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PR Watch 11 #4.1 V4

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PR Watch 11 #4.1 V4 Public Interest Reporting on the PR/Public Affairs Industry Volume 11, Number 4 Fourth Quarter 2004 A PROJECT OF THE PR WATCH CENTER FOR MEDIA & DEMOCRACY WWW.PRWATCH.ORG ALSO IN THIS ISSUE: Powers Behind the Throne by Laura Miller Introducing SpinWatch! page 6 A handful of sibling companies with close ties to the Republican Party and roots in the tobacco industry are at the top of heavy-hitting corpo- rate and political campaign strategists. Four limited liability corporations Progress for the are at the nexus of millions of dollars of influence-buying money: Powerful • The DCI Group, a Washington, D.C.-based lobbying and PR shop that page 7 specializes in creating quasi-grassroots organizations and publishes “Tech Central Station,” a website "where free markets meet technology"; Dewey Square Gets • Feather Larson Synhorst-DCI, a telemarketing and political consult- Around ing firm with offices in Washington, St. Paul and Phoenix; page 9 • FYI Messaging, a political direct mail company based in Phoenix; and Killer PR: The Literary • TSE Enterprises, a Phoenix-based internet PR company that creates and host websites and does electronic direct mail. World of Eric Dezenhall page 11 The companies have overlapping clients and are most visibly linked to each other by Thomas Synhorst, a founding member of each. They took in $20 million for their work to help elect George W. Bush in 2004, The Echoes of Tobacco’s and they count AT&T, Microsoft, and the giant trade association Phar- Big Drum maceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) as clients. page 14 The DCI Group calls itself a “strategic public affairs consulting firm” and boasts that it handles corporate issues like political campaigns. “We are a political firm and all of our partners have political campaign expe- Flack Attack With the end of the 2004 election cycle, political Square and FLS-DCI “have worked in tandem for strategists, pollsters and campaigners will have earned such diverse clients as General Motors Corp., the themselves some vacation time. Then they’ll go right American Insurance Association, AT&T Corp., Blue back to work, offering their services and connections Cross-Blue Shield Association and Microsoft Corp.” to private sector clients. In this issue of PR Watch, we Birnbaum explains that the two firms’ “forays into elec- look at two firms that exemplify this kind of influence. toral politics clearly help them lure corporate clients.” Diane Farsetta profiles Michael Whouley and his Also in this issue, Sheldon Rampton interviews Eric Dewey Square Group, a Democratic lobby/PR shop. Dezenhall, the head of an aggressive “crisis manage- Laura Miller examines Tom Synhorst and his Repub- ment” firm and the author of several books that sati- lican-affiliated firms, including the DCI Group and rize the public relations industry. And Bob Burton Feather Larson Synhorst-DCI. looks the tobacco industry’s spin campaign to minimize Whouley and Synhorst may have battled against media coverage of the current Justice Department each other during the election cycle, but when it comes $280 billion racketeering case against the industry. If to lobbying, they are comrades in arms. As the Wash- you haven’t read much about it, Bob’s article helps ington Post’s Jeffery H. Birnbaum observes, Dewey explain why. rience. We thrive in competitive circumstances, and are FLS-DCI co-founder Tony Feather, who served as a used to fluid situations and tight deadlines,” their web- political director of George W. Bush’s 2000 campaign, site claims. DCI Group offers services that include is also responsible for the creation of Progress for Amer- national, state and local lobbying; coalition building; and ica, a soft-money group that raised and spent $28.8 mil- generating “grasstops” and constituent support for lion to support Bush in 2004. FLS-DCI’s website issues. The firm has been linked to several industry- prominently features a quote from top Bush advisor Karl funded coalitions that pose as grassroots organizations. Rove, himself a direct mail expert. “I know these guys Perhaps it comes as no surprise as DCI advertises its abil- well,” Rove states. “They become partners with the cam- ity to provide “third party support” to clients. “Corpo- paigns they work with. From designing the program to rations seldom win alone,” the group’s website says. drafting scripts; from selecting targets to making the calls “Whatever the issue, whatever the target—elected offi- in a professional, successful way they work as hard to win cials, regulators or public opinion—you need reliable your races as you do.” third party allies to advocate your cause. We can help you recruit credible coalition partners and engage them for SMOKING OUT DCI’S PAST What the DCI Group “does best”—creating “credi- maximum impact. It’s what we do best.” ble coalition partners”—is a skill that the group’s man- The use of third-party front groups is common in the aging partners—Tom Synhorst, Doug Goodyear, and