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Home , Francis Masson, Gilbert Blane, HMS Endeavour, Tobias Furneaux

[From Schenckius: Observationum Medicarum, Francofurti, 1609.] ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY New Seri es , Volu me V Nov embe r , 1933 Numb er 6 WILLIAM ANDERSON, 1748-1778 SURGEON, By J. J. KEEVIL, M.B., SURG. LIEUT., R.N.

LONDON,

years previously had stepped into HE true measure of Richmond Blamire’s shop at the cor- William Anderson is ner of Craven Street, Strand, and realized when it is re- bought three note books, had left membered that he lived nine hundred pages of manuscript,7 only about thirty years which, apart from his other writings, and that all his contri- were to make his name remembered. butions to knowledge were made in the In these vellum-backed volumes he last eight years of his life. His achieve- recorded with great care the daily ments have not been adequately progress of Cook’s last voyage as it recognized. appeared to a man of wide learning The Gun-room port closed, H.M. Sloop Resolution continued her slow and interests who was impelled by a passage to the North after her first consuming thirst for knowledge. funeral at sea, the purser made his William Anderson was born in laconic entry in the pay book “Dis- about 1748,20 the year James charged Dead,” and, in the evening, Lind retired from service afloat. Of Captain Cook in the solitude of the his early life nothing is known. His Great Cabin wrote up his journal. youth covers a period of wars and “Tuesday, the 4th. of August, 1778 upheavals; by the time he was eight . . . soon after he had breathed his years old the Seven Years War had last, land was seen to the Westward; broken out, India was in a ferment, and to perpetuate the memory of the and the news of the Black Hole atroc- deceased, for whom I had a very great ities had reached England. The loss of regard, I named it Anderson’s Island. Minorca, the shooting of Admiral ...” (Appendix 1) Byng, and the successes of Boscawen William Anderson’s brief career had followed. Before the Peace of Paris ended. But the young man, who two the activities of the Navy were re- peatedly before the public. When William Anderson’s name first ap- Anderson was twenty-three interest pears in the public records in the in travel and had been Muster and Pay Books of H. M. Sloop stimulated by the return of Resolution as Surgeon’s first Mate on from the first of his three the 3rd of December, 1771. He entered great voyages. Meanwhile there had by Warrant from the Navy Board. been an awakening interest in naval The ship in which Anderson began his medicine. The disastrous inroads of naval career was a surveying sloop of scurvy during Lord Anson’s voyage of 462 tons under the command of 1740 had prompted Lind to write his Lieutenant James Cook; James Patten famous Treatise in 1754, while his was the surgeon. Of the remaining book on tropical medicine appeared seven years of his life six were spent in 1768. Stephen Hales had published almost continuously afloat under con- his pioneer work on naval hygiene in ditions of great hardship and priva- 1743, “Description of Ventilation,” tion. This was the ship of which which was followed in 1745 by Samuel Lieutenant wrote to Sutton’s book on the same subject. Sir Joseph Banks21 as “ ... by far Like other young Scottish doctors at the most unsafe ship I ever saw or that time Anderson may have become heard of ... a ship which a pilot interested in travel by starting life will not undertake to carry down the as surgeon to the Fisheries river,” while Banks stated that she Company or in some ship engaged in had a “ . . . low and small cabin and the slave trade. A knowledge he was remarkably low between decks. ”21 showed of the ancient Mexican lan- The Resolution had as her consort on guage and of diseases in the West this voyage the Adventure, a sloop of Indies supports the latter suggestion. 336 tons, Captain , His marked botanical inclinations sug- Surgeon Thomas Andrews. The Resolu- gest that he may at some time have tion sailed from Deptford on April 9, been a student at the Botanic Gardens 1772, but contrary winds prevented in Edinburgh. This is made the more her from leaving English shores until probable by a note he made later when the thirteenth of July. The voyage was he named a new genus, “I called it undertaken for purposes of surveying Ramsaia in honour of Dr. Ramsay, and for collecting material of general Professor of Natural History in the scientific interest. Calling first at .”9 Unfor- Ascension they sailed thence to the tunately the records of the Royal . They next College of Physicians and the Incor- followed a route along the edge of poration of Surgeons of Edinburgh, of the ice, creeping through ice the University and of the Faculty of fields hidden by sleet, or moving slowly Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow, with half frozen crews through fog show no evidence of his medical banks, till they reached latitude 710 studentship or apprenticeship. Simi- South. Water was scarce and the ships’ larly no information about him can provisions were beginning to deterio- be found in the defective nineteenth rate. After 117 days out of sight of century transcript, “The Surgeon’s land they reached and Servitude Record,” at the Public in the following summer visited the Record Office.23 Society and Friendly Islands. A con- siderable outbreak of scurvy threat- England they were both sick men, and ened, but was averted. There had Clerke died a year after Anderson at already been 20 cases in the Adventure the age of thirty-eight.13 with one death, though there were Another of Anderson’s