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Universita' Degli Studi Di Padova the Creation of the Marrakesh
Universita’ degli Studi di Padova Dipartimento di Studi Linguistici e Letterari Laurea Magistrale in Lingue moderne per la Comunicazione e la Cooperazione internazionale Classe LM38 The Creation of the Marrakesh Declaration and the Portrayal of Religious Minorities in the International Press Cunico Valeria mtr: 1159381 Relatrice: Prof.ssa Martini Cecilia - DiSSGeA Abstract In recent times religion minorities all over the world have been facing existential threats, which seriously compromise their social inclusion and the survival of their cultural heritage. In 2016, hundreds of Muslim and non-Muslim scholars and intellectuals met in Marrakesh to discuss about religion tolerance, interfaith dialogue and the treatment of religious minorities in predominantly Muslim countries. The gathering ended with the drafting of a new Declaration, which aims to restore the principles of the ancient Charter of Medina, to the benefit of all religious groups in the Middle East. This dissertation analyses the declaration of Marrakesh on both a linguistic and a legal level, providing information on why it was considered as an urgent necessity and defining possible predictions regarding its future implementations and its legal value in modern Arab societies. Finally, this thesis will analyse the relationship between religious minorities and the media, focusing on how smaller religious groups are perceived from the general public and how British and American newspapers deal with minorities representations and challenges. Contents Introduction 1 1 The Marrakesh Declaration of 2016 5 1.1 The inspiration behind the Declaration of Marrakesh . 12 1.1.1 Ancient documents on Religious Minorities . 12 1.1.2 Modern documents on Religious Minorities . 16 1.2 The Future of the Declaration . -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
Newsletter 4
September 14, 2009 CANADA-ASIA AGENDA www.asiapacific.ca Series Editor Brian Job Issue 2 Japan’s “electoral revolution” – changes at home and abroad By Tsuyoshi Kawasaki The Japanese general election was revolutionary: it brought to power for the first time since the end of World War II a majority government not led by the Liberal Democratic Party and it saw the final transition to a two-party system brought about by the introduction of single- member electorates 15 years ago. Like any revolution, it will be some time before it is clear if the pressures of real power will allow the new government to bring about promised change. The general election of August 30, 2009 in Japan was was not in power, Japan was governed by coalition extraordinary. The Democratic Party (DP) won 308 seats governments as none of the non-LDP parties had a out of 480 in the House of Representatives, ousting the majority.) In other words, it was the first “decisive and Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) from power. Since its true change of power” in post-World War II Japan. Of inception in 1955, the LDP had always governed Japan, course, this type of situation -- that is, a majority of seats either alone or in a coalition, except for ten months in secured by a former opposition party after an election -- is 1993-1994. This time, it lost almost two thirds of its nothing new to Canadian politics. But for the Japanese, previous seats, down to a mere 119 from 300, which this election has ushered in a new era of politics, as it was nothing short of disaster. -
Strategic Forum
SF213_201-887.qxd 11/30/04 9:26 AM Page 1 No. 213 Strategic Forum November 2004 Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University http://www.ndu.edu/inss Japan’s Constitution and Defense Policy: Entering a New Era? by Rust Deming Japan’s postwar defense policy was set by (1) Aspiring sincerely to an international peace Key Points the 1947 constitution. Early in the occupation, based on justice and order, the Japanese people hanges in the security environment and General Douglas MacArthur and his staff con- forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the th the rise of a new generation have cluded that the 19 -century Meiji constitution nation and the threat or use of force as a means of Cended Japan’s taboo on discussion of needed to be revised or entirely replaced if settling international disputes. amending the 1947 “peace constitution.” Japan were to become a true democracy, with (2) In order to accomplish the aim of the pre- While many wish to maintain the current the Emperor removed from any political role. ceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as document, the center of gravity in the debate In January 1946, convinced that the elitist and well as other war potential, will never be main- has shifted. authoritarian Japanese establishment was tained. The right of belligerency of the state will The movement to amend the constitu- incapable of producing a democratic constitu- not be recognized. tion is connected to and stimulated by a tion, MacArthur ordered his staff to produce a draft. One week later, an entirely rewritten Ashida later testified that the new phrase parallel debate on defense policy. -
Plan of Action to Safeguard Religious Sites: in Unity and Solidarity for Safe and Peaceful Worship
