The Impact of Mass Media During the 1996 Uganda Presdential Elections

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THE IMPACT OF MASS MEDIA DURING THE 1996 UGANDA PRESDENTIAL ELECTIONS

A CASE STUDY OF THE NEW VISION AND MONITOR NEWSPAPERS

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A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE AWARD OF DEGREE IN BACHELORS OF MASS COMMUNICATION OF KAMPALA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY

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DECLARATION

I Kasozi Elisha declare that, this research paper is my original and never been submitted in a°ititution for the award of a degree,

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Candidate .. . i.tJJ. !! .J ! . .... Et-"'1 .s. J/. fl: ...... Reg No. ... E.w. ~-/~}; ~J ~ .l. !) .~...... Date .. ) .) .. J. CJ.3. .. /2i .rw.(...... Sign ...... - ~ ~ ......

Supervisor

Date ...... PJ .~ .! .Q : .~?.! ...... DEDICATIONS

£astfj to myfamifj mem6ers incfutfi,ng, Sllr. anaSllrs. James Slluwonge, Ssuu6iJames, (Jannyanna ~6ecca, Imm6a

i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I wouftf liRg to recora my gratituae to tlie foffowi11g i11di-virfua[s ana organizations tfia~ maae this dissertation possi6fe, prof Simon CJ!eter Ongoaia wfio supervisea anaeditea tfie aissertation, I am afso grateju{for (})rj c.Eng Ssuu6i James of SCJ!Jf_CP,-!N1E

6linafor, (}Jr angora Jerome for insti{[ing gooaprofessionalism in tlie author, prof. jf_. q. q (}inyera CJ!inychwa for his gooapolitica[ iaeas, :Mr. 'l(Juii{u

,(}Jr (J(usoey for your aavice in stuayi'ng ana fiatufling society, :Maaam Sy{via iByamuR,g,ma for your counseling in communication slij{[s wiffnever 6e forgotten,

11 TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Dedication...... i Acknowledgement ...... •...... • ii Table of contents ...... •...... iii

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1:1 Background ...... 1 1:2 Statement of the problem ...... 3 1.3 Objectives ...... 3 1.4 Specific objectives ...... 3 1.5 hypothesis ...... 4 1.6 Scope of study ...... 5 1.7 Significance of study...... 6 1.8 Methodology ...... 7 1.8.1 Research design ...... 7 1.8.2 popular study ...... 8 1.8.3 Sample selection ...... 9

literature review 10

2.1 Introduction...... 10 2.2 Historical overview ...... ,...... 11 2.3 Reasons for watching part broadcasting in Britain ... 16 2.4 Specific models of voting...... 19

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3.0 Brief history of media and politics in Uganda...... 24 3.1 Re-independence era...... 24 3.2 PQst independence era...... 33

4.1.1 Monitor...... 54 4.1.2 The new vision...... 56 4.2 Cartoons...... 58 4.3 Photographs...... 59 4.4 People's participation...... 61 4.5 Audience participation...... 62 4.7.lYes the new vision was biased in elections...... 63 4.7.2 Other factors that shaped voting behavior...... 66 4.7.3 People's exposure to media campaigns ...... 67

CJ[Jl_CJXFE(J.( PI'VE: CO:NCLVSIO:NS 68

5 .. 1 Conclusions...... 68 5.2 Recommendations...... 71 5.3 End notes...... 72 5.4 Appendices...... 7 4 5.5 Bibliography...... f! CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION:

The role of the press to persuade people to respond to a certain event is very central in each and every society. Today this role has taken route of political campaigns in any country in the world, regardless of its advancement; the press is widely used during political campaigns. Thus, the study of mass media effect has progressively focused on the political impact of mass media.

In Uganda, this study has not gained much consideration. The literature available is very little and it doesn't highlight the main aspects of mass media and political campaigns in Uganda.

Therefore, this research looks in detail how the press impacted people to vote Y oweri Kaguta Museveni during the 1996 presidential elections.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The problem of political bias of print media campaign is associated with inadequate study about the impact of mass media in daily Uganda's politics.

I Since independence, little effort has been put into studying how print media fits in among all other aspects of political campaigns. The way the media can influence people's voting behavior is not well understood. There are many competing views about media political impact. Yet the media plays an important role in shaping voter's attitudes and determines the way he/she is going top vote.

The study was intended to carry out a comprehensive investigation about the operation of print media particularly the monitor and the new v1s10n newspapers within the political context of 1996 Uganda's presidential elections. The study established whether the media influenced people to believe that National Resistance Movement under candidate Yoweri Kaguta Museveni was the only right instrument to govern Uganda. It also looked whether there was media bias in the names of religion, tribe, region and political orientations. The research sought to test on whether the elections were democratic, as it has been assumed.

The study also attempted to explore people's exposure to mass media campaigns. It tested whether there was low or high voter's exposure to political coverage. The findings explained the way people were involved in the production of information about the 1996 presidential elections.

2 OBJECTIVES

To asses whether there was bias in terms of space and content in both the monitor and new vision papers during 1996 Uganda's presidential elections. That is to check whether anyone one of the two newspapers was in favor of candidate or party of a certain character such as political affiliation, gender, ethnic group, religion or geographical orientation.

SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES

To assess the extent newspapers in Uganda covered the 1996 presidential elections.

To assess strengths and weaknesses of political campaigns in Uganda.

To investigate how the package of the content of government media differs from that of private owned media.

To establish the amount of time /space both newspapers donated to each candidate during the elections campaign.

To find out if people are involved in the production and presentation of political materials, if so, how?

3 And to provide publishers with information for future reference on how effectively political campaigns should be carried out.

HYPOTHESIS

Mass media coverage of political campaigns 1n Uganda differs widely according to the ownership of the media. Government owned media tend to portray good image of NRM while private media focus their content on supporting the opposition camp and dismantling the ruling NRM.

The research is justified to test two hypotheses; [i] Media did not have any impact during the 1996 presidential elections campaign.

[ii] Media didn't give fair coverage in 1996 Uganda's presidential elections campaign.

4 SCOPE OF STUDY

The study investigated biasness of mass media during 1996 Uganda's presidential election campaigns, people's exposure to mass media campaign, assessed strengths and weaknesses of political campaigns in Uganda, the extent Uganda's newspapers cover political campaigns, to investigate the package of the content of both government and private owned mass media and to establish the amount of space/ time both New Vision and The Monitor newspapers donated to each presidential candidate during the 19996 campaigns.

The study covered five divisions of Kampala, which included 100 polling stations. The divisions were Kawempe, Kampala central, Makindye, Rubaga and Nakawa. 60 respondents were surveyed randomly from all divisions using simple random sample. Respondents constituted politicians, media practitioners, lawyers, and members of electoral commission, parliamentarians, women, men and youths. Structured and unstructured interviews were administered to the random sample and key informers respectively. And for documentary analysis, 2 ½ hours every day for 35 days were spent to collect data about the 1996 elections from all published articles. Content was analyzed, political advertisements were investigated and political cartoons and pictures were observed.

5 Quantitative and qualitative data collection methods were employed. Quantitative data was edited, coded and tabulated. Qualitative data are analyzed continuously during data colkction process.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This research is, therefore, geared on investigating hoe political media campaigns fitted in during the majority presidential elections of 1996 in Uganda. This was carried out in terms of coverage space/time, and finally the researchers draw the biasness of media during campaigns.

The study was also justified to be carried out because newspapers are important channels in which information is disseminated and this greatly can affect voting behavior. Therefore, there was need to assess its political publications' appropriateness to the Ugandan voters. By doing so, the study contributes information to media practitioners and politicians who involve themselves in the process of promoting democracy in Uganda.

By establishing the amount of space/time, the print media donated to cover each candidate during the 1996 elections campaigns, by checking the strengths and flaws of the media campaigns and by identifying how the package of the content of political campaign can be carried out, the

6 METHODOLOGY

RESEARCH DESIGN.

