domestic front, the military has also been criticized for undermining the legitimacy of the civilian government, and impeding the democratic process. Political commentators have also continued to call attention to the supposed misappropriation of national resources by the military to further the military industrial complex. The delegates must remain cognizant of these ongoing concerns at all times, and should not relegate them to the sidelines while tackling the bin Laden issue. Page 2 of 15 FCMUN V After Abbottabad: Pakistan Military Cabinet Military Rule in Pakistan “The story of Pakistan is the story of ambitious and adventurist generals denying the people their rights.” - Former air force chief, Mohammad Asghar Khan, 1983 The military, as it exists within the Pakistani political fabric has been 64 years in the making. To contextualize the scale and engagements of the military as they are now, it is important to look back at the historical trajectory of the army. Although Pakistan was founded as a democracy after the partition of the Indian sub-continent, the army has for the most part, sustained itself as one of the country's most powerful institutions. Hence, the military has continuously found itself embroiled in local politics, and has often steered Pakistan‟s foreign policy and diplomatic engagements in the international arena. Coups have been commonplace in Pakistan‟s political history, and even during periods of the military‟s hiatus, democratic governments have consulted the military before taking most strategic decisions. Political leaders have, throughout Pakistan‟s history, been keenly aware of the military‟s propensity to propel itself into mainstream politics during times of crisis. Foreign governments and independent analysts have, on a number of occasions expressed concerns that the military is in no way under the control of the civilian government. Rather, the opposite is assumed. This was not always the case. In the first few years of Pakistan‟s existence, the military remained considerably removed from political entanglements. In fact, for its first decade, the Pakistani military reflected the British Indian tradition of working under the overall command of the civilian leadership. It avoided active and direct involvement in politics and day to day affairs of the government, striving for discipline and internal cohesion instead. Although the Pakistani military inherited some of these traditions, two inter-related developments set into motion the gradual rise of the military to power. These were the erosion of the civilian political institutions and processes, and the gradual ascendancy of the military in the polity. This was simultaneously accompanied by a bolstering of the military‟s garrison and financial reserves. The Baghdad Pact of 1954, the South East Asian Treaty Organization and the Central Treaty Organization all led to a significant transfer of funds to the military from the United States and England. Gradually, the military became an important factor in the decision making process, and played a key role in guiding foreign and security affairs. The military formally assumed power in October 1958, when it displaced the civilian leadership and institutions altogether and assumed power directly. This was the first military regime of Field Marshal Ayub Khan and remained a military regime from 7 October 1958 to 8 June 1962. After this, under the 1962 Constitution, Ayub Khan was appointed President, and held civilian office until 25 March 1969. Ayub Khan‟s assumption of power marked a shift in the military‟s orientations and dispositions towards the political process. Khan's rule lasted Page 3 of 15 FCMUN V After Abbottabad: Pakistan Military Cabinet until 1969, when he was forced to resign following serious unrest. This regime was succeeded by another military regime; Pakistan‟s second martial law was imposed on March 25, 1969, when President Khan abrogated his own constitution and handed over power to the Army Commander-in-Chief, General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan. Yahya Khan stayed in power till 20 December 1971. He stepped down following the civil war, which resulted in independence for Bangladesh -formerly East Pakistan -, and military rule came to an end, temporarily. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto became the new president, introducing a new constitution that came into effect in 1973. Although Bhutto was championed initially for restoring the primacy of the civilian government, he was unable to fully empower civilian institutions in his later years. Moreover, he became increasingly dependent on the military to sustain his political power. Hence, when Bhutto‟s victory was challenged after the elections of 1977, the military stepped in to fill the power vacuum. Hence, on 5 July 1977 General Mohammed Zia ul-Haq deposed Bhutto in military coup, and declared martial law.