Senator Arlen Specter

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Senator Arlen Specter Senator Arlen Specter Prepared Remarks Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information Federal Services and International Security April 24, 2008 “If you want to make peace, you don’t talk to your friends. You talk to your enemies.” - Moshe Dayan Chairman Carper, Senator Coleman, members of the Committee, thank you for inviting me to make remarks before you today on U.S. policy toward Iran. I am very pleased to be joined by my distinguished colleague from California, Senator Feinstein. The world is anxiously watching the US and Iran as so many of the issues confronting the international community and our citizenries are currently held captive by our inability to work together to resolve them. Terrorism, military nuclear capabilities, energy, Iraq, and the Israeli-Palestinian dilemma are all major issues confronting the US and the world. All of these challenges are intrinsically linked with Iran and none can be sufficiently addressed or resolved without an appreciation for Iran’s role in each. This realization was confirmed by the Washington Post’s Michael Hirsh on July 1, 2007, following his discussion with Mohsen Rezai, Secretary of Iran’s Expediency Council and the former commander of the Revolutionary Guards. Hirsh stated that Rezai, “pointed out that his is the only country [Iran] that can help Washington control Shiite militias in Iraq, slow the Taliban resurgence in Afghanistan and tame Hezbollah’s still-dangerous presence in Lebanon all at once. ‘If America pursues a different approach than confronting Iran, our dealings will change fundamentally.’” I believe that these challenges may have a better opportunity of being resolved with a rapprochement between the United States and Iran. Three decades of silence, broken only by a few whispers, which has categorized US-Iranian relations has not benefited either of our nations. I am hopeful that the recent participation by both the US and Iran in international discussions to address stability and security in Iraq represents a positive step towards a thawing in the tensions between our countries. However, the United States should be willing to negotiate directly with Iran. Success in diffusing the threat Iran poses will require multilateral assistance from other world powers, but our willingness to treat countries like Iran with respect could go a long way in disarming those nations militarily and diplomatically. Undertaking this venture will not be easy, but in the words of Ambassador L. Bruce Laingen, the senior US official held hostage in Tehran for 444 days, “Diplomats should talk, even with our foes. That’s what we do. It doesn’t make sense for us not to talk to the Iranians. I’m not saying that I would confidently predict a breakthrough, but there must be some sort of dialogue.” My Senate assignments on the Intelligence Committee and Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign Operations have provided me the opportunity to meet with Syrian President Hafiz al-Asad, Palestinian Chairman Yasser Arafat, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, Cuban President Fidel Castro, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, and others. 2 Those meeting have shown me that people are people, even at the highest levels of government. They are interested in a candid dialogue. They accept differences and disagreements as long as the tone is courteous. Regrettably, the worldwide “ugly Americans” reputation is encouraged, in my opinion, by our unwillingness to at least meet and talk one on one without preconditions. Sun-Tzu’s advice to “keep your friends close and your enemies closer” is a good admonition to keep in mind as we approach our relationships in the world. Admittedly, it is difficult to accord respect and dignity to countries such as Iran, whom we have branded as part of the “axis of evil.” It is important to note, however, that President Ronald Reagan did just that when he invited Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev to a dialogue weeks after labeling the Soviet Union the “Evil Empire.” During the Cold War, there was no greater threat to the US and our interests abroad than the Soviet Union. Today, in the words of Secretary Rice, “Iran constitutes the single most important, single-country challenge to... US interests in the Middle East and to the kind of Middle East that we want to see." In his November 21, 1985 address before Congress following the US-Soviet Geneva Summit, President Reagan highlighted the importance of dialogue with the then-greatest threat to the US: "As you can see, our talks were wide ranging. And let me at this point tell you what we agreed upon and what we didn't. We remain far apart on a number of issues, as had to be expected. However, we reached agreement on a number of matters, and as I mentioned, we agreed to continue meeting, and this is important and very good. There's always room for movement, action, and progress when people are talking to each other instead of about each other." 