Plan of Action to Safeguard Religious Sites: In Unity and Solidarity for Safe and Peaceful Worship 1 Plan of Action to Safeguard Religious Sites: In Unity and Solidarity for Safe and Peaceful Worship The United Nations Plan of Action to Safeguard Religious Sites: In Unity and Solidarity for Safe and Peaceful Worship “Rings of Peace” 2 Plan of Action to Safeguard Religious Sites: In Unity and Solidarity for Safe and Peaceful Worship FOREWORD Our world has witnessed a tragic surge in anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim hatred, attacks on Christians and violence targeting members of other faiths and traditions. In recent months alone, we have seen Jews murdered in synagogues, their gravestones defaced with swastikas; Muslims gunned down in mosques, their religious sites vandalized; Christians killed at prayer, their churches torched. In the face of these unspeakable tragedies, we have also been deeply moved by extraordinary displays of support, love and solidarity from religious communities across the globe for the victims of such attacks. People everywhere must be allowed to observe and practice their faith in peace, as affirmed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Religious sites and all places of worship and contemplation should be safe havens, not sites of terror or bloodshed. For all these reasons, I asked the High Representative for the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations to develop a Plan of Action for the organization to be fully engaged in support of safeguarding religious sites. The Plan was informed by significant outreach with a wide variety of actors -- including governments, religious leaders, faith-based organizations, civil society, young women and men, local communities, traditional and social media, and the private sector. -
Japan's ''Coalition of the Willing'
Japan’s ‘‘Coalition of the Willing’’ on Security Policies by Robert Pekkanen and Ellis S. Krauss Robert Pekkanen ([email protected]) is assistant professor of international studies at the University of Washington. Ellis S. Krauss ([email protected]) is professor of interna- tional relations and Pacific studies at the University of California, San Diego. This paper is based on a paper presented at fpri’s January 27, 2005, conference, ‘‘Party Politics and Foreign Policy in East Asia,’’ held in Philadelphia. The authors thank Michael Strausz for his research assistance. n 1991, Japan was vilified by many for its ‘‘failure’’ to contribute boots on the ground to the U.S.-led Gulf War. Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu (1989– I 91) found it difficult to gain support for any cooperation with the U.S.-led coalition in that conflict. Today, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces are stationed in a compound in Samuur, Iraq, part of President Bush’s ‘‘coalition of the willing,’’ and four of its destroyers are positioned in the Indian Ocean to aid the counterterrorism effort in Afghanistan. While many of the United States’ nato allies have been reluctant to aid current American security efforts, especially in Iraq, Japan has been among the staunchest supporters of American military ventures in the Middle East and of its stance toward North Korean nuclear development. As a result, Washington has moved from ‘‘bashing Japan’’ in the 1980s over trade policy and ‘‘passing Japan’’—ignoring it in favor of the rest of Asia—to lauding it for surpassing most of American’s other defense partners. -
TOKYO FIELD TRIP Dialogue with Cabinet Ministers
TOKYO FIELD TRIP Dialogue with Cabinet Ministers History Of Japan’s Environmental Policy Kenji Someno, Research Fellow, Tokyo Foundation am speaking here today in place of former ronmental pollution. From 1955 to 1965, en- IEnvironment Minister Sakahito Ozawa, ergy consumption tripled, and the industrial who unfortunately is unable to attend due to structure shifted toward heavy industries. This Diet obligations. resulted in air, water, and soil pollution, which I’ve been involved in pollution measures became serious health hazards. and climate change for over 20 years as a People’s perceptions of economic growth former official of the Environment Ministry, also changed. In the early 1970s, a majority, where I headed the government’s Team Minus for the first time, came to view growth nega- 6 Percent campaign to lower the country’s car- tively as being a threat to their health. bon dioxide emissions. The Basic Pollution Control Law was en- Japan experienced high economic growth acted in 1967. The business community was from the late 1950s to early 1970s. People opposed to the law, as it feared that the higher became more affluent, the material symbols of costs for pollution countermeasures would such prosperity being purchases of the “three hurt their competitiveness. They called for sacred treasures,” namely, the black-and-white balance between business growth and pollu- TV, washing machine, and refrigerator. Later, tion measures. as the country grew richer, the color TV, au- If you replace the word “pollution” with “cli- tomobile, and air conditioner emerged as the mate change,” I think it pretty much sums up “new sacred treasures.” the attitude of the business community today. -
From Rhetoric to Reality: Japanese Foreign-Policy Making Under The