In this study, both quantitative and qualitative methods are used to investigate the political impact of mass media in Uganda.

The content analysis was highly used. The New Vision and The Monitor newspapers were analyzed to provide information about 1996 presidential elections. Headlines content were analyzed; political advertisements were investigated to give massage with understandable imagery. For instance, a fascicle display of happiness or assurance, fear of evasion, anger or threat, ugly or beauty and strength or weakness were analyzed.

The researcher interviewed editors of both newspapers, members of parliament, and members of electoral commission and NRM and opposition leaders. Interview guide was preferred because it was cheap in terms of money and time. But most of the information was obtained from documentary analysis method.

Documentary method was chosen because it was good method to make comparison between The Monitor and New Vision newspapers' content during the 1996 presidential campaigns.

8 POPULATION STUDY The targeted population contained 60 respondents from five divisions of Kampala including Kawempe, Kampala Central, Makindye, Rubaga and Nakawa to represent both urban and rural voters.

SAMPLE SELECTION

Kampala was purposively selected to represent the urban and rural population respectively.

A sampling frame consisting of ministries, departments, institutions and organizations was constructed with the assistance from Kampala city council [KCC]. Systematic random sampling technique was employed to select 20 people from ministries, institutions and organizations for exclusive interview. The total surveyed sample was 60 respondents.

The sample constituted media practioners, politicians, lawyers, and parliamentarians, members of electoral commission, women and men from NRM and opposition camp and youths.

The above respondents were employed ion the research because they were more knowledgeable and knew much about 1996 presidential election campaigns in Uganda.

9 CHAPTER TWO

LiTERATURE REVIEW

INTRODUCTION:

It's widely acceptable that the effect of mass media to change attitude is fundamental role of political campaigns all over the world.

In Uganda, the focus of this study has not yet hatched a comprehensive detail on how mass media especially print change people's political outlook and orientation. There is little literature about the subject. And the available literature has not highlighted the important issues on how mass media influence daily Uganda's political life. The life that is questionable on whether it's democratic or not.

The attempted literature such as press and democratic struggles in Uganda, the Evolution of Mass Media in Uganda, and the Mass Media and Nation Building in Uganda are not only limited to pre-independence time but also are more focused on political struggles than the real impact of mass media in relation to voting behavior of Ugandans.

10 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF MASS MEDIA AND PO LITICS.

Mass media and politics cre like bones and muscles. One cannot separate them. Politicians depend on media for political campaigns and reflection of good leadership image. In the same way mass media depend on the good political atmosphere in order to operate well.

According to Mytton [1973] "it's not possible to think of politics outside the frame work of communication. Media and politics are interlinked in a way that cannot be discussed separately".

It's this interdependence that prompted the study of the impact of mass media since the inception of magic bullet theory to be grounded within political influence of mass media. The early researchers came with the impression that media were powerful in influencing people's political opinion and attitudes.

According to Gurevitch, Curran and Woollacott [1977], "successful uses of the mass media to propagate political beliefs and ideologies in world war 1 and the late 1930's, plus the growth of political science interest in empirical analysis of voting behavior, gave rise to and reinforced the conviction that the main target for research should be processed of opinion and attitude change among the individual receivers of miscommunication massage".

11 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF MASS MEDIA AND POLITICS.

Mass media and politics are like bones and muscles. One cannot separate them. Politicians depend on media for political campaigns and reflection of good leadership image. In the same way mass media depend on the good political atmosphere in order to operate well.

According to Mytton [1973] "it's not possible to think of politics outside the frame work of communication. Media and politics are interlinked in a way that cannot be discussed separately".

11 In almost every African country, the mass media are forced to act as government's propaganda machine. The traditional role to inform the person, is not emphasized much.

The study about propaganda by Lasswell (1977] " ... propaganda technique in politics aims at influencing human action by manipulation of representations through spoken words, written, pictorial or musical forms".

Back to the example of 1996 presidential elections in Uganda, mass media were used widely by National Resistance Movement [NRM] , inter-political forces co-operation [IPFC] formed through the alliance of Uganda People's Congress [UPC] and Democratic Party under one candidate Paul Kawanga Ssemmogerere and private candidate Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja to convey massage about the right candidate to govern Uganda. Media played the role of propagating propaganda through infonning Ugandans that either NRMor Inter-political Forces Cooperation [IPFC] would disrupt peace and unity if elected to lead Uganda.

For instance movement used radio Uganda and Uganda Television to tell the masses that Museveni's opponents supported evils. Luwero triangle massacred people during the clash between Y oweri Kaguta Museveni and Obote ii government were filmed to carry the massage alleged that people were killed by Obote ii regime. Hence to put in

12 power IPFC, which allied with Obote's UPC was to welcome another killings. The opponents too used pr;nt and electronic media to disqualify NRM. NRM's weakness to fail to stop insurgency in Northern Uganda was an issue during the campaigns. Media propaganda however has worked together with politics for long time in many countries.

According to Marrege [1998] "in Tanzania ... media influenced people before and after independence. Media influenced people after independence to accept socialism and one political party. Media was used to project socialist ideology in Tanzania, therefore it became a strong vehicle of developing politics in the country".

The 1983 British general election shows on how newspapers with different political orientation packaged their contents either to support or undermine a certain party. The press plunged into propaganda role while forgetting its overriding role to inform its audience without bias.

According to Collins [1986] "during 1983 election, Sundays and Daily press supported the conservative party's election campaign while the Mirror supported Labor party".

The situation that continued to 19087 elections whereby the Mail, Express, Sun and Telegraph backed Conservative while Labor party relied on television campaign. 13 All mass media spinned their stories to point their enemies' weakness. The Mail, Express, Sun and Telegraph's coverage's based on labor's weakness points such as defense.

Richard [1986] "throughout 1986 before 1987 general election, the popular press created and reinforced the image of the 'Loony' left Militant in the labor politics. Stories of the alleged "Loony Left" politics became standards feature of their political coverage. And the true black rubbish bins and the true or false antics of Labor party candidates or spokes persons entered the public consciousness ... the situation prompted Labor party to attempt to detach itself from the extremists' wing. Labor turned to television campaign".

It's the belief obtained from Wilbur Schramm hypodermic needle or the stimulus- response theory that has prompted politicians to depend much on mass media for political campaigns.

The theory suggests that, people are vulnerable to mass media messages, meaning that, when the message is received by the targeted audience, will have an effect to shape his or her behavior according to the will of those control the media and their contents.

14 During the 1996 presidential elections in Uganda, private and government media created radio, television and print media news and adverts. The content was expected to inflict people like a bullet. So they could support either NRM or its opponents. But because Ugandans were not passive media's impact was minimal.

Peterson and Maclure [1988] "audience is not passive and vulnerable to media messages as Schramm's hypodermic theory explained. Audience has the capacity to analyze and conceptualize information from the media. Audience never absorbs everything [not everything in the media may appeal to the audience]. The audience has preference and select information, which will fulfill their needs. Audience is not homogeneous, therefore the capacity to comprehend differ as well as preferences".

Just like Peterson and Maclure study Blumler and McQuail's [1996] study during 1964 British election concentrated on people's motives for turning to political programmes. The uses and gratification approach disclosed that media had little direct effect on voters. According to the study, people's motives had some relationships between attitudes change and campaign exposure. To the end of the study, they came with a conclusion that mass media effects may be dependent related to audience. Member's needs and motiv:es as the following chart from Blumler and McQuail [1969] can illustrate.