3 This Administration has labeled Iran as part of the “axis of evil.” History has shown it is possible to engage in tough dialogue and, at the same time, work toward negotiations, no matter how difficult the adversary may be. Perhaps irrelevant, my first assignment as assistant district attorney in Philadelphia was interviewing inmates for commutation of sentences to life imprisonment from death in the electric chair for first degree murder. That experience taught me that you can have a meaningful dialogue with anyone. There is no doubt that Iran has been trying to flex its muscles since 1979 when the shah was deposed. Iran is a proud nation with a rich history. In asserting its right not to be restrained in developing nuclear technology, Iran seeks to be a world power, and its leaders think that status and respect can be achieved by becoming a nuclear power. A good starting point for US-Iran relations would be to treat them as equals for the purpose of negotiations. It does not give them the same status as being a nuclear power, but it could be a good step forward if mighty America would treat them with respect while negotiating. My Efforts To Engage Iran I have tried to visit Iran since the Iran-Iraq War ended in 1988. I have not yet succeeded. In lieu of traveling to Tehran, I have made several efforts to reach out to Iranians in hopes of fostering dialogue. I was the only member of Congress to attend the address by former President Khomeini at the National Cathedral. For many years, I have traveled to New York City in an effort to reach out to Iranians such as the former ambassadors to the United Nations in New York, Seyed Mohammed Hadi 4 Nejad Hosseinian, Mohammad Javad Zarif, and Mohammad Khazaee in an effort to foster an exchange of visits by members of Congress to Iran and Iranian parliamentarians to the United States to try to open dialogue between our two countries. I thought my efforts finally came to fruition in January 2004 when plans were made for US members of Congress to meet with Iranian parliamentarians in Geneva. Unfortunately, Tehran later rescinded the invitation, declaring it was “not on their agenda.” On May 3, 2007, I spearheaded an effort, with support from Senators Biden, Hagel and Dodd and Representatives Lantos, English, Moran, Gilchrest and Meeks, to establish a parliamentary exchange with Iran. I believe that by opening and maintaining an active dialogue at the Parliamentary level we will preserve the potential to foster understanding and solutions. On May 15, 2007, the Associated Press reported that “Iranian deputies were gathering signatures to try and form an Iranian-US friendship committee in parliament.” According to the AP, Darioush Ghanbari, one of the ten members who has reportedly signed the document, said Iranian parliamentarians were seeking to reduce tensions with American and that “In the absence of formal diplomatic relations, we seek to establish a parliamentary relationship with the US Congress and fill the existing gap of contacts between the two nations.” The AP quoted Ghanbari as saying, “This is our positive response to calls by members of the US Congress to establish contacts with Iranian parliamentarians.” Last fall I called Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei, Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to discuss Iran’s nuclear activities and solicit his views on an exchange of 5 parliamentarians. Following our conversation, he extended an invitation to me to visit him in Vienna to discuss further the issues surrounding Iran's nuclear ambitions. On January 8, 2008, I met with the Director General in Vienna. He suggested that direct U.S.- Iranian negotiations should begin immediately to resolve the impasse. The U.S. and international community need to understand what the nuclear issue means to Iran with respect to its position in the region and the world, that there needs to be an understanding of the repercussions and that it must be done in a manner that allows all sides to save face. We discussed Secretary Rice's precondition that the U.S. would only meet with Iran if they halt enrichment. He said there must be middle ground to bring the parties together on this issue. He emphasized that sanctions alone won't resolve the situation and only makes people more hawkish. On numerous occasions, both on and off the record, I have urged Secretary Rice to undertake bilateral negotiations with Iran. The Administration has indicated they will talk with Iran provided they suspend enrichment activities. On April 9, 2008, I told Secretary Rice, “Frankly, I think it's insulting to go to another person or another country and say, ‘We're not going to talk to you unless you agree to something in advance.’ What we want Iran to do is to stop enriching uranium.