business of swaying public opinion. Traditionally, how- Tim Hyde—developed during nearly a decade of work ever, strategic influencers view the news media as the in the 1990s for R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company. channel through which their message flows from the DCI chair Thomas J. Synhorst got his start working front group to the target audience. DCI and its affiliates in the 1980s as an aide for Senator Charles Grassley (R- offer “direct contact” that bypasses the media entirely. Iowa). In 1988 Synhorst ran Bob Dole’s presidential The client’s message is directly delivered via phone primary campaign in Iowa, winning the state’s early banks, regular mail and/or the internet. Direct contact caucus over George H.W. Bush. He later worked on provides the campaigners with complete control over the Dole’s 1996 presidential bid, having by then set up the message. Freed from the filters created by news outlets, political consulting and telemarketing firm, Direct Con- they can be as biased and inflammatory as the message nect, Inc. Simultaneously, Synhorst also worked as a shaper deems necessary. Midwestern field representative for R.J. Reynolds. Some “We play to win,” proclaims FLSphones.com, the of details of his work in that capacity can be found website of Feather Larson Synhorst-DCI. In addition to through internet searches of RJR’s internal documents phone banks, the firm offers a “letter desk” service, that were publicly released as part of the states attorneys explained as follows: “Personal letters from constituents general lawsuit against the tobacco industry. As early as are proving to be increasingly effective in swaying legis- 1990, Synhorst’s name turns up in in a letter from RJR lators’ opinions on hot issues. FLS can economically gen- field operations manager Mark Smith. The letter outlines erate hundreds or thousands of letters on your behalf—all the tobacco company’s strategy for undermining a work- unique, but conveying your desired message. Each letter place smoking ban at a Boeing plant in Wichita, Kansas. is personalized, individually signed and often includes a Synhorst was one of the RJR field coordinators suggested handwritten postscript from the constituent.” to meet with a Boeing employee who opposed the anti- FLS also offers “patch-through” calling, in which smoking policy. people reached via phone bank are immediately patched The work of a field coordinator for RJR included through to their legislators, thus generating a stream of keeping track of state and local smoking bans and ciga- constituent phone calls that echo the client’s message: rette tax initiatives; monitoring workplace smoking bans; “FLS has worked to design scripting and call systems meeting with company sales representatives; developing that generate high-quality patch-through calls,” the web- and supporting “smoker’s rights” groups, including set- site boasts. “Constituents are connected directly to their ting up meetings, circulating petitions, and providing legislators, and in some cases are giving individual talk- materials; contacting school districts concerning RJR’s ing points to help convey your message to their elected youth program; placing people in public meetings and official in a personal way.” Other services offered include meetings with legislators to support the tobacco indus- automated phone calling using pre-recorded messages; try’s position; getting letters to the editor printed in local inbound phone services, meaning the company provides and regional newspapers; and creating alliances with staff to answer incoming calls to toll-free numbers; and organizations with similar concerns, such as anti-tax information collection services, including emails. groups. 2 PR Watch / Fourth Quarter, 2004 In one internal memo, field representatives were His weekly reports, also available in the R.J. Reynolds instructed: “Xerox like crazy. When a favorable letter to online archive, provide a running history of the discus- the editor is printed, getting people to copy the letters sion of tobacco in the public sphere and the industry’s and send them to their elected officials with a note saying efforts to shape that discussion. (essentially) ‘This is what I think, too,’ is key. [Letters to With Goodyear’s expertise at coordinating astroturf the editor] now become a two-step process: Step One is activities in all 50 states, Synhorst’s on-the-ground field getting them published. Step Two is circulating them as experience combined with his telemarketing work, and widely as possible.” Hyde’s years of corporate work, the DCI Group offers The DCI Group’s CEO, Douglas M. Goodyear, used clients a vast body of experience and contacts. The to work on behalf of R.J. Reynolds. Before joining the tobacco industry’s efforts in the 1990s to fight regula- DCI group, he was a vice president at Walt Klein and tions, taxs and lawsuits created a money-soaked training Associates, a PR firm whose work for RJR dates back to ground where dozens of political operatives and strate- at least the1980s.
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