Delta-Epsilon Issues of Elagabalus and Severus Alexander*
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												  Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project: Analysis of Amphora Finds Season 2000 Summer Elizabeth LPurdue University Purdue e-Pubs Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project, School of Languages and Cultures 1996-2011 4-9-2018 Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project: Analysis of Amphora Finds Season 2000 Summer Elizabeth L. Will University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/rcas Part of the Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons Recommended Citation Will, Elizabeth L., "Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project: Analysis of Amphora Finds Season 2000 Summer" (2018). Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project, 1996-2011. Paper 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/1288284316718 This document has been made available through Purdue e-Pubs, a service of the Purdue University Libraries. Please contact [email protected] for additional information. Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project: Analysis of Amphora Finds Season 2000 Summer Elizabeth Lyding Will, University of Massachusetts Amherst During a visit to the RCSP headquarters at Gazipaşa in September, 2000, I analyzed the Study Collection of amphora fragments amassed since 1996, as well as 49 bags of additional fragments, seven of them collected during the surveys of the year 2000. I also visited three areas that had been identified as the sites of possible kilns, at Biçkici, Syedra, and Antiocheia ad Cragum. In addition, I examined and photographed the amphoras on display in the museums at Alanya and Antalya.1 The amphora fragments collected during the 1996-1999 seasons have been noted in the reports for those years. They have also been described by Nicholas Rauh and Kathleen Slane in the article, “Possible amphora kiln sites in W. Rough Cilicia.” 2 About the 1996-1999 finds I have only a few observations of my own to add.
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												  Pushing the Limit: an Analysis of the Women of the Severan DynastyIllinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU Honors Projects Greek and Roman Studies 4-24-2015 Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty Colleen Melone Illinois Wesleyan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/grs_honproj Part of the Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons Recommended Citation Melone, Colleen, "Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty" (2015). Honors Projects. 5. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/grs_honproj/5 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Colleen Melone Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty Abstract By applying Judith Butler’s theories of identity to the imperial women of the Severan dynasty in ancient Rome, this paper proves that while the Severan women had many identities, such as wife, mother, philosopher, or mourner, their imperial identity was most valued due to its ability to give them the freedom to step outside many aspects of their gender and to behave in ways which would customarily be deemed inappropriate.
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												  Decoration of HELLENISTIC and ROMAN BUILDINGS in CYPRUSNea Paphos Polish excavations of residential quarter of the ancient city International Conference dECORATION OF HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN BUILDINGS IN CYPRUS book of abstracts Fundacja Artibus Polish Centre of Mundi Mediterranean Archaeology Ministry of Science and Higher Education Conference financed by Minister of Science and Higher Education, agreement no. 660/P.- DUN/2016 Republic of Poland Nea Paphos Polish excavations of residential quarter of the ancient city Decoration of Hellenistic and Roman buildings in Cyprus Residences at Nea Paphos and other cities of the region International Conference Book of Abstracts Warsaw Nowy Świat 72 St. (Staszic Palace) Maria Skłodowska-Curie Hall 10 - 11 March 2017 l mission ca 0f gi o l U o n e i a v e h r c s r i t A y h o s i f l w o a P r s a w N s ea papho Warszawa, 2017 Decoration of Hellenistic and Roman buildings in Cyprus Residences at Nea Paphos and other cities of the region International Conference Warsaw, 10 - 11 March 2017 Cover design Monika Więch Cover photo Maciej Jawornicki Organizing committee Barbara Lichocka Henryk Meyza Tomasz Waliszewski Monika Więch Partners and sponsors The Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology of the University of Warsaw "Artibus Mundi" Foundation Minister of Science and Higher Education Contents Henryk Meyza 5 Poverty and richness of Paphian residences problems of reconstruction of décor in structures excavated by the Polish Mission Demetrios Michaelides 7 The House of Orpheus, Nea Paphos Claire Balandier, Ségolène de Pontbriand 9 Espaces et décors d'une
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												  Civic Responses to the Rise and Fall of Sol Elagabal in the Roman EmpireEMPIRE OF THE SUN? CIVIC RESPONSES TO THE RISE AND FALL OF SOL ELAGABAL IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE Martijn Icks During its long and turbulent history, the city of Rome witnessed many changes in its religious institutions and traditions. For many centuries, these came to pass under the benevolent eye of Iupiter Optimus Maximus, the city‟s supreme deity since time immemorial. Not until the fourth century AD would Iupiter finally loose this position to the monotheistic, omnipotent God of Christianity. However, the power of the thunder god had been challenged before. The first deity who temporarily conquered his throne was Sol Invictus Elagabal, a local sun god from the Syrian town of Emesa. This unlikely usurper was the personal god of the emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, whose short-lived reign lasted from 218 to 222 AD, and who has been nicknamed Elagabalus for his affiliation with Elagabal. Even before his rise to power, Elagabalus served as Elagabal‟s high priest. The deity was worshipped in the form of a conical black stone, a so-called baitylos or “house of god”, which resided in a big temple in Emesa. Elagabalus, at that time a fourteen-year-old boy, performed ritual dances in honour of his god. By doing so, he drew the attention of Roman soldiers who were stationed near the town. They proclaimed the boy emperor under the false pretense that he was a bastard son of emperor Caracalla (211-217 AD). Elagabalus won sufficient military support, defeated the reigning emperor and thus gained the throne. He installed himself in Rome and took his god with him.