Recommended publications
  • The Civilian Impact of Drone Strikes
    THE CIVILIAN IMPACT OF DRONES: UNEXAMINED COSTS, UNANSWERED QUESTIONS Acknowledgements This report is the product of a collaboration between the Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School and the Center for Civilians in Conflict. At the Columbia Human Rights Clinic, research and authorship includes: Naureen Shah, Acting Director of the Human Rights Clinic and Associate Director of the Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School, Rashmi Chopra, J.D. ‘13, Janine Morna, J.D. ‘12, Chantal Grut, L.L.M. ‘12, Emily Howie, L.L.M. ‘12, Daniel Mule, J.D. ‘13, Zoe Hutchinson, L.L.M. ‘12, Max Abbott, J.D. ‘12. Sarah Holewinski, Executive Director of Center for Civilians in Conflict, led staff from the Center in conceptualization of the report, and additional research and writing, including with Golzar Kheiltash, Erin Osterhaus and Lara Berlin. The report was designed by Marla Keenan of Center for Civilians in Conflict. Liz Lucas of Center for Civilians in Conflict led media outreach with Greta Moseson, pro- gram coordinator at the Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School. The Columbia Human Rights Clinic and the Columbia Human Rights Institute are grateful to the Open Society Foundations and Bullitt Foundation for their financial support of the Institute’s Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, and to Columbia Law School for its ongoing support. Copyright © 2012 Center for Civilians in Conflict (formerly CIVIC) and Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. Copies of this report are available for download at: www.civiliansinconflict.org Cover: Shakeel Khan lost his home and members of his family to a drone missile in 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Timeline of Iran's Foreign Relations Semira N
    Timeline of Iran's Foreign Relations Semira N. Nikou 1979 Feb. 12 – Syria was the first Arab country to recognize the revolutionary regime when President Hafez al Assad sent a telegram of congratulations to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The revolution transformed relations between Iran and Syria, which had often been hostile under the shah. Feb. 14 – Students stormed the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, but were evicted by the deputy foreign minister and Iranian security forces. Feb. 18 – Iran cut diplomatic relations with Israel. Oct. 22 – The shah entered the United States for medical treatment. Iran demanded the shah’s return to Tehran. Nov. 4 – Students belonging to the Students Following the Imam’s Line seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. The hostage crisis lasted 444 days. On Nov. 12, Washington cut off oil imports from Iran. On Nov. 14, President Carter issued Executive Order 12170 ordering a freeze on an estimated $6 billion of Iranian assets and official bank deposits in the United States. March – Iran severed formal diplomatic ties with Egypt after it signed a peace deal with Israel. Three decades later, Egypt was still the only Arab country that did not have an embassy in Tehran. 1980 April 7 – The United States cut off diplomatic relations with Iran. April 25 – The United States attempted a rescue mission of the American hostages during Operation Eagle Claw. The mission failed due to a sandstorm and eight American servicemen were killed. Ayatollah Khomeini credited the failure to divine intervention. Sept. 22 – Iraq invaded Iran in a dispute over the Shatt al-Arab waterway.
    [Show full text]
  • The Abu Ghraib Convictions: a Miscarriage of Justice
    Buffalo Public Interest Law Journal Volume 32 Article 4 9-1-2013 The Abu Ghraib Convictions: A Miscarriage of Justice Robert Bejesky Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bpilj Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Robert Bejesky, The Abu Ghraib Convictions: A Miscarriage of Justice, 32 Buff. Envtl. L.J. 103 (2013). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bpilj/vol32/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Public Interest Law Journal by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ABU GHRAIB CONVICTIONS: A MISCARRIAGE OF JUSTICE ROBERT BEJESKYt I. INTRODUCTION ..................... ..... 104 II. IRAQI DETENTIONS ...............................107 A. Dragnet Detentions During the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq.........................107 B. Legal Authority to Detain .............. ..... 111 C. The Abuse at Abu Ghraib .................... 116 D. Chain of Command at Abu Ghraib ..... ........ 119 III. BASIS FOR CRIMINAL CULPABILITY ..... ..... 138 A. Chain of Command ....................... 138 B. Systemic Influences ....................... 140 C. Reduced Rights of Military Personnel and Obedience to Authority ................ ..... 143 D. Interrogator Directives ................ ....