15 REASON FOR WATCHING PARTY BROADCASTINGS IN THE BRITISH GENERAL ELECTION OF 1964.

MEMBERS PERCENTAGE

To see what some party will do ifit gets into power 55

To keep up with the main issues of the day 52

To judge what political leader are like 51

To remind me of the party's strong point 36

To judge who is likely to win election 31

To help make up my mind how to vote 26

To enjoy the excitement of election race 24

To use as ammunition in arguments with others 10

16 The 1964 British voters is a good example of today's mass media and voting behavior in Uganda. Media practioners should understand that there are very few people among voters who seek mass media messages to make up their mind how to vote. The table shows that only 26% of voters in Britain sought information for voting purposes. Instead majority watched party broadcasts to get the information that would fulfill their needs.

People listen, watch and read media messages to fulfill their needs. And there are some processes of perception in the mass media. These include selective exposure, selective attention, and selective retention.

1964 British elections show that there was a tendency of Britons to expose themselves to communication that were in agreement with their existing attitudes and avoided that were against their interests.

In Uganda, government media exposed people mostly to the information that created NRM's image. So, massive information to praise candidate Museveni was given to people. The coverage about opponents was little and in most cases negative.

Some Ugandans with strong sense of tribalism and religious hatred refused to listen or attend rallies of some candidates with certain characters. According to The Monitor for instance, Paul Ssemmogerere was totally rejected in Bushenyi district.

17 This shows that people rejected him, couldn't pay any attention to any information that supported Ssemmogerere. The reason Ssemmogerere is a Muganda and Banyankore and Bakiga occupy Bushenyi.

The tendency of people to recall the massage as being influenced by their needs, wants, attitude and other psychological factors is another reason why mass media impact is minimal.

Though Ugandans wanted to adopt new ruling system during the 1996 election, they were not well exposed to information about multi-partism. While government media were laden by NRM information, private owned were trying to balance the information. As a result, NRM got majority of positive stories that reinforced people to remember more about NRM's positive than its negative side.

However the liberal situation of mass media in Uganda couldn't help much to make private owned media to have more impact than government ones. This is because the independence of the press is not absolute. Due to the self-censorship in the media, NRM was in good chance to manipulate people through its propaganda machines.

18 SPECIFIC MODELS OF VOTING.

Many researchers have attempted to write about communications and politics in recent years, of which a large number have focused on political campaign in broader sense. But others have tried to be more specific on the subject. Their studies have produced models of voting.

This modem approach about voter behavior agreed with power of information to shape people's voting decision. The approach puts in mind that each decision making process must start with information which can be sought or incidentally acquired, then is represented in long-term memory.

According to Kraus and Parlott { 1985] "for the voters this information may include each candidate's position on important issues, past performance, party, physical appearance and so forth. When called upon to make choice, the voter must access part or all of this infonnation from memory and process it".

During the 1996 presidential campaign, Ugandans identified themselves to support candidates whom they admired. These were chosen according to their past performance, origins, or their positions on

19 important issues such as insurgency, economic and military support, religion and ethnic orientation. for instance opinion polls carried by The Monitor few days before election, showed thac Buganda supported Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere by 55% and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni by 33%. May be this happened because Ssemmogerere is a Muganda hence good support from Baganda. The polls also revealed that Museveni got 83% of supporters from Bushenyi where Banyankore, Museveni's tribe reside. In northern Uganda where insurgency was at stake, candidate Museveni [president] got only 30% of supporters while Ssemogerere got 68%. Here shows that Northern people rejected Museveni due to poor performance to eradicate rebels of Lord's Resistance Army [LRA]. . His ten years government in power failed to rescue Northerners from Joseph Kony's killing and abduction of innocent women and children.

According to Krans and Parlott [1985] "people vote, for the candidate toward whom they have the strongest voting intention. Vote for candidate x is accurately predicted from beliefs about the normative prescriptions of relevant individuals or groups and the voters motivation to comply with those referent".

The study by Lazarsfeld, Eta! [1944] reveals that the social characte1istics determine political preference. The study combines the effect of various factors on the vote and explore things activate people to vote the way they do.

20 The model of people's choice argues that in the polling process, political dispositions are activated and then candidates are matched to them. The one who matches to these political pre-dispositions receives the vote.

Compbell Eta! (1960] came up with an American voter model. This model based on social features as ultimate determinant of the voter. This means that political disposition identify party, then the party identify determines attitudes toward political objects, which in turn determine on how an individual is going to vote.

The models reveal that mass media effect of voting behavior is a long process which starts with information, candidates' pre-dispositions, search for more information about candidate or party then people match candidate or Party to pre- dispositions. If they match, candidates are going to be elected, if not voter is not going to vote for him or her.

According to Shapiro (1969] an evaluation of each candidate is based on proximity of the candidate to the voters self or ideal candidates along various dimensions. This seems that, a voter arrives a decision to vote for some one only if he or she is more informed about the candidate. Hence, mass media campaign and interpersonal communication become prominent political tools.

21 Mass media creates close proximity between a voter and candidate by creating voter's positive attitude toward the candidates or other objects such as political parties and issues.

During the 1996 Uganda's presidential campaign government owned media attempted as much as Possible to make sure that voters were becoming closer and closer to Museveni and NRM. Political ads used to terrify people that if they went away from Museveni or movement, peace and security would dissociate from Uganda. The past killings such as Luweero triangle skulls were utilized together with advertisements to persuade people to run away from IPFC and get closer to NRM where peace was stored.

According Charles Onyango-Obbo, the editor of the monitor news paper, "Museveni's campaign team, swamped the radio waves with ads featuring gun shots and screams and saying that if the people voted his opponents in, the country would go back to it's violent past".

Thus, media forced people to believe that President Museyeni was the only person that would govern Uganda peacefully. The power f the media contributed towards Museveni's victory as Severin and Tankard (1988) urge, "The mass media force attention to certain issues. They

22 Build up public images of political figures. They're constantly presenting what individuals in the mass should think about, know about, and have feeling about."

Through Radio Uganda and Uganda Television, Ugandans were forced to believe that Luweero skulls were caused by Obotte 2 regime; hence to put IPFC into power could encourage another massacre. NRM gave citizens negative information about opponents and left them to make comparison, either to choose NRM for peace or IPFC for killings.

23 CHAPTER THREE.

BRIEF HISTORY OF MEDIA AND POLITICS IN UGANDA.

RE-INDEPENDENCE ERA:

The history of the press and politics in Uganda, goes as far as during colonial times. New political relationship imposed by colonialists into the existed indigenous government hatched the press, which linked colonial government directly to the governed.

Most of newspapers during the introduction of the colonial rule in Uganda, were controlled by either colonial officials, their agents, or sympathizers such as the missionaries. The press sought either to glorify colonial achievements or to calm down the struggles of the African people who fought the oppressive and exploitative colonial system.

The first news letter-Uganda Christian Missionary Society, Monthly English Mengo notes (1900), which changed to Uganda notes (1902), another news letter Ebiffa mu Buganda (1907), which changed to Ebiffa mu Uganda (1934), then Munno-a bi-monthly news letter published by the Roman White Fathers (1911), were not only limited to the few literate African readership, and teaching Christian faith, but also intended to sooth African hearts in order to accept colonial rule without resistance.

24 It's through this propaganda role of colonial press that forced the coming up of the African press to present indigenous population. According to Gari yo (1992) "The African press appeared at a specific time not merely as a protest but to present specific and popular grievances directed both at the colonial regime and their allies-the Baganda establishment".

The African press questioned the logic of colonial rule especially the discrimination, oppression and exploitation of the African in trade that is giving land to settlers, the relationships between Baganda chiefs and the colonial regime.

Gariyo (1992) "The press demanded the return of the ancestral land and everything to be the same as they were in colonialism. Land should be returned to rightful hereditary rulers and preservation of everybody's ancestral land and so that the central government recognizes it." "These issues were the main base of the struggle against colonial rule and were effectively highlighted within the emerging African press".

The African press also objected the high rates of Busuulu (Land rent) collected by the Landlords from the people, also attempted to avoid the existence of free labor, (Luwalo) for local native projects, and other compulsory paid labor.

25 The Uganda Herald, which catered white European residents and settlers were very concerned about the criticism of the African press. The critical letters appeared in The Uganda Herald castigating the African press for being aggressive against colonial rule.

According to The Uganda Herald of July 28 1922, one of Herald correspondent commented " ninety percent of the African natives are indolent, pathetic, entirely irresponsible and have the sole idea, to get as much as possible for the minimum amount of execution ... " . Let the native be taught the dignity of labor instead of cramming his head with a lot of ... useful knowledge ... let the young Baganda Association and the others only aim at tying to inoculate . . . useful sciences and then the settlers will back them up".

Despite foreigners' press criticism against African press, the local newspapers kept on pushing forward the struggle against inequality in the society. Sekanyolya, (1920) questioned the role and arrogance ofBuganda chiefs who were dominant in the Lukiiko (Buganda cabinet), condemning the idea of chiefs to divide the youth in the names of religion and social status, the very Britain's technique of divide and rule. Matalisi sister paper of Uganda Herald came in 1924. This newspaper never hesitated to condemn exploitation. Though foreigners owned the paper, an African edited it. The editor championed the rise of petty bourgeoisie who prompted exploitation, injustice and oppression.

26 The correspondents and the editorials sensitized the Baganda to seriously consider the ownership of the cotton ginneries, which had been under the Asian traders who were underpaying cotton growers.

Gariyo (1992) a letter in Matalisi of July 29 1935, I had cultivated 100 yards of cotton . . . after harvesting 160 pounds, the land lord took 100 pounds leaving with only 60 pounds, out of which I have to pay my annual poll tax, Luwalo fee of 10 pounds, and is also demanding Busuulu, ... Now I have to seek wedge labor in order to pay my taxes ... after the landlord has taken all my cotton ... What will happen to poor peasants?"

According to Munyonyozi newspaper editors, the paper was started not because of peace, but to fight for issues and top sacrifice in order to be heard so offensive as some people say.

Other newspapers such as Matalisi, Gambuze (Uganda-bi monthly) and Sekanyolya, protested against colonial education, political and economical systems.

27 Gariyo (1992) Matalisi editorial of November 16,1927, January 11 1978," what we in Buganda want is that, in the next fifteen years we are occupying all the posts in our governrnent as it is in west Africa ... because we are of lord Delemere's remarks ... that an African should always remain an assistant to the British .... Sekanyolya demanded that they elect a person of them or a chief to represent their interests in the Lukiiko ... Gambuze ... people should select the chiefs to the Lukiiko who would respond to their problems ... because the present chiefs'

Loyalty is to those who appoint them ... they are not leaders (administrators) but only tax collectors".

The colonialists became more oppressive and exploitative after Second World War. Ugandans were more subjugated to the British needs than before. Peasants were forced to grow more cash crops to compensate the more shattered colonial economy during the war. More exploitation manifested by the increase of forced labor.

Gariyo (1992) the strongly anti- colonial Luganda newsletter came up in 1944, Buganda nnya.ffe ... the pamphlet launched a virulent attack on the colonial regime and accused it of wanting to enslave the African for a second time.

The Uganda Herald's editor, J.W Kiwanuka didn't hesitate to give his view about the role of the press during that particular time. 28 th According to Gariyo (1992) in Matalisi editorial of April 25 , 1948, Kiwanuka documented that, " the role of newspapers is to give factual truthful information to the public but not misinformation ... most of our newspapers today are only interested in giving 'garbage' in form of news ... and added that, journalists and editors should be well educated and knowledgeable".

The increase of pressure from the African press against colonial rule precipitated draconian laws of sedition to suppress the press. In 1940's, newspapers such as Mugobansonga, Munyonyozi, Uganda star were banned, and their editors such as J.N Tabula were imprisoned.

But other newspapers came up to progress the struggle against colonial governance. The Eddoboozilya Buganda was a paper said to be concerned much about the eradication of economic and social distortion of colonial rule.

According to Gariyo (1992), Eddoboozi lya Buganda's editorial January 20 1951 commented; " ... time has come to give us the right of selecting our own representatives ... the sort of people who can serve us better than the nominated and un suitable men. It continued to say that , let a chief be a chief but not our representative on the Leg co, or chiefs in Uganda are not the highly educated men and we need men who are educated who can express themselves well and who know something of the central government". 29 The African's press political struggle against colonialists became more sophisticated in 1951 when J.W Kiwanuka stated his own paper, Uganda Post after his journalism course in Britain in 1950. kiwanuka used two papers; Uganda Post and its sister newspaper the English edition called The Uganda Express to criticize the colonial regime and policies.

For-stance, in November 30th 1953, Andrew Cohen, the colonial governor depressed Kabaka Edward Muteesa and sent him into exile in Britain for presenting the grievances that there be no East African Federation, there should a transfer of the Buganda's affairs from the foreign office back to colonial office, specific date should be appointed for granting of self government to Uganda and that no Baganda representatives should be sent to the legislative council (leg co).

It was during this time when the press stated to treat the Kabaka's issue as a national concern and seriously condemned the colonial regime and its policies.

Gariyo (1992) the leading newspaper, The Uganda Post at that time condemned the action as 'arrogant'. Other papers like Uganda Eyogera demanded the return ofKabaka. Uganda Eyogera cautioned that there would be no peace in Buganda unless the Kabaka returns.

30 But the colonial regime responded to these attacks by declaring a state of emergency in Buganda. Shortly after this, J.W Kiwanuka was arrested under that emergency and he was Gharged with publishing materials, which intend to bring confusion in Uganda.

The press played greatly its role during this period of demanding effective independence. The African press expressed the root cause of African problems that were associated with colonial oppress10n and some newspapers condemned tribal attitudes and called them big enemies of independence.

For-instance, in 1958, Buganda lukiiko refused some of the 1955 Anglo Baganda agreement for political reform in Uganda. The issue that divided the press with some supporting Lukiiko members and others who protested, While other papers declared that, they were behind the Lukiiko members for the statesmanship, Uganda Argus and Uganda Express, protested the Lukiiko.

Gariyo (1992), the Uganda Express was asking, "what authority have the Baganda ministers got to suggest that, Baganda should be separated from the rest of the protectorate"?

31 A con-espondent to Uganda Argus wrote, " There are scruptive and fissiparous tendencies . . . deliberately being pinned by the self - seekers. The pillars of tribalism of support which the traitors have created in Uganda through perpetuity of tribalism are again being mobilized ... Uganda's self ,, ruel ...

However, things never remained the same for long. When the Uganda National Congress (UNC) was formed in 1952, Kiwanuka changed both the content of the Uganda Express and The Uganda Post at its proposal to project the aspirations of the party and to promote his own political ambitions. Kiwanuka used the papers as his propaganda machines to project good image of his and discredit the other leaders of the party.

Thus, the pre- independence press was of two kinds. One was of the colonialists, which was used to express colonial governments' view. The other was an African press, which was primarily functioning as a direct voice of the people expressing out their grievances and attacking their oppressors, the colonial government. These two presses were antagonistic.

Despite the African press to work heard to tum down colonial image, it reached at a time that it started to support political interests of few people such as Kiwanuka. But this didn't affect much the power of the press to reinforce the end of colonial rule.

32 Although colonialists suppressed the press by putting draconian law of sedition in place, though editors were jailed and several newspapers were banned, the press worked tirelessly until 1962 when Uganda was declared an independent statute under UNC party.

POST- INDEPENDENCE ERA

After independence in 1962, Uganda inherited her political system of multiparty from Britain, which was her colonial master.