companions none in the Resolution. Cook had in the Resolution in 1772 was George prevented any serious menace to his Vancouver (1757-1798), rated an a .b . ship’s company of 118 men by sup- and aged fifteen. He was a midship- plementing their food with cabbage, man under Captain Clerke in the sweetwort, sauerkraut, marmalade of Discovery. Vancouver too was destined carrot, “which the surgeon found use- to develop phthisis after his great ful in several cases,”11 malt, mustard, voyage of 1791-1795 and died of it at and portable broth, as well as rob of the age of forty-one.15 Perhaps the lemons and oranges ... a measure most important association which An- which was to bring him the Copley derson formed during the voyage of Medal of the Royal Society. On his 1772-1775 was that with the two voyage of 1768-1771 in the Endeavour enthusiastic naturalists, Johann Rein- Cook had lost thirty men, including Forster and his son Johann the surgeon, Monkhouse, out of a George Adam Forster, the latter at ship’s company of eighty-five; these that time little more than a boy. deaths are said, however, to have been They probably taught Anderson much due chiefly to malaria contracted at during the three years and when he Batavia.21 After his second voyage he next went to sea he armed himself was able to write,11 “Tbe Resolution with their recently published “Char- performed a voyage of three years and acteres Generum Plantarum” (fol. eighteen days, through all climates 1775) describing the Australian flora. from 520 North to 710 South, with the There is, however, no reference to the loss of one man only by disease, and Surgeon’s first Mate in their “Observa- who died of a complicated and linger- tions made during the Voyage . . . ” ing illness, without any mixture of (1778). When Anderson landed once scurvy” (Appendix 5). In the course more at Woolwich he was twenty- of the next two years of surveying seven years old. He had been round the and collecting in Polynesia a second world on a voyage which in length voyage to the Antarctic was made. covered three times the earth’s cir- Then, having visited the Marquesas, cumference. James Cook had noticed New Hebrides, New Caledonia, and his ability and begun a friendship, Pitcairn Island, the Resolution rounded which caused him to take Anderson the Horn and reached England on with him as Surgeon of the Resolution July 29, 1775.12 One of Anderson’s on his next voyage, and to refuse the shipmates on this voyage, Lieutenant services of a professional botanist.14 Charles Clerke, was again associated Cook wrote,13 “Mr. Anderson, my with him; on Cook’s next voyage he Surgeon, who, to skill in his immediate became Commanding Officer of H.M.S. profession, added great proficiency Discovery, which sailed as consort to in natural history, was as willing as he the Resolution in 1776. Like Anderson was well qualified, to describe every- he must have developed the seeds of thing in that branch of science which tuberculosis during the voyage of should occur worthy of notice.” An- 1772-1775, for when they next left derson had already begun his studies in ethnography and geology, meteor- 10, 1776. The Resolution and the Dis- ology and anthropology. Daniel So- covery commissioned at Deptford, the Iander, the naturalist of Cook’s first former with a complement of one voyage, wrote to Sir hundred and twelve men. They were after visiting the ships at Woolwich on unusually happy ships. Of the Discov- August 13, 1775, that “Mr. Anderson, ery, James King, who succeeded to the one of the Surgeon’s mates, has made a command on Clerke’s death, wrote, “It good botanical collection. ”22 Anderson is doing bare justice to the seamen of had also written “Characteres breves this ship to declare, that they were the Avium,” a description in Latin of most obedient, and the best disposed birds seen during the voyage.2 Of men I ever knew, though almost all of the expedition Cook wrote13 that them were very young and had never Anderson had “been of singular service, before served in a ship of war.”18 by enabling me to enrich my relation In the Resolution there were many of that voyage with various useful incidents which testify to the same remarks on men and things,” and he spirit. published with his account of it12 Two Surgeon’s Mates were ap- vocabularies of the South Sea Islands pointed under Anderson. The first supplied by the Surgeon’s Mate. mate, who was later (1778) to succeed Anderson was paid off from the Surgeon John Law (Appendix 9) in Resolution on August 25, 1775. From the Discovery, was , or October 11, 1775, to December 9, Samuel (Appendix 8). His journal20 1775, he served as Surgeon in H.M.S. has been of value in supplying some Milford.19 He joined the Resolution as new facts about Anderson. Surgeon on February 15, 1776; this The two ships left England on was not the Resolution of the former Cook’s last voyage on July 12, 1776, voyage, but a built at their purpose being to find whether a year and a half previously.1 She the North-West Passage existed. Their was as unseaworthy, however, and orders were to cruise first in the South- Cook wrote that “If I return in the ern Pacific, to annex new discoveries, Resolution, the next trip I may venture to plant the seeds with which they in a ship built of gingerbread.”21 were supplied, and to distribute the Cook had in the interval been pro- animals they carried on board among moted to Captain (1775) an<^ the islanders. Trading relations were command of Hospital, to be established. The expedition was where he would have had oppor- to include so much besides hydrog- tunities to obtain the services of other raphy that Anderson had ample surgeons for his next expedition had scope and considerable responsibility. he wished. It was about this time Events show that he justified Cook’s that Gilbert Blane arrived in choice, and contributed more than has to compete for a fashionable practice been recognized to the value of the under the patronage of Lord Holder- reports which were brought back to nesse. That other great figure in naval England. Anderson was at this time medicine, Thomas Trotter, did not join in a precarious state of health18 and the service for another two years. was risking much in venturing on a Cook hoisted his pennant in the voyage fraught with hardship, in a Resolution in the Thames on February vessel of 460 tons, in which the food supply would be a matter of con- an active part and George hi took a tinual concern (Cook himself re- personal interest in the publication. marked later that what they ate Cook in his journals was liberal in his was “sometimes exceedingly nause- praise of Anderson: “Mr. Anderson, ous”) and in which he would pass my Surgeon, who to skill in his im- through extreme climatic changes. mediate profession, added great pro- He had, however, few ties in England; ficiency in natural history,”13 and in his will8 made during the voyage, he similar entries are of frequent occur- only mentions an uncle, William Mel- rence. When the surgeon died and he vill, living at North Berwick, Mains, was left to pursue his observations on Haddingtonshire, and his sisters, Betty ethnography and philology alone, he and Rabinah. wrote with regret: “After Mr. Ander- The account of this expedition was son’s death, we had few who took published in three volumes13,18 six much pains about such matters. ”13 years after Cook’s death. The first The equipment which Anderson two volumes are formed from his took with him for this expedition is log books and journals, but very only occasionally referred to in the extensive use was made of Anderson’s published account but can be recon- manuscripts, which contributed entire structed from other books. He had chapters and all the details of matters reagents, a blowpipe, and a micro- other than hydrography. In the Edi- scope for examining geological speci- torial Preface this is generously mens; spirits of wine and casks for acknowledged. preserving fish and other zoological This Volume is enriched with consider- material; and the somewhat inade- able communications from Mr. Anderson, quate supply of drugs allowed at that Surgeon of the Resolution. The confessed time—one man down with “fever” abilities, and great assiduity of Mr. consumed the entire stock of Peruvian Anderson in observing everything that bark for the voyage; fortunately there related either to natural history, or to were no other cases. In order to manners and language; and the desire obtain his specimens from the natives which, it is well known, Captain Cook, on the surgeon was allowed to draw on all occasions, shewed to have the assist- the ship’s supply of trading articles, ance of that gentleman, stamped a great beads, hatchets, pieces of iron. value on his collections. His library was chosen with great His journal, by the order of Lord care. On April 23, 1776, from the Sandwich, was put into the hands of Resolution at Deptford, Anderson had the Editors and the information made written to Sir John Pringle, who, as use of which it was “found to contain, President of the Royal Society, had about matters imperfectly touched on, asked him to describe an outbreak of or altogether omitted in Captain fish poisoning met with in the Resolu- Cook’s manuscripts.” Anderson left tion off the Island of Malicolo in the all his papers to Sir Joseph Banks,8 South Seas, July 23 to August 3, 1774-4 but his journals appear to have been Anderson was evidently in touch with impounded by the State and are now this learned club of which Banks was at the Public Record Office. Great such a brilliant member and subse- pains were taken in the production quently president, but it was probably of these three volumes. Banks played due to Solander’s letter that Anderson came under the notice of this remark- native races, ethnography and lan- able man. Bank’s interest with Lord guages; Pernetty’s “Voyage a la Nou- Sandwich was high; his overflowing velle Guinee”; Hasselquist’s “Iter purse and kindly patronage were Palaestinum” on fishes; Thomas Pen- extended to naval surgeons interested nant’s “Synopsis of Quadrupeds” in natural history; his guidance and (1771), ’s “A Jour- strong support made smooth the path nal of a Voyage to the South Seas of Surgeon Archibald Menzies, when in H.M.S. Endeavour”, on plants; he came into conflict with his captain, and the volumes of the Natural Vancouver;15 his munificence made System of Linnaeus. All these books possible the publication of Surgeon passed to David Samwell on Ander- William Houston’s “Reliquiae Hous- son’s death.20 toniae” (London, 1781), notes on a Throughout the voyage Anderson herbarium of rare plants from Mexico was continuously occupied. At sea and the ; his generosity is he wrote up his voluminous notes, in shown in his correspondence with the harbor he was the companion of unhappy and indigent William W. Cook on expeditions ashore, or took Ellis, Assistant Surgeon on Cook’s solitary walks in pursuit of matters of last voyage and author and illustrator interest for his projected book on the of a well-written account of the expedi- work of the expedition.7 Anderson’s tion, which was the first to be pub- intention of writing for publication lished.21 Anderson’s connection with is unfortunate in that it made him Banks is shown by a letter, written write from a curiously impersonal by him to his patron from the Cape of point of view. His writings supply no Good Hope, on November 24, 1776, a indication of his character, but his transcript of which is preserved in varied talents can best be appreciated the library of the Botanic Gardens at by following the account of the voyage Kew, and in his will: “I leave to as told in his journals and in the official Joseph Banks Esquire the Natural publication, and by passing in review Curiosities I have collected during this such other of his manuscripts as have voyage with some Manuscript Notes survived. In addition to his three relating to them.”8 He was probably volume journal he was keeping a one of the naturalists made welcome to volume of notes and a catalogue of the library and collections at 32, Soho the collections he was forming. This Square, where Banks extended hos- was classified in botanical and zoolog- pitality to scientists of all nations. ical sections under the titles “Genera In his paper on South Sea fishes Nova Plantarum,” together with Anderson states that he was able to “Zoologia nova seu Characteres & identify them through Banks’s draw- Historia Animalum.”3, 6 Minute de- ings. He was moving in this circle tails are given throughout in both just before he left England in 1776, Latin and English of the new species a factor which may have influenced he met with, and it testifies to his his choice of books to take to sea with sound knowledge that what he de- him. Among others there were three scribed as new was subsequently con- volumes of Dampier’s Voyages, and firmed as such. Dr. John Latham, Hawkesworth’s account of Cook’s first the distinguished nineteenth century voyage, giving details of the Australian physician and botanist, made use of some of Anderson’s descriptions when left of it, when examined by Sir drawing up his great Catalogue of Joseph Hooker in 1843, was found to Species. Anderson’s note book, which have been much injured by insects, has never been published, was divided many specimens being destroyed.9 up into its component parts in 1898; His manuscripts have suffered a sim- these are in the appropriate depart- ilar fate and some of the most valuable ments of the British Museum of ones have disappeared. When in 1779, Natural History. The specimens, of after three years of voyaging and which these books were but the index, two winters in the ice the Resolution must have occupied long hours of and Discovery, lying in the harbor of examination and preparation. St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamchatka, Anderson’s death and the subse- were found to have become so leaky quent events of the voyage made their that fears were entertained for the dispersal almost inevitable. Some are safe return of the expedition, it was said to have been left in Russia in the decided to dispatch the most valuable winter of 1779, as security for supplies records of the voyage home to Eng- received by the ships, and never land, and Cook’s papers with those of redeemed. These may be in Moscow, Anderson were sent under convoy of but some were brought home and were the Governor of Kamchatka to the sent to the collections of Sir Joseph British Ambassador at the court of the Banks and Sir Ashton Lever, the Empress Catherine. From St. Peters- latter of whom had a large museum burg they were eventually forwarded in Leicester Square. At the dispersal of to the Admiralty. The news of Cook’s the Leverian Museum some of the and Anderson’s death was then made contents were purchased by William public for the first time. These vicis- Bullock, to whom apparently Banks situdes together with the passage of also gave part of his collections, and a hundred and fifty years have left exhibited by him at the Egyptian little biographical material in the case Hall, Piccadilly. This museum was of the latter. Had Cook lived more sold in 1819. Most of the specimens might have been known. left the country and some may survive On the way to the Cape of Good in foreign collections, more especially Hope the ships called at Santa Cruz, that in Vienna. Some of Anderson’s Teneriffe, for three days. Anderson plants, his “hortus siccus,” were in- spent much of the time ashore and corporated in the Banks Herbarium, his notes supplied a chapter13 on the and appear there at the British Mu- state of the island, its scenery, geolog- seum of Natural History, mounted on ical formation, natural history, town the same whitish-brown paper as the planning, architecture, folk-lore, em- remainder of the collection, but with ployments and labor conditions, prod- Anderson’s labels in some cases. ucts and trade, and what could then Banks’s library and collections were be learnt of its primitive inhabitants, transferred to the British Museum the Guanches, who were almost ex- in 1827. There is also a specimen of tinct. The climate appealed to him as William Anderson’s in Robert Brown’s suitable for consumptives; he may herbarium, acquired by the British have recognized in himself the begin- Museum of Natural History in 1876. nings of his fatal illness. On the fourth Anderson’s herbarium, or what was of August they left Teneriffe. Six days later the Resolution was very pointed to the Discovery; together nearly wrecked according to Ander- they made expeditions to collect plants son,7 who severely criticized Cook for and seeds for Sir Joseph Banks. “hazarding” his ship. This asperity Among Anderson’s ship-mates in the may have been the outcome of his gun-room of the Resolution Nelson illness or of the conditions under which met the young sailing master, William he was living on board. As the ships Bligh. The future admiral of the blue sailed south the timbers shrank and was then aged twenty-two. Both men they became very leaky; the surgeon were together again during the mutiny and other gun-room officers were all in the Bounty, when Nelson died from driven out of their cabins by the exposure and exhaustion during the water which poured in through the famous three thousand mile journey sides. The gun-room with its single in an open boat. Before they left Cape port was dark and damp and the Town on November 30 Anderson had cock-pit provided little comfort. noted in his journal the nature of the By October 18 they were at Cape country, the villages, water supply, Town and during the following month, agriculture, and climate. while the ships were being recaulked, The ships next made for Kerguelen’s Anderson was able to make an ex- Land, and the harbor in which they pedition up country. This he did at anchored on the twenty-fifth of De- the request of Francis Masson (1741— cember still appears on the charts as 1805), a fellow Scot, who had been Christmas Harbour. Anderson was sent to South from the Royal especially interested in the cabbage Gardens at Kew to collect plants. plants growing there, which he named Masson arranged for him to visit the “Pringlea” after the aged pioneer tract of country known as the Pearl, in military hygiene. “To Anderson we where there is a great granite rock owe all that was known of the flora rising high and bare from the hills, the of Kerguelen’s Land, prior to the Ant- Pearl Diamond. Anderson made a Expedition of 1840.”9 Hooker careful survey of this geological curi- rediscovered Pringlea and gave it the osity, and on November 24, 1776, specific name “antiscorbutica.16 An- wrote a report,5 which, with speci- derson himself is commemorated in mens, he sent to Sir John Pringle. the genus “Andersonia, ” so named by Like his communication on poisonous Robert Brown,10 the associate of Banks fishes this was read before the Royal and father of the Linnaean Society. Society. It is noteworthy that what- Anderson’s interest was not only ever he investigated, whether the academic; he was anxious to find “saxa conglutinata” of the Pearl Dia- plants which might be of value in mond, or the “sparus pagrus” which preventing scurvy, and grasses which poisoned the ship’s company of the would be serviceable as forage for the Resolution in 1774, or the birds and sheep, horses and cattle, which the plants in which he was more immedi- expedition was taking to the South ately interested, Anderson was able to Sea Islands. It was he who decided recognize and name them or to declare from the leaves of which trees the them correctly as new discoveries. “spruce” beer should be brewed, a At the Cape he was joined by David decoction much valued by Cook as an Nelson, the gardener, who was ap- antiscorbutic. On January 26, 1777, the ships wich Islands, which was later engraved. anchored in Adventure Bay, Van His authority was also accepted for all Diemen’s Land, remaining there till the names in the published report the 30th; covering this period of the voyage. Mr. Anderson, my Surgeon, with his He completed what is practically a usual diligence spent the few days . . . small dictionary of the Friendly Is- in examining the country. His account of lands language, nearly 650 words of its natural productions, with which he which were printed as an appendix to favoured me, will more than compensate the report.18 It is this collection to for my silence about them; some of his which Anderson probably refers when remarks on the inhabitants will supply he writes in his journal for 17777 of a what I may have omitted or represented manuscript book which he had in his imperfectly.13 cabin “Vocabularies of the Indian By the middle of February they Languages amongst the Islands of the were in Queen Charlotte’s Sound, South Seas.” He refers also to his New Zealand, the site of a tragedy manuscript of “The General History during the previous voyage, when a of a Voyage made in the Resolution in boat’s-crew from the Adventure fell the years 1772, 1773, 1774, and 1775.” victim to the cannibals. At this This has been lost and cannot have time there were only two men on the been used in Cook’s own account,12 sick list of the Resolution. This is one which was being published in London of the few medical notes that remain of that year. all Anderson’s industrious records. In June they went to Tonga. Here, The sick-books are lost, but from the as elsewhere in these South Sea careful histories with daily notes, Islands, he went ashore with Cook and which he quotes in his paper on fish attended the ceremonies arranged in poisoning, we know that his clinical the Captain’s honor. In the evenings interests did not lag behind those of there was generally an entertainment the naturalist. During the twelve with boxing, wrestling, and native days they remained in the Sound, dances. Anderson accepted the charm Anderson investigated the character of of the islanders’ music, but while he the country and its climate, making listened to the “inexorable and un- meteorological observations. In addi- faltering delirium of the drums,” tion to examining the fauna and flora, he remained a detached spectator, he supplemented the then scanty noting with scientific and dispassionate knowledge of the customs and ap- interest the pattern of the dances. pearances of the Maori race, observ- Their description has been preserved ing their dress and ornaments, their chiefly in the surgeon’s words; “The houses, food, cookery, weapons, boat skill of that gentleman in directing his building and other arts. He collected a enquiries, will, in some measure, sup- small vocabulary of their language. ply the imperfection of my former Throughout March and April the account of this island.”13 Anderson ships sailed northward, stopping at accompanied Cook on his diplomatic various small islands of the Friendly missions to native chiefs, partly in group. Anderson’s spelling of their the capacity of interpreter, partly to names was adopted on the chart of obtain information. There were found these and of the Society and Sand to be over a hundred and fifty islands in the archipelago; “Mr. Anderson, cabins seem as if in motion.”13 But with his usual diligence procured all Anderson never interrupted the course their names.”13 His remarks on the of his researches and writing, whatever natives, their diseases, cleanliness, the conditions he worked under might clothes, practice of tattooing, etc. be. His observations at Otaheite form occupy much of two chapters of Cook’s a chapter in the second volume of account. In July, 1777, they left the the “Voyage.” He investigated the Friendly Islands and went to the local surgery and physic, the affects , where his knowledge of drinking “Ava, ” the diseases and of the language from his previous domestic hygiene of these people, as studies again proved most useful. well as their history, folk-lore and Samwell says of him;20 “Having taken government. His serious manner of some pains to learn the Otaheite cross-questioning the natives was such language he was better acquainted as to fill the more timid with a sense of with it than anyone in the two ships” guilt and precipitate a retreat.18 and adds, “he was the only Person On December 8, 1777, the Resolu- amongst us who could pretend to any tion and Discovery left the Society degree of knowledge in .” Islands and all their prodigal luxuri- In September, 1777, he had the ance for the long voyage to Alaska in unusual experience of attending a search of the North-West Passage. human sacrifice with Captain Cook Anderson had spent his leisure in and the artist, Webber—fortunately preparing and classifying his dried the victim was already dead (Appendix birds and small animals, attaching 7). He was interested in their religious their Latin names to each, but the beliefs and his curiosity as usual led black-beetles were attracted by the him to investigate every detail; he ink on his labels and finally they noted among other matter the re- attacked his specimens as well. There markably good method the islanders is little reference to ship’s duties at then had of embalming corpses. By this time, but from his journal he the autumn the ships were overun by appears to have supervised the stand- rats, and plagued with black-beetles: ing health orders which Cook had We carried ashore the bread remaining established from the outset (Appendix in the bread-room, to clear it of vermin. 5). These follow the lines suggested The number of cock-roaches that infested by Stephen Hales thirty years pre- the ship, at this time, is incredible ... if viously and the continued good health food of any kind was exposed only for a of the ships’ companies is a tribute to few minutes, it was covered with them; the wisdom of this early authority on and they soon pierced it full of holes, naval hygiene. On their way north resembling a honey-comb . . . according the ships discovered the Sandwich to Mr. Anderson’s observations, they Islands and Anderson collected yet were of two sorts, the “blatta orientals” another considerable vocabulary. It and “germanica.” was largely through this that they The black-beetles lay concealed in were able to investigate the character the rigging so that “when a sail was of the islanders and to barter with loosened, thousands of them fell upon them. the decks.” At night also they ap- They approached the west coast of peared and “made everything in the in March and met with hail and sleet and thick, hazy weather, was a sensible young man, an agreeable or gales of wind and rain; the ther- companion, well skilled in his own profes- mometer had fallen 30° since they left sion; and he had acquired a considerable Otaheite, the ships were once more knowledge in other branches of science very leaky and the food supplies . . . had it pleased God to have spared inadequate. The surgeon must have his life, the Public, I make no doubt, might have received from him such com- realized that his hopes of returning munications, on various parts of the to Scotland were rapidly diminish- natural history of the various places we ing. Nevertheless, at Nootka Sound visited, as would have abundantly shewn, (Vancouver) he was much interested that he was not unworthy of this in the Indians and here and at King commendation.13 George’s Sound managed to collect This was high praise from Cook, another vocabulary of 250 words. who nowhere else during this voyage In these matters Cook wrote that he singled out any individual for especial “owed everything to him. ”13 Through- notice. Samwell in his journal that day out the greater part of June the after paying a tribute to Anderson weather was raw and cold with mist wrote “being withal a sensible and and drizzling rain. Working by the modest Young Man his Death was light of lamps fed with seals’ blubber much regretted.” Anderson had added each evening to his pages of manuscript, but by the The compilation of this biography third of June he was either too ill or would have been impossible without the too despondent to continue the records kind assistance and advice of Mr. T. H. he had kept with such care.7 He lay Graham, Librarian of the Royal College in his cabin tended by Joseph Collett of Physicians of Edinburgh; Mr. N. B. and William Starling, the gun-room Kinnear, British Museum of Natural History; Mr. D. B. Smith, Admiralty servants. The Resolution continued Librarian; Dr. Ralph Stockman; and Mr. to creep northward through the fog D. Thomson of the Royal College of banks, which often made it impossible Surgeons of Edinburgh, to all of whom to see the length of the ship. On July my thanks are due. 21, 1778, realizing he was “without Refe re nce s any prospect of Recovery,”8 he made his will. Some days before they saw the 1. Additional Ms., 37528, British Museum. 2. Ander so n , W. Characteres breves Avium blink of ice on the northern horizon in itinere nostro adhuc incognitarum, the end came. On the afternoon of an anni 1772-1775. 4to. ms. note-book in overcast day, the ship sailing gently Latin, Dept, of Ornithology, British in a moderate breeze, Anderson died. Museum of Natural History. Somewhere off the west coast of 3. Ande rso n , W. Zoologia nova seu Char- acteres & Historia Animalum. Latin n Alaska, about latitude 62° ., longi- and English ms. note-book, bound with tude 1920 e ., they “committed the (2), PP- 13- Body of the Deceased to the Deep. 4. Ander so n , W. An account of some Sounded 12 fathm.” (Ad. 51/4560.) poisonous fish in the South Seas. In a Cook wrote in his journal letter to Sir John Pringle, Bart., p.r .s ., from Mr. William Anderson, late Mr. Anderson, my Surgeon, who had surgeon’s mate on board His Majesty’s been lingering under a consumption for ship the Resolution, now surgeon of more than twelve months, expired be- that ship. Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc., 66: tween three and four this afternoon. He 544-522, 1776. Ander so n , W. An Account of a large 18. King , J. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. stone near in a letter from London, 1785, (see 13) Vol. in. Mr. Anderson to Sir John Pringle, 19. Muster and Pay Books of H. M. Ships at Bart., p.r .s . Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc., 68: Public Record Office. 102-106, 1778. 20. Samw ell , D. Some Account of a Voyage 6. Ande rso n , W. Genera Nova Plantarum, to the South Seas in 1776, 1777, 1778, 1776-1777; with Descriptiones seu written by David Samwell Surgeon Characteres Specificos. Latin and Eng- of the Discovery. Entries from Feb. lish 4 to. ms. note-book, pp. 40. Dept, 10, 1776-Nov. 29, 1779. of Botany, Brit. Museum of Nat. Hist. 20. Ms. 4to, British Museum, Egerton Mss. 7. Ande rso n , W. Journal of a Voyage made 2591. in his Majesty’s Sloop Resolution, May 21. Smith , E. Life of Sir Joseph Banks. 16, 1776-ApriI 13, 1777. Ms. 4to. pp. London, 1911. 300. Public Record Office, Ad. 51/4560. 22. Solan der , D. Letter to Sir Joseph Banks, 203. Transcripts of Banksian Corre- A second volume with entries from spondence, British Museum of Natural April 14, 1777-Sept. 2, 1777. Ms. History, Vol. 1. 4to. pp. 300. Public Record Office, Ad. 23. Surgeons’ Servitude Record. Public Rec- 51/4560.204. The third volume referred ord Office, Ind. 9228. to in the text is lost (entries from Sept. Appe ndix 3, 1777-June 3, 1778.) 8. Ander so n , W. Will, 1778. Recorded at 1. “Anderson’s Island” does not exist. Somerset House 1780. P. C. C. Collins, Cook was mistaken in his hydrography and 502. both the island previously named after Cap- 9. Britten , J. William Anderson and the tain Charles Clerke and Anderson’s Island Plants of Cook’s Third Voyage. J. now appear in the Admiralty charts* as the Botany, Lond., 54:345,I9i6;55:54,1917. middle and eastern parts of the earlier dis- 10. Brown , R. Prodromus Florae Novae covered St. Lawrence Island in Latitv.de HoIIandiae. 553. 63° n ., between Alaska and the coast of Kam- 11. Coo k , J. The Method taken for preserv- chatka. Anderson, however, needs no monu- ing the Health of the Crew of His ment other than Cook’s words, which show Majesty’s Ship the Resolution during him to have a prior claim to Sir John Richard- her late Voyage round the World. son to be known as “The Naturalist of the Addressed to Sir John Pringle, Bart., Naval Medical Service.” p.r .s ., from Mile End, March 5, 1776, 2. The following letter (J. M. Matra to and read before the Royal Society, Sir Joseph Banks, May 7, 1790, Addl. Mss. Nov. 30, 1776. Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc., 33979/29-) requires some comment. Just after 66:402-406, 1776. the news of the mutiny in the Bounty, April 12. Coo k , J.: A Voyage towards the South 28, 1789, reached England, he wrote, “Some- Pole and round the World, Performed thing what Bligh’s people did was designed in His Majesty’s Ships the Resolution by most of the people of the Endeavour headed and Adventure. In the years 1772, by Anderson and Gray, I think.” The refer- 1773, I774» and 1775. London, 1777, ence is to a proposed mutiny, when the Vols. 1 & 11. Resolution was at Otaheite in the voyage of 13. Coo k , J. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. 1772-1775 in which Matra admits he was London, 1785, Vols. 1 & 11. himself a ringleader. The letter was written 14. Cuvier , Baron G. L. C. F. D. de . Eloge seventeen years later, the wrong name of the on Sir Joseph Banks, quoted in (21), ship is given, the Endeavour being Cook’s p. 49. ship in the voyage of 1769, and the reference is undoubtedly to Robert Anderson, gunner, 15. Godwi n , G. Vancouver, a life. London, 1930. and James Gray, boatswain. Cook himself can have thought little of it for Robert Ander- 16. Hook er , J. D. Flora . Vol. 11, son was again gunner of the Resolution on quoted in (9). 17. Jack son , B. D. William Anderson. Diet. *Bering Sea and Strait Pilot. Ed. 1, London Nat. Biog. London, 1885, 1: 393. 1920. Hydrographic Dept, of the Admiralty. the last voyage of 1776-1780. Attention is by me heretofore and in the following manner drawn to this letter because in the “Life of after all my just and lawful debts are paid I Sir Joseph Banks”21 the inference is made leave or bequeath unto my Uncle Mr. William that the Anderson referred to is the surgeon. Melvill living or lately living at North Ber- 3. William Anderson, Surgeon, has been wick Mains Haddingtonshire Scotland one confused in Watt’s Bibliotheca Britannica half of whatever I may be possessed of at Vol. 1, p. 30, with William Anderson, m.d ., my death w’hether Money Goods & c I leave a Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons of to my sisters Betty and Rabinah the other Edinburgh in December, 1773, who resided half of whatever I may be possessed of at my in that city until 1786, serving as a member death to be equally divided between them I of the Deacons’ Council and the Library leave to Joseph Banks Esquire the Natural Committee of the College during the period Curiosities I have collected during this voyage 1774-1786. The confusion probably arose with some Manuscript Note relating to them through this William Anderson having also I leave to Mr. Samuel of the Resolution what traveled and having written a paper on the Books I have on Board except Manuscripts “Use of the Cabbage-tree-bark as an Anthel- I leave what clothes or Wearing apparel I mintic” in which it is stated that he “prac- have to Joseph Collett and William Starling tised medicine for some years in the West the Gun Room Servants and desire that this Indies.” (Medical & Philosophical Commen- and the preceding article may be fulfilled taries, by a Society in Edinburgh, Vol. at my death without waiting the Execution iv, Part I, Ed. 2, London, 1790, p. 84.) of the rest of the Will and I herely nominate 4. According to the manuscript copies of and appoint Messrs. Thomas and William Cook’s Journals of the Resolution, of which Maude in Downing Street Westminster there are two volumes covering August, 1778, Executors of this my last will In Witness the date of Anderson’s death is given as whereof I have hereunto set my hand and August 3, 1778 (Egerton Mss. 2177A. Brit. Seal the twenty first day of July in the Year Mus. and Ad. 55/113, P.R.O.) In the Log of our Lord one thousand Seven hundred and Books, however, the date is given as the Seventy eight Wm Anderson Signed sealed fourth and these as daily records with definite published and declared by the Testator in spacing are more likely to be accurate (Ad. the presence of James King A Dewar.” 55/112, Ad. 55/114, Ad. 51/4560, P.R.O.). “This will was proved at London the four- The date August 3, has, nevertheless, been teenth day of November in the year of our accepted in the published account of the voy- Lord one thousand Seven hundred and age and in the Dictionary of National Eighty ... by the oath of Thomas Maude Biography. one of the Executors named in the will to 5. Cook placed hygiene before antiscor- whom administration was granted of all the butics and attended particularly to personal Goods Chattels and Credits of the deceased cleanliness, dry clothes, and a dry ship.11 first sworn duly to administer, power reserved “Once or twice a week she was aired with of making the like grant to William Maude fires, and when this could not be done, she the other Executor named in the will when he was smoked with gunpowder moistened shall apply for the same. with vinegar or water. I had also a fire made “The balance of Anderson’s pay was handed frequently in an iron pot at the bottom of the over to F. Maude, a Navy Agent, and Adam well, which greatly purified the air in the lower Jellicoe, Paymaster of the Navy, 29th Decem- parts of the ship.” Of the rob of lemons and ber, 1780.” oranges he wrote on July 7, 1776, to Sir John 7. The Human Sacrifice: According to Pringle, “I have no great opinion of these Cook’s account13 he visited this with Ander- alone.” son and the artist, Webber. The latter made a 6. Will of William Anderson, P.C.C., drawing of the scene, which was published Collins, 502. “In the name of God Amen I at the same time as the account of the voyage, Wm. Anderson Surgeon of his Majesty’s but in a separate volume of plates. Webber Sloop Resolution having been for some time has shown three Europeans on the right of in a Bad State of Health and now without the sacred enclosure. The one facing the artist any prospect of Recovery have resolved to is Cook, the one with his back to him is per- make my last will and Testament thereby haps intended for Anderson, while the third annulling every other will or Testament made figure in profile is certainly the Surgeon’s Mate, David Samwell. His characteristic “A Narrative of the Death of Captain James features are unmistakable and can be com- Cook, to which are added some particulars pared with the silhouette at the British concerning his Life and Character and Ob- Museum and the engraving from a portrait servations respecting the introduction of the painted in Paris in 1798. (Egerton Mss. 2591.) Venereal Disease into the Sandwich Islands” 8. David Samwell: This is the name which 4to. London, 1786. (Ms. Egerton 2591.) he appears under in the Surgeons’ Servitude 9. John Law: He was transferred to the Record23 and which he uses in his journal, but Resolution from the Discovery on William Cook and Anderson both call him Samuel. Anderson’s death. His journal from 1778 to His naval career is given in full in the record 1779 is preserved in the British Museum named above and covers the period 1776 to manuscript collection (Add. Mss. 37327). It 1796. Part of his journal was published as is a scanty and ill-kept fragment of a diary.

[From Erastus: Varia Opusculum Medica. Frankfurt-a.-m., 1590.]