    [Show full text]
  • Spy Culture and the Making of the Modern Intelligence Agency: from Richard Hannay to James Bond to Drone Warfare By
    Spy Culture and the Making of the Modern Intelligence Agency: From Richard Hannay to James Bond to Drone Warfare by Matthew A. Bellamy A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (English Language and Literature) in the University of Michigan 2018 Dissertation Committee: Associate Professor Susan Najita, Chair Professor Daniel Hack Professor Mika Lavaque-Manty Associate Professor Andrea Zemgulys Matthew A. Bellamy [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0001-6914-8116 © Matthew A. Bellamy 2018 DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to all my students, from those in Jacksonville, Florida to those in Port-au-Prince, Haiti and Ann Arbor, Michigan. It is also dedicated to the friends and mentors who have been with me over the seven years of my graduate career. Especially to Charity and Charisse. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication ii List of Figures v Abstract vi Chapter 1 Introduction: Espionage as the Loss of Agency 1 Methodology; or, Why Study Spy Fiction? 3 A Brief Overview of the Entwined Histories of Espionage as a Practice and Espionage as a Cultural Product 20 Chapter Outline: Chapters 2 and 3 31 Chapter Outline: Chapters 4, 5 and 6 40 Chapter 2 The Spy Agency as a Discursive Formation, Part 1: Conspiracy, Bureaucracy and the Espionage Mindset 52 The SPECTRE of the Many-Headed HYDRA: Conspiracy and the Public’s Experience of Spy Agencies 64 Writing in the Machine: Bureaucracy and Espionage 86 Chapter 3: The Spy Agency as a Discursive Formation, Part 2: Cruelty and Technophilia
    [Show full text]
  • The State of the Empire Under the Biden Administration
    The State of the Empire under the Biden Administration This transcript may not be 100% accurate due to audio quality or other factors. Taylor Hudak (TH): Hi everyone and welcome back to another episode of The Source, I'm your host Taylor Hudak. Today we will be speaking about the U.S. empire with a guest who is a former insider and has a deep understanding of the U.S. military industrial complex. Our guest is a retired colonel who served in the U.S. Army for more than 30 years, and during his time with the army, he was with the faculty of the U.S. Naval War College from 1987 to 1989. He served as a special assistant to General Colin Powell when he was the chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff from 1989 to 1993. He also served as the deputy director of the U.S. Marine Corps College at Quantico from 93 to 97. And lastly, he served as Deputy Chief of Staff to then Secretary of State Colin Powell from 2002 to 2005. And now he is a Distinguished Professor of Government and Policy at William and Mary College. I'm happy to reintroduce you all to our guest for today, Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson. Colonel, thank you for coming on. Lawrence Wilkerson (LW): Thank you for having me. TH: Absolutely. So I do want to get started with the foreign policy of this new administration, Antony Blinken, and he is our new Secretary of State. He just delivered a speech and there were a few phrases in his speech that really stood out to me.
    [Show full text]
  • Shapiro, Resisting Domination Across Borders
    Ian Shapiro, Politics Against Domination © Harvard University Press Chapter Six Resisting Domination Across Borders With world government off the table, how should we think about the place of national boundaries in resisting domination? The challenges are legion. Aggressive leaders unleash attacks to seize territory or subjugate populations, as Napoleon and Hitler sought to do in much of Europe, Saddam Hussein tried in Kuwait, and some believe Vladimir Putin hopes to do with nations comprising the former USSR. Secessionist movements push to dismember states. This can be straightforward and benign, as with Czechs and Slovaks, Scottish nationalists, and the Canadian Québécois. But separatists can harbor more unsettling plans. Catholics in Northern Ireland want to leave the United Kingdom, but they also want to reunite with the Irish Republic. Kurds in Iran, Iraq, and Turkey want to carve a Kurdish state out of those countries. Such aspirations inevitably conflict with other visions of national identity embraced by defenders of the status quo. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a paradigm, if chronic, illustration. There are many more peoples than nations, not to mention conflicting understandings of the aspirations of the same peoples. In much of the Middle East today, Sunnis and Shiites battle among themselves and with one another over whose account will prevail, just as Catholics and Protestants frequently did in seventeenth century Europe. The nation state system – any nation state system – is bound to collide with these realities. Sometimes, but only sometimes, people seek national boundary changes democratically. Scottish nationalists tried that unsuccessfully in 2014, but it can succeed. Czechs and Slovaks separated democratically in 1992.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran March 2009
    COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT IRAN 17 MARCH 2009 UK Border Agency COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION SERVICE IRAN 17 MARCH 2009 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN IRAN, FROM 2 FEBRUARY 2009 TO 16 MARCH 2009 REPORTS ON IRAN PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 2 FEBRUARY 2009 TO 16 MARCH 2009 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ......................................................................................... 1.01 Maps .............................................................................................. 1.03 Iran............................................................................................. 1.03 Tehran ....................................................................................... 1.04 2. ECONOMY ............................................................................................ 2.01 Sanctions ...................................................................................... 2.13 3. HISTORY ............................................................................................... 3.01 Calendar ........................................................................................ 3.02 Pre 1979......................................................................................... 3.03 1979 to 1999 .................................................................................. 3.05 2000 to date................................................................................... 3.16 Student unrest .............................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Anatomy of a National Security Fiasco: the George W. Bush Administration, Iraq, and Groupthink Phillip G
    Anatomy of a National Security Fiasco: The George W. Bush Administration, Iraq, and Groupthink Phillip G. Henderson The Catholic University of America These were people who were selectively picking and then emphasizing pieces of intelligence, I believe, in order to support their larger purpose, which was to bring in a way that they thought possible, to bring democracy to Iraq, and through Iraq to transform the Middle East. I thought that was far-fetched. I didn’t think it was going to happen, but that was their real purpose. They thought that this was going to be a transforming event in history. My frustration is that there was never a national security decision- making process in the administration where people such as me really had a chance to take that on. Richard Haass, Director of Policy Planning at the State Department 2001-2003, Interview with Chris Matthews on “Hardball,” May 6, 2009 In February 2002, one year before the U.S. military intervention in Iraq began, neoconservative writer Ken Adelman predicted that demolishing Saddam Hussein’s regime and liberating Iraq would be a “cakewalk.”1 At a town hall meeting at the Ameri- PHILLIP G. HENDERSON is Associate Professor of Politics at The Catholic University of America. Work on this article was supported by a research grant from the Center for the Study of Statesmanship. 1 Ken Adelman, “Cakewalk in Iraq,” The Washington Post, 13 February 2002, A27. 46 • Volume XXXI, Nos. 1 and 2, 2018 Phillip G. Henderson can air base in Aviano, Italy, on February 7, 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld added that, if force were to be used in Iraq, the war “could last six days, six weeks.
    [Show full text]
  • [email protected]
    P.O. Box 1028 | New York, NY 10185-1028 | (212) 554-3296 September 12, 2013 Paul Wong General Manager ONE UN New York One United Nations Plaza New York, New York, 10017 Wong Hong Ren CEO Millennium & Copthorne Hotels Scarsdale Place Kensington London, England W8 5SR Re: Hosting Iranian President Hassan Rouhani in NYC Dear Messrs. Wong and Wong: On behalf of United Against Nuclear Iran (“UANI”) I am writing to express our concern about the decision of ONE UN New York (formerly known as the Millennium UN Plaza Hotel, of Millennium & Copthorne Hotels) to host Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and the Iranian regime delegation during this month’s annual meeting of the United Nations General Assembly (“UNGA”). The reasons for our concern are as follows. Certainly the ONE UN is aware that President Rouhani is the public face of a brutal regime that is a sworn enemy of the United States, and which is under strict sanctions by the U.S. government and the international community. As stated in our previous letter to you of August 19, 2013, we believe that no venue or entity in the United States should be doing business with the Iranian regime and its delegation, until the regime has seriously and verifiably altered its dangerous and threatening behavior. Notwithstanding the optimism in some circles about the prospects for change under President Rouhani, his track record and clear commitment to advancing the interests of the regime, including its nuclear program, raise doubt about the prospect for significant and lasting change in the regime’s policies absent continued economic and diplomatic pressure from the international community and private businesses.