The alliance between dr. Milton Obote's Uganda People's Congress (UPC) and Kabaka Sir Fredrick Muuteesa's Kabaka Yekka party (YK), put Muuteesa into power as president and Dr. Milton Obote as his prime minister. But in 1966, Obote toppled Kabaka from power and declared himself as president, hence military government was introduced in Uganda's politics. The revolution that was featured by killings of the innocent people.

The press couldn't tolerate this abuse of power. It interfered to condemn the violation of the 1962 Uganda's constitution which spelt out in chapter three, that, "the fundamental human rights and freedom of the individual should be protected within then limits set in the interest of defense, public safety, order, morality or health ... ".

33 An effort that was curtailed by Obote's leadership according to Makerere university scholars in their book Thirty Years of Independence in Uganda (1962-1997)" ... president Obote had said many times that the country can exist without the press and the press cannot exist without the country".

Obote justified his statement by curtailing the freedom of expression as if the press appeared to act as though it constituted an opposition and did nothing but criticize the state.

Though African leaders were expected to encourage the freedom of the press and expression, leaders continued to be aggressive to the press. Idi Amin Dada in 1971, Obote's commander ousted him from power and declared himself the president. Amini' s era became the worst for the press. Journalists were arrested and some of them were killed. The only way to keep the press 1unning was to terrify Amin with his regime. Those papers that went against the regime were banned.

According to Makerere scholars (1962-1992) 'of the leading newspapers of the pre Amin days, had to stop, Uganda Argus was run down, taken over by the government and renamed The Voice of Uganda, 'Munno' lost one of its editors who was murdered . . . other Luganda newspapers had fluctuating fortunes.

34 After the fall of Amin, on 11 th April 1979, many newspapers eajoyed freedom brought by 'Wakombozi'. But it took short period before OboteII took over power again. The period that was characterized by political turmoil, and economic hardship. Newspapers failed to sustain the situation. The situation that was too chaotic for the press to operate smoothly.

Few newspapers that reported the existed situation of political instability such as 'Weekly Topic' were banned. Ministers and other governmental officials restricted the freedom of the press.

President Y oweri Kaguta Museveni came in power in 1986 after several presidents that include Obote II, professor Lule, Binaisa and okello. Museveni under National Resistance Movement (NRM), took over power on 26th January 1986. This raised hope for the press.

Professionalism was characterized by the new ge:1.eration of journalists who joined veterans in the field to increase press struggle for democracy in Uganda. Professionalism and political stability helped journalists to be able to dedicate themselves to press steadily and with commitment. And economic stability increased purchasing power of people hence big circulation.

35 However, liberalization of mass media in 1990's hatched newspapers such as 'The Monitor' [The Daily Monitor], 'Crusader' and 'Uganda Confidential'. Through this trend, government can be attacked directly, politicians are criticized and all political aspects are put onto the table for debate.

For instance Charles Onyango -Obbo in his column Ear to the ground [the monitor may 4-7 1993] argued that, UPC, Democratic Party and NRM were essentially the same. They were secreterians in terms of religion region and tribes. " Political parties and movement are like train engines. They are differentiated by how many wagons they pull. The NRM claims its train is better, because it's pulling many wagons and that of the parties is short. Which could be right, but that would not change the fact that it's still a train".

Today sensitive issues such as Uganda People's Defense Force (UPDF), involvement in Congo crisis are exposed. For-instance, Onyango-Obbo's column Ear to the ground entitled; Congo; good to be a traitor (The Monitor Wednesday, October 21, 1988 vol. 294, pg. 22) criticized the states' involvement in Congo and called it biggest fallacy.

36 " The role of Uganda in Congo this time has produced an extra- ordinary amount of absurdity and fallacies. And it tells volumes about politics inside the Movement, which is perhaps more interesting than what is happening on the ground in Congo".

These commentaries illustrate the trend of mass media's under NRM regime. Contrary to the past regimes, today journalists are free to enter fear politics directly though this freedom is not absolute.

37 CHAPTER FOUR

INTERPRETATION OF FINDINGS

INTRODUCTION:

The theme of this study is the impact of mass media during the Uganda's 1996 presidential elections. The research critically analyses the content of both The Monitor and New vision newspapers in terms of their; fairness. The comparative approaches between two papers are looked at, because of the nature of ownership. The Monitor's coverage [the daily monitorJ of the elections differ from that of The New Vision, due to the fact that, The Monitor is privately owned while New Vision is a government paper.

The chapter describes what was covered about the 1996 elections in the print media. The level of detail of information is also examined. How newspapers played their role to inform people during election campaign.

Apart from news content, the chapter also looks on how cartoons and photographs were utilized to portray the three candidates. In this analysis, fairness in terms of content, space, portrayal and amount of photographs or cartoons have to be considered.

38 People's participation during election such as letters to the editor and other opinions are observed and interpreted.

The chapter is winding up by the conclusion which indicates on whether the hypothesis has been approved or not. CONTENT ANALYSIS The Uganda press [The New Vision and The Monitor] attempted to be objective to perform the traditional role of informing people about what was taking place during the elections. Several controversies were reported in both newspapers. Election violence was also published but sometimes media biased.

THE NEW VISION

On April 3rd 1996, Ssemogerere was reported by The New Vision to have promised the people of Lango, that if he were to win the race, he would bring back Obote.

The idea that gave power to Ssemmogerere's maJor opponent Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Museveni undermined Ssemogerere by alleging that, he was bringing past killers to the country.

39 The New Vision of April 2nd 1992, said, " past killers only usmg Ssemogerere". The story went on to say that," president Yowweri Museveni has said, Dr. Paul Ssemogerere has committed a political blunder when he allied with past defeated forces using him to capture country's leadership".

It took three days when the same paper on April 5th 1996 reported that 'Ssemogerere's team denied Obote's invite'. Another controversy reported was oof Ssemogerere to deny the alliance forged on January 30th in Mengo whereby UPC, DP, National Liberal Party and Mengo Lukiiko signed what was known as "Mengo Agreement". The agreement hatched Inter-Political Forces Co-operation (IPFC) under candidate, Ssemogerere.

The question ofObote's return roomed large during the election campaigns. The editorial in The New Vision of april 2nd 1996, titled ' Ssemogerere must answer on Obote' attempted to deep into this controversial issue.

"Will Ssemogerere hold Obote accountable for any past crimes or will give him a blanket pardon for misdeeds of past? ... in particular he was deeply involved in the massacres in Luweero which led to the deaths of un estimated 300,000", read the editorial.

40 The paper went on reporting the controversy where by I n April 5th 1996, president Museveni said, "court would clear Obote's return first "and in April 8th 1996, the front-page headline read that, "Obote's proposed return celebrated". The paper was trying to exactly show what was happening as th the clock ticked to May 9 , the polling day.

Other controversial stories in The New Vision were; "Mayanja says ground isn't level", (April 2nd 1996), "Ssemogerere changes his northern journey" (April 3rd 1996), "Museveni slashed money- Mayanja" (April 5th 1996), Mayanja was quoted saying "if you make a mistake of electing Museveni, you will have given him to mandate to remove all the zeros leaving you with no money in the pockets". Mayanja also in the story "Museveni may face trial" says Mayanja (April 17) said, "When you deduct the bad things from the good ones, u remain with zero. Each time he comes to Luweero, it's to bring the remains of our victims".

The New Vision of April, 13 1996 reported president Yoweri Museveni vowing to arrest Amin and Obote ifhe was to be elected as president. The media also didn't hesitate to publish any article that intended to create good image of the candidate.

41 On April 15 th 1996, the title headed, "Museveni denies Moslem massacre" explained that, 'president Museveni has denied involvement in the massacre ofMoslems which took place In Mbarara after the fall ofldi Amin in 1979'.

But The New Vision being the government newspaper, the good stories in most cases were in favor ofMuseveni. For instance, the story, "Ssemogerere attacked" (April 16 1996) read that, Museveni has attacked Ssemogerere for deserting movement after comfortably living with it for a very long time".

Other stories that directly build Museveni's image were; "Museveni predicts victory", "Baganda support Museveni", "Museveni; don't harass Ssemogerere "and "Museveni says Ssemogerere is a rebel". The story read; "the criminal are back through West Nile led by col. Juma Oris, in Kisoro, one of Amini's men, Kabeha, who I did not know until recently and Korry in Gulu. Now our old man Ssemogerere has joined them". Though Museveni got majority of positive stories in the New Vision, other candidates also were totally forgotten. Stories such as, " Ssemogerere sure of majority vote (April 25), "Mayanja to amend new constitution" (New Vision April 26), " Ssemogerere vows on 1ustling" (The New Vision April 6), with the story that, " presidential candidate Paul Ssemogerere says if elected, cattle rustling will end" were given chance and some of these published in front pages.

42 The New vision also attempted to play its role to inform people what happened in the elections by reporting almost all incidents of election violence.

During election campaigns, anonymous hooligans attacked some candidate rallies. The candidates were accusing one another for allowing their supporters to apply violence against their opponents.

The New Vision April 1, 1996 reported that, "Museveni's campaign manager rd attacked". The same paper on April 3 , 1996, covered the story that the anonymous people disrupted IPFC meeting. "Campaign manager for Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere was attacked Sunday by Mukula youths for pulling down Museveni's posters". This story appeared in The New Vision of April 9, 1996. Political hooliganism went on, The New Vision of April 19, 1996, reported that, "Ssemogerere stoned" and on April 200, 1996, "police probe threaten on IPFC".

In the front page of The New Vision of April 25, 1996, there was a report of political violence exercised by NRM supporters. "Police in Fortportal, Kabarole district, yesterday arrested two violent men assaulted a man wearing a Ssemogerere's t- shirt.

43 The interpretive story about election violence was reported on April 26, 1996, in the story "hooliganism mars electoral campaigns". Despite an effort taken by The New Vision reporters and editors to balance their coverage. The news contents shows that, the paper was some how bias. The defensive part on Museveni's could have been seen in the way issues were expressed. For instance, when Ssemogerere was criticizing Museveni, the paper would report it as, "Ssemogerere accused Museveni over Rwanda Genocide". And yet, there was no defensive language when Ssemogerere is being criticized. Headlines such as "Ssemogerere must answer on Obote", and "Museveni attacks Ssemogerere over Obote", don't have any defensive mechanism.

The bias could also be observed on the way the three candidates were addressed. While Ssemogerere and Mayanja were addressed as p[residential aspirants/candidates, Museveni was addressed as president. This put Museveni directly into power before the election. The address kept on reminding people that the president was Museveni and not some one else. But The New Vision attempted its best to avoid identifying itself as a public paper. Negative news about Museveni such as, "Museveni may face trial", and "museveni slashed money- Mayanja", couldn't have been published if the paper would have been totally pro-government.

44 THE MONITOR

The Monitor staff such as Nabusaayi, L.Wamboka on May 13, 1996, commented that, The Monitor was the most balanced newspaper during the presidential campaigns and election week.

The reason such as a balanced circulation where by in some parts of the country, newspaper vendors made it a condition that to sell one Monitor, the reader had to buy The New Vision.

The newspaper also attempted to avoid biasness by giving what exactly was happening during the elections. Being the private paper, which is profit, oriented, The Monitor covered stories that were news worthy, stories that attracted readers. For instance "800 veterans throw their root with

Ssemogerere", ( {The Monitor 0 l-03 April 1996). The story read that, about I. 760 National Resistance Army now UPDF) veterans in Bundibugyo district have threatened not to vote for Yoweri Museveni in the forthcoming \ presidential elections, because he allegedly didn't fulfill promises he earlier made to them. The same wrote, "Mayanja claims victory over NRM in round one", and the story I'll name the successor after five ye\\fS -Muuseveni". All these stories appeared on the front page of The Monitor of 01-03 April 1996. The paper tried to balance the coverage by making all three candidates to appear in the front page.

45 However, the biasness of The Monitor appeared in the inside pages of the paper. Headlines such as" Ssemogerere's, Mayanja's crowds scare NRM team, read that," president Yoweri Museveni's Bunyoro campaign team is in disarray after a Large crowd of Dr. Ssemogerere and Muhammad Mayanja supporters turned up at Rukuraato hall in Hoima town too sign nomination forms endorsing them as presidential candidates.

Another inside comment was the one alleged that Museveni brings swine in Uganda. The article titled, "elections bring swine out again" (The Monitor 01-03 April 1996) read that," I am amazed by some of the things NRM and president Museveni are doing to win votes, in the forthcoming elections. The most surprising one is the appointment of swine, frogs (past leaders - Idi Amin, General Mustafa Adrisa and General Tito Okello Lutwa) as his advisors".

And the two pages interview of Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere in the same paper with the headline, "Museveni feels frustrated, insecure- Ssemogerere", and show on how The Monitor undermine Museveni. Unlike in the New vision where by one could hardly recogmze where biasness relied, The Monitor newspaper's biasness was open to every one.

46 While Museveni was covered with plain headlines such has " Museveni tell of his life in DP", in the front page of the monitor of(April 05-08 1996), in the same paper, Ssemogerere had a story with headline, "Ssemogerere ready to talk to Korry" and Mayanja was given a coverage headline, " Museveni should quit, he is too old- Mayanja".

Apart from negative headlines, many stories were written to let down Museveni. In April 08-10, the paper Wrote that, president Museveni is banking on military coup. And in the same paper, the story titled, " will the chameleon also win in the Uganda's presidential polls"? Explained that, Uganda is in the heat of a presidential election in which president Yoweri Museveni who has shaken the economy through some hard-nosed austerity and economic liberalization programmed, is fighting to keep his job in the face". In the same paper page 10, there was opinion headline, "nothing new in Museveni's manifesto".

All these stories and opinions were geared on dismantling president Y oweri Museveni Kaguta. Nothing written that undermined the other two candidates.

Un fair coverage of candidate Museveni also could be seen in The Monitor of 10-12 April 1996. The said that, " Museveni accused his opponents of foul play", differs much from the layout that, Don't vote Museveni - priest tells Easter congregation", in the same paper.

47 The Monitor attempted to put stories that were defensive to other candidates. But, there were no stories that had defensive mechanism to Museveni. The editor attacked also Museveni. David Ouma Balikowa the news editor of The Monitor in the special commentary "campaign trial", of 10-12 April titled, "Museveni, simu stagger down slippery road", wrote that, " stripped with major campaign issues, candidate like Museveni now dwell on very simplistic issues- such as challenging Cecilia Ogwal and Ssemogerere to a television debate on whether cats and dogs will be taxed under VAT; why this of all issues that Ssemogerere and Mayanja have raised? Museveni has also been at pains to explain his sky-high promise of free education for four children from every house hold", told the story.

This aggressive article which made Museveni to be seen as shallow minded person who neither could initiate his own ideas nor fulfilling his promises was followed by another negative article about Museveni titled, " NRM reaping its own sectarian crop", and in the face to face article, "Museveni never anointed". The Monitor tried to down size Museveni'[s Popularity in Buganda in the article of"Museveni's simu stagger down slippery road", Ouma in his article wrote that, "Museveni was smart too- casting in on Ssemogerere's promise to Langi that he will allow Obote back home if elected president.

48 Museveni and the government media, twisted it all round to mean Ssemogerere would bring Obote back to power, which would have lost Ssemogerere some voters in Buganda - had given their rabid hatred for Obote. The story alleged that Museveni sounded smart in Buganda on Obote's hype. But it added, "... Museveni is not very safe here (Buganda). And because Ssemogerere winds up his campaigns in Buganda - around Kampala -he will grab more headlines ... Museveni would do better waiting for his turn when he reaches home in the west. The reception will certainly be defining - as the root home boy".

The article not only depicted Museveni as incapable, but as sectarian leader who didn't disserve votes from Buganda. Instead, the only support he disserved would come from his homeland.

The "campaign trial" didn't balance the campaign interpretation by writing negative about other candidates. Instead in 12-15 April 1996, the bolded headline "how Ssemogerere took Teso by the storm", appeared in The Monitor.

About¾ page article gave reasons of the interviewed people in Teso in why they supported Ssemogerere. Reasons such as " people are tired of suffering, now they want only one thing, 'change', " it's the hunger and anger you see in peoples eyes" because of "famine and deaths during insurgency" were recorded by the monitor. 49 Moreover, the early opinion polls by The Monitor newspaper, was geared on creating agenda on how people should vote. The people were given the sense of directions to vote Ssemogerere, something, which turned upside down during polling day. The table below showed The Monitor's impressions on how some areas in Uganda were going to vote, which was not the case.

OPINION POLLS APPERED IN THE MONITOR NEWSPAPER OF APRIL 29 MAY, 1996.

Table 1.2

AREA MUSEVENI MAYANJA SSEMOGERERE Buganda 33% 12% 55% Busoga 50% 10% 40% Bugisu 45% 7% 48% North Eastern 38% 4% 58% Northern 30% 24% 68% West Nile 32% 8% 40% Mid-western 45% 45% 45% South- western 65% 5% 30% _According to the opinion polls, Ssemogerere had higher chances to win the elections. But the results in which Museveni ended up with majority votes by far, was enough witness that The Monitor's opinion polls were directing people to vote for Ssemogerere. But because media's impact was limited, Museveni was not much affected by the propaganda.

Imbalances during the campaign's coverage could also be seen on the way the monitor covered elections violence. Despite the fact that the played its role to inform people about the happening during campaigns, the way the subjects were carried out expressed biasness.

For instance, headline "Ssemogerere convoy stoned", (The monitor April 17- 1996), "Mayanja stoned, chased again from rally", (The Monitor 12-15 April 1996) and "gunfire disrupts Ssemogerere rally", the story read; "the massive rally being addressed by the presidential candidate Dr. Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere at Makerere university''> freedom acquire yesterday, was temporarily disrupted when police opened fire to save the life of a man who was being lynched".

The word 'massive rally', expressed media biasness. The term promoted Ssemogerere. It showed that the candidate had many supporters. In nonnal coverage, there was no need for the media to call it a 'massive rally'.

51 The term is opinionated. Despite the people surveyed through questionnaire and exclusive interviews to show that the monitor was not bias during the 1996 presidential elections, the content analysis shows that there was bias in terms of news, content, space and time.

FAIRNESS

According to media ethics, each candidate is required to be treated equally before media during election campaigns; thus, during 1996 presidential elections campaigns, The Monitor and The New Vision newspapers were expected to cover all candidates equally in terms of time, content and space. But this was not so, because of the difference in ownership. The Monitor newspaper is privately owned and the new vision is government paper.

Therefore, under this topic, I am gomg to illustrate on how both the newspapers biased during the campaigns. Table and figurers of coverage of candidates, pictures taken to each candidate and cartoons are going to be observed. These are going to look on how three candidates, that is, the media portrayed Y oweri Kaguta Museveni, Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere and Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja. The information is obtained from media coverage of election campaigns between March 29th and May 7th 1996.

52 The Monitor newspaper of April shows that candidate Y oweri Museveni got bigger front-page coverage than his opponents. This is due to the nature of ownership of the monitor. Being privately owned, the monitor had to cover the stories that would increase circulation.

And because at that time Museveni made news than others, he had rt5o be covered more that the rest. This is also supported by the monitor's deputy editor, David Balikowa when he said, "the monitor has very strong marketing component which defines the content. The content is designed to increase circulation".

Despite many front-page stories about Museveni, the content in most cases doesn't support him. For stance, stories such as, "don't vote Museveni, priest tells Easter congregation ", "don't provoke me, angry Museveni wains opponents", and "Museveni should quit, he's too old- Mayanja" are about Museveni, but not in favor of him.

Another example of Museveni's coverage that doesn't support him is the story, "now Museveni slams politicians' dirty mouths". The story was written that, "in a dramatic about tum, presidential candidate (and president) Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has said he doesn't condemn the use of bad language by politicians and cautioned those doing so to 'panel best their mouths"'. This opinion story covered Museveni, but in away that would make him appear bad before voters and his opponents.

53 THE TABLE BELOW SHOWS THE NUMBER AND HEADLINES OF FRONT PAGE ELECTION STORIES COVERED ON EACH PRESDENTIAL CANDIDATE DURING THE 1996 PRESDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN THE MONTH OF APRIL.

THE MONITOR NEWSPAPER

PAUL KAWANGA YOWERI KAGUTA MUHAMMAD SSEMOGERERE MUSEVENI KIBIRIGE MAYANJA 1. 800 veterans throw 1. I will name 1. Mayaja claims their roots with successor after five victory over NRM in Ssemmogerere. years- museveni. one round. 2. Ssemmogerere ready 2. Museveni lashes 2. Museveni should to talk to Kony at opponents at quit, he is too old massive Mukono rallies. 3. Ssemogerere woos 3. Museveni tells of 3. Mayaja stoned, Karamoja after bush his life in DP. chased agam from with warriors rally. 4. Gun fire disrupts 4. Museveni attacks 4. ayanja explains Ssemogerere rally. Lutwa calls why his opponents opponents 'fear him'. murderers.

5. Ssemogerere IS 5. Museveni wants 5. Mayanja threatens based on peoples' to become a life to take up arms. issues. president. 6. Ssemogerere's envoy 6. Museveni accuses 6. Several injured stoned chased for IKM his opponents of foul thugs hijack Mayaja's inkawempe. play. rally. 7 .ssemogerere abandon 7.Dono't vote rally flees to police Museveni, preist station. tells Easter congregation. 8. Ssemmogerere team 8. Museveni to spit fire at Museveni. pickup cabinet from electoral MPS. 9. Ssemmogerere 9. Don't provoke posters hot in Gulu after me, angry Museveni rebel orders. warns opponents. 10. Now Museveni slams politicians' dirty mouths. 11. Polls say Museveni wm elections by 62%. 12. Museveni tells why Kabaka Mutebi dissolved Lukiiko.

55 THE NEW VISION

According to The New Vision April front-page stories, it shows that, the paper covered Ssemogerere more than the rest candidates. The same thing also happened to The Monitor, whereby Museveni had more stories than Ssemogerere.

Mayanja was not given much coverage. This was because the other two candidates were more news worthy than him.

According to Amuge Susan, (1997 pg; 43-44) "the new vision was fair in its coverage of the elections .... Front page stories were choose depending on the importance of the new story and that is why in some newspapers headlines, election coverage was not focused on because there were better and more catching news stories ... like the Kony war. .. some of the stories covered on the elections were genuine stories that needed to be covered they were not in favor of any presidential candidate".

The New Vision's consideration of newsworthiness can also be illustrated by few stories about elections in the months of April. Contrary to the monitor newspaper, which wrote much about elections, The New Vision sometimes concentrated on overriding news such as insurgency in the north.

56 THE TABLE BELOW SHOWS HEADLINES OF FRONT PAGE STORIES CCOVERD ON EACH PRESDENTIAL CANDIDATE DURING THE 1996 PRESDENTIAL ELECTIONS (N THE MONTH OF APRIL 1996. THE NEW VISION:

Table 1.4 PAUL KAWANGA YOWERI MUSEVENI MUHAMMAD KIBIRIGE SSEMOGERERE KAGUTA MAYANJA 1. Ssemogerere to run I. Museveni warns of 1. Mayanja denies government with Ogwal , Kabaka crisis. backing Museveni. Tiberondwa. 2. IPFC boss hits NRM. 2. I will arrest Amin- 2. Mayanja attacks Museveni. IPFC chief.