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												  Scientific Programme for AllOptimal radiotherapy Scientific Programme for all ESTRO ANNUAL CONFE RENCE 27 - 31 August 2021 Onsite in Madrid, Spain & Online Saturday 28 August 2021 Track: Radiobiology Teaching lecture: The microbiome: Its role in cancer development and treatment response Saturday, 28 August 2021 08:00 - 08:40 N104 Chair: Marc Vooijs - 08:00 The microbiome: Its role in cancer development and treatment response SP - 0004 A. Facciabene (USA) Track: Clinical Teaching lecture: Breast reconstruction and radiotherapy Saturday, 28 August 2021 08:00 - 08:40 Plenary Chair: Philip Poortmans - 08:00 Breast reconstruction and radiotherapy SP - 0005 O. Kaidar-Person (Israel) Track: Clinical Teaching lecture: Neurocognitive changes following radiotherapy for primary brain tumours Saturday, 28 August 2021 08:00 - 08:40 Room 1 Chair: Brigitta G. Baumert - 08:00 Evaluation and care of neurocognitive effects after radiotherapy SP - 0006 M. Klein (The Netherlands) 08:20 Imaging biomarkers of dose-induced damage to critical memory regions SP - 0007 A. Laprie (France Track: Physics Teaching lecture: Independent dose calculation and pre-treatment patient specific QA Saturday, 28 August 2021 08:00 - 08:40 Room 2.1 Chair: Kari Tanderup - 08:00 Independent dose calculation and pre-treatment patient specific QA SP - 0008 P. Carrasco de Fez (Spain) 1 Track: Physics Teaching lecture: Diffusion MRI: How to get started Saturday, 28 August 2021 08:00 - 08:40 Room 2.2 Chair: Tufve Nyholm - Chair: Jan Lagendijk - 08:00 Diffusion MRI: How to get started SP - 0009 R. Tijssen (The Netherlands) Track: RTT Teaching lecture: The role of RTT leadership in advancing multi-disciplinary research Saturday, 28 August 2021 08:00 - 08:40 N103 Chair: Sophie Perryck - 08:00 The role of RTT leadership in advancing multi-disciplinary research SP - 0010 M.
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												  The Roman Augustae: the Most Powerful Women Who Ever Lived a Collection of Six Silver CoinsThe Roman Augustae: The Most Powerful Women Who Ever Lived A Collection of Six Silver Coins Frieze of Severan Dynasty All coins in each set are protected in an archival capsule and beautifully displayed in a mahogany-like box. The box set is accompanied with a story card, certificate of authenticity, and a black gift box. The best-known names of ancient Rome are invariably male, and in the 500 years between the reigns of Caesar Augustus and Justinian I, not a single woman held the Roman throne—not even during the chaotic Crisis of the Third Century, when new emperors claimed the throne every other year. This does not mean that women were not vital to the greatest empire the world has ever known. Indeed, much of the time, the real wielders of imperial might were the wives, sisters, and mothers of the emperors. Never was this more true than during the 193-235, when three women—the sisters Julia Maesa and Julia Domna, and Julia Maesa’s daughter Julia Avita Mamaea—secured the succession of their husbands, sons, and grandsons to the imperial throne, thus guaranteeing that they would remain in control. The dynasty is known in the history books as “the Severan,” for Julia Domna’s husband Septimius Severus, but it was the three Julias—and none of the men—who were really responsible for this relatively transition of power. These remarkable women, working in a patriarchal system that officially excluded them from assuming absolute power, nevertheless managed to have their way. Our story begins in Emesa, capital of the Roman client kingdom of Syria, in the year 187 CE.
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												  Archaeology and ClassicsCHICAGO, ILLINOIS JANUARY 2 – 5, 2014 WELCOME TO CHICAGO! Dear AIA Members and Colleagues, Welcome to Chicago for the 115th Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America. This year’s meeting combines an exciting program presenting cutting-edge research with the unique opportunity to socialize, network, and relax with thousands of your peers from the US, Canada, and more than 30 foreign countries. Appropriately for an urban venue settled in the 19th century by ethnic Europeans, this year’s meeting will feature several sessions on East European archaeology. And sessions devoted to heritage and preservation and digital methodologies in archaeology touch upon increasingly central concerns in the discipline. Back by popular demand are the undergraduate paper session and the Lightning Session. We are indebted to Trustee Michael L. Galaty and the Program for the Annual Meeting Committee that he chairs for fashioning such a stimulating program. Table of Contents Some of the other highlights of this year’s meeting include: General Information ......4-5 Opening Night Lecture and Reception (Thursday, 6:00–9:00 pm) Program-at-a-Glance 10-11 We kick off the meeting with a public lecture by Dr. Garrett Fagan, Professor of Ancient History at Penn State University. In “How to Stage a Bloodbath: Theatricality and Artificiality at the Roman Arena” Fagan explores Exhibitors .................. 12-13 the theatrical aspects of Roman arena games – the stage sets, equipment of the fighters, etc–that created an artificial landscape in which the violence of the spectacle was staged. Fagan will also consider what these Thursday, January 2 features tell us about Roman attitudes toward the violence of the games, and how spectators reacted to them Day-at-a-Glance ..........14 psychologically (Thursday, 6 pm).
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												  Chapter 4 the Rejected RulerCHAPTER 4 THE REJECTED RULER ‘Nor emperor he, nor Antoninus, nor citizen, nor senator, nor man of noble blood, nor Roman’ - Historia Augusta, Vita Severi Alexandri During his reign, Elagabalus had presented himself as a good and worthy ruler: first as a be- nevolent monarch in the tradition of the Antonines, later as the invincible priest-emperor of Elagabal. After he had been violently overthrown by the praetorians, this positive image was discarded in favour of another, far less flattering view. To what extent this change reflected a genuine dislike for the priest-emperor, and to what extent it was merely keeping in line with the propaganda of Severus Alexander, who had little choice but to condemn his predecessor, is a question which remains ultimately unanswerable. However, this chapter will not only describe the negative images which emerged in Greek and Roman literature after Elagabalus’s death, but will also offer possible explanations for the reasons why particular authors chose to portray the emperor in particular ways. What we are interested in, is the construction of a fic- tional Elagabalus, an imperial monster who surpassed Caligula, Nero and Commodus in al- leged wickedness and vice. Starting with Xenophon in the fourth century BC, who wrote a panegyric on the Spar- tan king Agesilaos, many Greek and Roman authors had defined the boundaries of good and bad rule.1 A good ruler typically came from a line of noble and worthy ancestors. He re- spected the gods, loved his country and ruled wisely and justly, taking heed of the advice of good and worthy councilors.
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												  Emperor Elagabalus and Traditional Roman ReligionEmperor Elagabalus and Traditional Roman Religion The Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus is best-known to history as Elagabalus due to his affiliation with the Syrian god of the same name. As a youth he became a priest of Elagabalus in Syria, and he brought the worship of this god along with himself to the Roman capital. There the god Elagabalus was assimilated with different aspects of the Roman sun-god Sol (especially Sol Invictus or the “unconquered sun”). This, in turn, led to affiliation with the Greek sun-god Helios, from which we get an alternative name for both the emperor and god, Heliogabalus. Recent scholarship has also pushed to reclaim the identification of this emperor by his birth-name, Varius Avitus Bassianus, and examinations of his life as Varian studies (de Arrizabalaga y Prado, 2005). All of these distinctions are used for an emperor who only ruled the Roman Empire for four years (218-222 CE), and is most noted for his religious preference for the god Elagabalus, a questionable sexual identity, and a lack of mental stability. This paper examines Elagabalus and his interactions with traditional Roman religious practices. As emperor he was also pontifex maximus or high priest of and responsible for overseeing Rome’s traditional cults, festivals and sacred objects. Holding multiple priesthoods would not have been in and of itself a problem for most Romans. However, Elagabalus showed overwhelming preference for his god, who was relatively unknown in the capital but at the clear expense of Rome’s traditional religions. The Historia Augusta provides the fullest account of Elagabalus’s outrages including the transfer of sacred objects to his god’s temple including the emblem of the Mother Goddess, fire of Vesta, Palladium, and sacred shields (3.4).
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												  The Jewish Presence in Cyprus Before Ad 70SCRIPTA JUDAICA CRACOVIENSIA * Vol. 7 Kraków 2009 Zdzisław J. Kapera THE JEWISH PRESENCE IN CYPRUS BEFORE AD 70 In the time of Sergius Paulus (Acts 13, 7), Cyprus was inhabited by indigenous Cypriots, Greeks (from Greece and Egypt), Phoenicians, some Romans (few in comparison with other groups), and a large community of Jews. What is surprising is the almost total absence of Greek (or Aramaic) synagogue inscriptions, especially since we know from the Acts of the Apostles and other sources that a substantial group of people of Jewish origin was living on the island.1 G. Hill2 and T. B. Mitford3 suggested some decades ago that the first Jews settled in Cyprus in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. According to the Talmudic sources, they were very probably obliged to supply wine annually for the services in the Jerusalem Temple.4 However, today we are able to date the first Jewish settlers as early as the fourth century BC. Found in ancient Kition were three Phoenician inscriptions with evidently Jewish names: Haggai, son of Azariah, and Asaphyahu.5 Commercial contacts are later confirmed by finds of Hasmonaean coins in Nea Paphos.6 The first epigraphical proof is provided by a Greek inscription from Kourion of a late Hellenistic date, where a Jew named Onias is mentioned.7 The next attestation of Jews, also of the late Hellenistic or early Roman period, comes from a text dealing with permanent habitation of Jews in Amathus. According to Mitford the text seems to concern “the construction in cedar wood of the doorway of a synagogue” in that city.8 If the Jews built a synagogue, they had a community there.
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												  The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC – AD 476)Impact of Empire 6 IMEM-6-deBlois_CS2.indd i 5-4-2007 8:35:52 Impact of Empire Editorial Board of the series Impact of Empire (= Management Team of the Network Impact of Empire) Lukas de Blois, Angelos Chaniotis Ségolène Demougin, Olivier Hekster, Gerda de Kleijn Luuk de Ligt, Elio Lo Cascio, Michael Peachin John Rich, and Christian Witschel Executive Secretariat of the Series and the Network Lukas de Blois, Olivier Hekster Gerda de Kleijn and John Rich Radboud University of Nijmegen, Erasmusplein 1, P.O. Box 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen, The Netherlands E-mail addresses: [email protected] and [email protected] Academic Board of the International Network Impact of Empire geza alföldy – stéphane benoist – anthony birley christer bruun – john drinkwater – werner eck – peter funke andrea giardina – johannes hahn – fik meijer – onno van nijf marie-thérèse raepsaet-charlier – john richardson bert van der spek – richard talbert – willem zwalve VOLUME 6 IMEM-6-deBlois_CS2.indd ii 5-4-2007 8:35:52 The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC – AD 476) Economic, Social, Political, Religious and Cultural Aspects Proceedings of the Sixth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Roman Empire, 200 B.C. – A.D. 476) Capri, March 29 – April 2, 2005 Edited by Lukas de Blois & Elio Lo Cascio With the Aid of Olivier Hekster & Gerda de Kleijn LEIDEN • BOSTON 2007 This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NC 4.0 License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.
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												  Between City and Country: Settlement on the Fringe in Late Roman CyprusBetween City and Country: Settlement on the Fringe in Late Roman Cyprus Presented on November 16, 2006 at the Annual Meeting of the American Schools of Oriental Research Washington, D.C. Ó 2006 David K. Pettegrew, William Caraher, and R. Scott Moore Introduction [Slide] Twenty-five years ago the historian M.I. Finley described the Greek and Roman world as one whose agrarian populations labored daily in the countryside but inhabited larger urban centers and towns, not isolated country farms.[1] The advent of intensive archaeological survey in the Mediterranean in the last twenty years, however, has inundated the countryside not only with a multitude of such “country farmsteads” but a variety of settlement types covering the spectrum between urban centers and temporary shelters. The period of Late Antiquity (3rd-7th centuries AD) has figured prominently in this conversation due to both traditional historiographic depictions of the countryside and the conflicting archaeological evidence produced by recent regional surveys in the eastern Mediterranean. Contrary to conventional narratives that suggested countrysides were either totally abandoned, ruined, or dominated by large self-sufficient estates, a growing corpus of surveys have revealed numerous farmsteads and villas, hamlets and villages. In countries like Greece and Cyprus, where we have worked, the Late Antique countrysides are so well-settled with a wide variety of types of residence that scholars are completely rewriting the histories of these provinces for this period. And yet, if the new consensus speaks to healthful and prosperous Late Antique regional economies, it also raises questions about the relationship of town and countryside, of urban and rural space.