    [Show full text]
  • Berkeley City Council Agenda Committee Special Meeting
    BERKELEY CITY COUNCIL AGENDA COMMITTEE SPECIAL MEETING BERKELEY CITY COUNCIL SPECIAL MEETING MONDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2011 2:30 P.M. 6th Floor Conference Room, 2180 Milvia Street Committee Members: Mayor Bates, Councilmembers Linda Maio and Gordon Wozniak (Alternate: Councilmember Anderson) AGENDA 1. Roll Call 2. Public Comment 3. Approval of Minutes: January 31, 2011 4. Review and Action of draft agenda for February 15, 2011 a. 2/15/11 – 5:30 p.m. Special City Council Meeting b. 2/15/11 – 7:00 p.m. Regular City Council Meeting 5. Upcoming Council Items: a. Proposed Upcoming Council Workshops 6. Land Use Calendar – accept and file 7. Adjournment – next meeting Monday, February 28, 2011 Monday, February 7, 2011 AGENDA Page 1 Additional items may be added to the draft agenda per Council Rules of Procedure. Rules of Procedure Resolution No. 64,235-N.S., Article III, C3c - Agenda - Submission of Time Critical Items Time Critical Items. A Time Critical item is defined as a matter that is considered urgent by the sponsor and that has a deadline for action that is prior to the next meeting of the Council and for which a report prepared by the City Manager, Auditor, Mayor or council member is received by the City Clerk after established deadlines and is not included on the Agenda Committee’s published agenda. The City Clerk shall bring any reports submitted as Time Critical to the meeting of the Agenda Committee. If the Agenda Committee finds the matter to meet the definition of Time Critical, the Agenda Committee may place the matter on the Agenda on either the Consent or Action Calendar.
    [Show full text]
  • Aida Ussayran - Deputy Minister, Iraq Human Rights Ministry Col
    Presents NO END IN SIGHT Written, Directed and Produced by Charles Ferguson Winner Special Documentary Jury Prize 2007 Sundance Film Festival (102 mins, USA, 2007) Distribution Publicity Bonne Smith 1028 Queen Street West Star PR Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M6J 1H6 Tel: 416-488-4436 Tel: 416-516-9775 Fax: 416-516-0651 Fax: 416-488-8438 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] www.mongrelmedia.com High res stills may be downloaded from http://www.mongrelmedia.com/press.html SYNOPSIS The first film of its kind to chronicle the reasons behind Iraq’s descent into guerilla war, warlord rule, criminality and anarchy, NO END IN SIGHT is a jaw-dropping, insider’s tale of wholesale incompetence, recklessness and venality. Based on over 200 hours of footage, the film provides a candid retelling of the events following the fall of Baghdad in 2003 by high ranking officials such as former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, Ambassador Barbara Bodine (in charge of Baghdad during the Spring of 2003), Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, former Chief of Staff to Colin Powell, and General Jay Garner (in charge of the occupation of Iraq through May 2003), as well as Iraqi civilians, American soldiers and prominent analysts. NO END IN SIGHT examines the manner in which the principal errors of U.S. policy – the use of insufficient troop levels, allowing the looting of Baghdad, the purging of professionals from the Iraqi government and the disbanding of the Iraqi military – largely created the insurgency and chaos that engulf Iraq today. How did a group of men with little or no military experience, knowledge of the Arab world or personal experience in Iraq come to make such flagrantly debilitating decisions? NO END IN SIGHT dissects the people, issues and facts behind the Bush administration’s decisions and their consequences on the ground to provide a powerful look into how arrogance and ignorance turned a military victory into a seemingly endless and deepening nightmare of a war.
    [Show full text]
  • Corrected Version Aysegul Keskin Zeren
    IRAQ’S DE-BA`THIFICATION: RATIONALES AND IMPLEMENTATION OF A CONTESTED TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE MECHANISM A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Aysegul Keskin Zeren January 2014 Dissertation written by Aysegul Keskin Zeren B.A., Istanbul Bilgi University, 2005 M.A., Sabanci University, 2007 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2014 Approved by Patrick G. Coy, Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Landon E. Hancock, Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Andrew Barnes, Committee Member Pete W. Moore, Outside Committee Member C. Lockwood Reynolds, Graduate Faculty Member Accepted by Andrew Barnes, Chair, Department of Political Science Raymond Craig, Associate Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ............................................................................................................... VIII ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................................................................................. IX CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 12 1.1 Research Question and Argument ........................................................................... 12 1.2 Transitional Justice .................................................................................................. 17 1.3 The Case: De-Ba`thification .................................................................................... 22 1.4 Structure of the Dissertation
    [Show full text]