From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 Weston S. Konishi A publication of The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Contents Introduction and Acknowledgments iii Executive Summary v Main Findings v From Rhetoric to Reality: Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan 1 Internal Challenges 4 Intra-party Divisions 4 The Complexities of Coalition Politics 7 Institutional Reforms: Toward Politician-Led Decision-Making 11 The DPJ’s Foreign Policy: Competing Visions 15 Realists 16 Pacifists 17 Centrists 17 Neo-Autonomists 18 Caveats 20 Prime Minister Hatoyama: An Agenda for Change 23 External Constraints on the Hatoyama Administration 27 The Kan Administration: Political Transition and Crisis Management 30 The Noda Administration: Shifting to the Center? 40 Findings and Implications 45 The Impact of Structural Obstacles on DPJ Foreign-Policy Making 45 Continuity versus Change 46 The DPJ: A Hawkish Party? 47 Bilateralism vs. Multilateralism 49 Competing Schools of Thought 51 Conclusion 54 APPENDIX A: Impact of Major Events on Cabinet Approval Ratings 56 FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY I APPENDIX B: The 2010 NDPG Process 59 APPENDIX C: Survey Data of DPJ Foreign Policy Viewpoints 62 APPENDIX D: Profiles of Key DPJ Politicians 63 APPENDIX E: Chronology of Major Events under DPJ Governments 79 Bibliography 86 About the Author 103 II FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY Introduction and Acknowledgments After more than fifty years of one-party dom- ister Kan Naoto, presided over Japan’s most chal- inance under the Liberal Democratic Par- lenging crisis since World War II—the March ty (LDP), Japan’s political landscape changed 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake—before dramatically with the victory of the Democratic succumbing to his own political fate as a result Party of Japan (DPJ) in parliamentary elections of his inconsistent leadership. -
Public Opinion on the Religious Authority of the Moroccan King
ISSUE BRIEF 05.14.19 Public Opinion on the Religious Authority of the Moroccan King Annelle Sheline, Ph.D., Zwan Postdoctoral Fellow, Rice University’s Baker Institute rationalism, and the Sufi tradition of Imam INTRODUCTION Junayd.1 According to the government Morocco has worked to establish itself as narrative, these constitute a specifically a bulwark against religious extremism Moroccan form of Islam that inoculates the in recent years: the government trains kingdom against extremism. One of the women to serve as religious guides, or most significant components of Moroccan “mourchidates,” to counteract violent Islam is the figure of the Commander of the messaging; since launching in 2015, the Faithful or “Amir al-Mu’mineen,” a status Imam Training Center has received hundreds held by the Moroccan king, who claims of imams from Europe and Africa to study descent from the Prophet Mohammad. The Moroccan Islam; in 2016, in response to figure of the Commander of the Faithful is ISIS atrocities against Yazidis, the king of unique to Morocco; no other contemporary 2 Morocco gathered esteemed Muslim leaders Muslim head of state holds a similar title. to release The Marrakesh Declaration on Morocco’s efforts to counteract the rights that Islam guarantees to non- extremist forms of Islam, and military Muslims. Such initiatives have contributed partnership with the U.S. and EU, have to Morocco’s international reputation as a cemented the kingdom’s reputation as a bastion of religious tolerance under state key ally in combatting terrorism. Yet while stewardship of religion. Mohammed VI’s role as a religious figure But to what extent do Moroccans view is frequently noted in media coverage, such state leadership in religion favorably, few studies have sought to evaluate or see head of state King Mohammed VI as whether Moroccan citizens trust their king To what extent do 3 a source of religious authority? According as an authority on religious matters. -
JAPAN: Suga's Cabinet Offers Bland Continuity but Honeymoon Is Still Likely
Asia | September 16, 2020 JAPAN: Suga’s cabinet offers bland continuity but honeymoon is still likely ● Yoshihide Suga was officially selected as Japan’s prime minister by the Diet on Wednesday, 16 September. ● Suga’s cabinet retains ten members from its predecessor, but the new members contain few politicians who will raise excitement about the government. ● The new government will still enjoy healthy approval ratings, which could tempt Suga to call a snap election. In his first press conference Wednesday, Suga stressed that combating the Covid-19 pandemic and helping the economy recover its consequences after a historic contraction will be his top priorities, signaling that he wants an orderly transition from the Abe administration. However, while Suga will likely enjoy a honeymoon period at the outset of his government, he faces a challenging policy environment and the new cabinet lineup, announced on Wednesday, could contain some potential liabilities. The most notable feature of the new cabinet is personnel continuity. Half of the cabinet – ten of 20 ministers – are holdovers from the Abe cabinet, with new Chief Cabinet Secretary Katsunobu Kato and new Administrative Reform Minister Taro Kono moving over from the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare (MHLW) and Ministry of Defense (MOD) respectively. Other notable holdovers included Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi, Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Taro Aso, Economy, Trade, and Industry Minister Hiroshi Kajiyama, Economic Revitalization Minister Yasutoshi Nishimura, and Environment Minister Shinjiro Koizumi. In other words, the top-tier posts – and the posts most relevant for managing the most urgent issues he faces – were mostly left unchanged. -
The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA).