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Early Tourism Infrastructure in the Algarve (Portugal), 1940–1965

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Early Tourism Infrastructure in the Algarve (Portugal), 1940–1965 721 The Journal of Architecture Volume 18 Number 5 Regional identity for the leisure of travellers: early tourism infrastructure in the Algarve (Portugal), 1940–1965 Ricardo Agarez The Bartlett School of Architecture, University College London, United Kingdom (Author’s e-mail address: [email protected]) The Algarve, the quasi-Mediterranean province of Portugal, a geographically and culturally differentiated region, was the first in the country to experience the consequences of, and to profit from, the consolidation of the Welfare State model in northern Europe: from the 1960s on, being both affordable and somewhat exotic, it became an important magnet for middle- class families in pursuit of the increasingly popular sun-and-sea holiday formula. Tentatively, the Portuguese regime, aided by private entrepreneurs, explored ways of reconciling the economic and political drive behind the process with its own deep-rooted strategy of preser- ving regional diversity as a valuable quality. The Algarve’s regional built identity, translated into modern mass-tourism infrastructure, was instrumental in the endeavour of marketing the country for foreign consumers as simultaneously up-to-date and traditional. Twenty years before, however, the same regional identity was construed, through tourism facilities arising from official initiatives, to contribute to the inward-focused project of nationalism. This essay uses the case of the Algarve and three specific hospitality projects realised over a two-decade interval (one 1930s’ state roadside inn and two 1950s’ sun-and-sea hotels), to discuss how leisure architecture and regional built identity were combined and manipu- lated to serve markedly different purposes within the same, southern European, dictatorial regime. Downloaded by [University College London] at 06:25 28 November 2014 Introduction These words, taken from a 1940 official book that We do not wish for large-scale tourism. Especially celebrated the variety of the Portuguese landscape, since we prefer one thousand times the foreigner illustrate the hesitant position of the Estado Novo to the tourist. We don’t mind seeing the foreigner regime (1933–1974) towards the development of by our side, with no binoculars or camera, thrilled Portugal as an international tourism destination in before a stretch of sea or a bucolic landscape. [He pre-war times. ‘We should not want foreigners to is] a human being that carries (…) unbiased goals visit us en masse’, the dictator António Salazar and a personal taste. [The tourist] is a fellow of (1889–1970) stated in 1938, when he launched a conventional taste [who] will go only where he is programme of public works to mark the centennials taken or he is told to go (…) He may be, interna- of the country’s foundation and independence.2 But tionally, harmless—and even very useful—but he Portugal did expect some visitors, foreigners if not tarnishes the landscape. That is why our landscape tourists, and the government did set out then to dislikes tourists.1 build and operate a network of roadside inns, the # 2013 The Author(s). Published by Taylor & Francis. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. The moral rights of the named author(s) have been asserted. 1360-2365 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2013.838982 722 Regional identity for the leisure of travellers: early tourism infrastructure in the Algarve (Portugal), 1940–1965 Ricardo Agarez ‘Pousadas’. It responded to increasing pressure from tage derived from its remote past as a separate those who, inspired by foreign experience, saw the Moorish kingdom. The vernacular building tra- economic potential of tourism, and to the realisation ditions of its countryside, its towns and villages, that hospitality, a new ‘national question’, was the strengthened the impression of such specificity ‘Achilles Heel’ of its development.3 Directly associ- and were systematically contrasted with those of ated with the improvement of the nationwide road other parts of the country and of the continent. infrastructure, one of the most visible public policies Commonly referred to as more African than Euro- of the time, the Pousadas network was also inti- pean, the Algarve’s built environment had a striking mately related with the regime’s understanding of appearance. Combined with lush landscapes, the landscapes of Portugal which were perceived scenic coastlines and mild climate conditions, it as essential constituents of national identity, mirror- created both enticing opportunities for tourism ing in their diversity the richness of the country’s folk and numerous examples of the challenges posed traditions, the Pousadas being mechanisms that by externally driven development affecting a stabil- would allow travellers, national or foreign, to enjoy ised, largely rural society. them in a controlled manner. To unveil the Portu- The vernacular tradition was an important factor guese landscape whilst preserving its rural character, in the Algarve’s tourism infrastructure, as it was in its authenticity and whatever made it attractive: such every other field of building practice in the region, was the challenge, circa 1940. by architects and non-architects. Looking at two The circumstances altered significantly twenty different stages of development (the late 1930s years later, when Portugal was on the threshold of and the late 1950s) and at the agendas of govern- a mass-tourism age and the first steps were taken ment departments and private enterprise, this to make this industry the foremost export of the essay will enquire how this building tradition was Downloaded by [University College London] at 06:25 28 November 2014 country. But the challenge remained: how would used and to what effect; what was included, high- large-scale hospitality architecture respond to lighted and excluded, and why; and to what extent needs that were intrinsically contemporary, while the Algarve’s built identity was manipulated taking advantage of specific local, traditional fea- through hospitality architecture, a process that led tures? And, most importantly, how could the to the creation of a new built identity in the regime remain in control of the image conveyed to region, essentially based on tourism, in the 1970s. foreigners, a delicate combination of tradition and Taking account of matters of regional identity, modernity? national politics and economic drives, the Algarve The Algarve, the southernmost region of Portu- example suggests how closely knitted these factors gal, is a familiar holiday destination today. In the were in the production of leisure architecture, in a firsthalfofthelastcenturyitwaslittleknownto South European state that followed, from the late foreign and Portuguese travellers alike. It remained 1950s on, the new needs and possibilities of its relatively isolated and had a specific cultural heri- welfare-rich northern counterparts. 723 The Journal of Architecture Volume 18 Number 5 The Pousada, an architectural viewport over gramme that would simultaneously guide private almond-blossom fields enterprise. In 1940, the state propaganda office SPN4 presented Such was the brief behind the construction of Por- Portugal’s coastline in terms that may seem surpris- tugal’s first Pousadas,6 launched by the ministry of ing today: public works in 1938 and intended to be ready in It might be supposed that the Portuguese, follow- time for the 1940 centennial celebrations and the ing their Atlantic calling, prefer seaside panora- Exhibition of the Portuguese World in Lisbon. The mas over bucolic ones (...). This is not so. Apart government defined the Pousadas as: from the few beaches that, between July and Houses of regional architecture [integrated with] October, are crowded (…), the finest stretches the architecture and traditions of the areas they of coast in the country (many of which are suitable represent (…) furnished and decorated with building areas) remain as empty as though they similar regionalist concern, so that those who were hideous.5 visit them keep in their retina the sweet images The shores had a near-mythological quality, and of the ethnography and architecture of the were the unifying trait of a richly varied hinterland diverse regions of this old Portugal.7 —but were not the primary and outstanding These were the ‘houses’ created to lodge travellers characteristic of the Portuguese landscape. The that roamed the landscapes praised by the propa- sea (mar) was masculine (both in the protective rug- ganda office, using the new roads resulting from gedness of the coastline and in the gender of the the Estado Novo’s public works policies. Their word mar), while the landscape (paisagem)was stated purpose was to ‘represent’ each region’s feminine and delicate, and ill-fitted to the ‘indis- characteristic architecture and ethnography, and creet, almost insolent’ gaze of the tourist. In the scholars have associated this aspect with the work ’ ‘ ’ – Downloaded by [University College London] at 06:25 28 November 2014 landscape sdiversity, naturalness and lyricism , of the architect Raul Lino (1879 1974) on Portu- lay the main source of interest for visitors, to be guese regional types, especially popular in the handled with caution and moderation. Landscape 1930s.8 They were to be placed alongside essential was a key factor for the establishment of tourism road links and/or in points of unquestionable in the country, as valuable as Portugal’s best monu- panoramic interest. In the case of the Algarve ments and offering a complete and varied experi- Pousada, the second requirement was paramount; ence that included, but was not limited to, the significantly, however, the choice fell not on a scenic but deserted coastline. In 1940, the conser- seaside location but on a hilltop near São Brás de vative Estado Novo regime seemed reluctant to Alportel, twenty km inland, among fields of open up the country to mass tourism, and preferred almond, carob and fig trees.
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