3. Ssemogerere team 3. Museveni rejects his 3. mayaja chased out of denies Obote invite. ministers. church. 4. Police save Ssemogerere. 4. Museveni calls 4. Mayanja ready to challenger v,eak. work with winner.

5. Ssemogerewre changed 5. Past killers only using his northern journey. Ssemogerere. 6. Ssemogerere to bring 6. Young democrats cross back Obote. back to Museveni. 7. Kony rallies okay, says 7. Adoko Nekyon switched Ssemogerere. over to Museveni 'scamp. 8.IPFC rally in chaos. 8. Museveni, don't harass Ssemmogerere.

9. Ssemogerere's rally flops in Kabarole. 57 CARTOONS

Cartoons portrayed a lot of unfairness in both The Monitor and the new vision newspapers. But The New Vision seemed to be more biased than the monitor.

Several cartoon in favor of president Museveni were drawn. For instance, the cartoons that portrayed three candidates, Mayanja, Ssemogerere and Museveni, showed what done to the country. Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere was shown still required to go and do research while Mayanja just wondered what he had done.

The Monitor attempted to be fair by diversifying the type of cartoons shown. One cartoon showed the three presidential candidates in the race. Mayanja first at the finishing line, Museveni right after him and last was Ssemogerere. Mayanj'l was told that, he had another round to go. The Monitor also showed a priest addressing people not to vote for Museveni because he doesn't respect God. The cartoon, which was published on April 10-12, had these words; "don't vote Museveni; he doesn't respect God". Answerer "but why do you accept his pajeros?"

58 Another cartoon was drawn showing Museveni saying "I will name your successor in five years time", aaswer "and when will he take over"? Your excel ... (The Monitor April 01-03 1996). Mayanja was also portrayed when he threatened to go to the bush if he would have not been elected president. The cartoon worded, "those who come third as Museveni did in 1980 always go to the bush", was drawn.

Cartoons in the monitor covered almost every candidate. There was no bias. Negative and positive sides of candidates were mirrored. This is what is known as responsible journalism.

PHOTOGRAPHS

There were other aspects, which tended to bring out the aspect of biasness and irresponsibility in journalism. They portrayed a lot of unfairness especially in The New Vision newspaper. From March 29th 1996, to May ih 1996, the new vision had 40 photographs for Museveni, 25 for Ssemmogerere and 18 for Mayanja. And in the most cases Museveni's photographs were published in front page of the new v1s10n.

The imbalance could be seen when Museveni was portrayed in the photographs as having a lot of supporters. Many pictures of his were surrounded by the majority of people with smiling faces. 59 Also Museveni was portrayed fully, standing and smiling while his opponents were portrayed when they were alone, never standing, they were always in passport size form or portrait with disfigured faces.

Thus New Vision's bias was more evident in the published photographs than in content.

The Monitor too, was bias in terms of photograph publication. The Monitor's photographs from April 01- May 01 showed that, candidates Museveni and Ssemogerere had more than 10 photographs within April; Mayanja had only five [5] pictures.

Ssemogerere was also favored in the published photographs. For instance one photograph published showing Ssemogerere's supporters carrying a poster written 'Ssemocracy against dictatorship' favored Ssemogerere.

The Monitor tended to publish Museveni's pictures with controversial captions. For instance, the pictures ofMuseveni in the monitor of(April 05- 08, 1996) had a caption "candidate Museveni say he is the man who can carry the olubengo without dawning with it- opinion is split down the middle".

60 The caption attempted to pull people away from the belief that, Museveni was capable to solve Ugandans problems. It was opinionated in order to let down Museveni.

PEOPLE'S PARTICIPATION IN THE PRODUCTION OF THE PUBLISHED INFORMATION.

People were largely involved in the production of the materials about campaign through letter to the editor. Letters were either supporting of criticizing candidate' manifesto. For instance, reader's forum of The Monitor of April 01-May 01, had two letters in favor of Museveni and five letters which were against Museveni. The two candidates, that is; Ssemogerere and Mayanja had some letters, which supported and others opposed them.

The feedback also was seen when some people congratulated The Monitor for fair coverage during campaigns. Headlines such as, "Monitor has served well on elections", were published.

Some people wrote to request The Monitor to become daily for elections sake. Therefore, the monitor involved its audiences in the production of political coverage through 'reader's forum'. People were also involved through the published opinion polls. The monitor of May th 1996 asked some respondents either to say YES or NO if at all they had attended a rally, watched or listened to any one of the presidential candidates.

61 74.9% said they had, 24.6% had not and 5%were not sure whether they had been directly exposed to a campaign message from any of the three candidates.

The people surveyed created agenda to be covered by the media about campaigns. The journalists closely followed the overriding issues such as peace and security.

AUDIENCE SURVEY

Audience survey were people who voted in 1996 presidential elections. Questionnaire was used to test media impact during the elections. Total number of 60 respondents were asked to answer questions such as whether they voted during 1996 presidential elections, who did they vote? Where did they come to know their candidates ( on television, radio, in newspapers or others), what made them to vote their candidate, to say whether media coverage of their candidates influenced their political belief, to state how media impacted them, to state whether The New Vision was bias, if yes to state briefly how was it biased the same questions were asked. The same question was asked in relation to The Monitor newspaper. Lastly questionnaire asked whether there were anything else the respondents think shaped their candidates.

62 YES, THE NEW VISION WAS BIASED DURING THE 1996 UGANDA PRESDENTIAL ELECTIONS.

In the content analysis, the researcher discovered that, the monitor newspaper was more biased during 1996 presidential elections campaign than the new vision. The New Vision in most cases attempted to cover all candidates equally. The surveyed news content including stories headlines of April 1996, showed that the two media positively and negatively portrayed all three candidates.

The New Vision was more objective than The Monitor. Though New Vision biased a lot in the publication of candidates' photographs, it didn't appear so biased in terms of content.

For this sub-topic, 60 voters were interviewed by using questionnaire and there responses Wt'fe somewhat different.

Though President Yoweri Museveni got some of the best and worst coverage, 44.73% of surveyed voters claimed that, the paper concentrated on covering Museveni positively than other candidates.

However 27.9% said that, The New Vision and The Monitor were fair, 7.9% claimed that the monitor was biased, 7.9% both newspapers were biased and only 10.5% who were not sure on whether the newspapers were biases or not. 63 Most voters insisted that, The New Vision was not fair, because it tried to cover mainly the campaigns of Museveni, because their were always positive coverage on Museveni and less plus negative reporting on others, it covered much adverts and information of Museveni than the rest, it portrayed opponents negatively and gave more room to government candidate.

In short, voters who believe that, The New Vision biased during 1996 presidential elections campaigns argued that, the paper was in favor of Museveni and ignored and undermined other candidates. They argued that, The New Vision had extensive coverage of president Museveni manifesto compared to other two candidates.

Those who argued that the monitor was biased attributed the biasness with its habit of portraying negative aspects of Museveni in order to increase sales. These ~eople believed that, The Monitor's news con~ent during the elections was highly shaped by profit- motive. This is due to the fact that, the paper is 100% independently owned and it doesn't get any subsidy from anywhere. So one who made news, was one to be covered during campaigns. And Museveni at times was more newsworthy compared to other candidates.

64 Another category was the one built up by the voters who believed that, both newspapers were biased. These people argued that, both papers portrayed negative aud positive sides of candidates especially Museveni and Ssemogerere. But they forgot to cover Muhammad Mayanja effectively.

The surveyed voters in 1996 felt that, Museveni's NRM won the race due to great support from government owned media. But there was something more than media that shaped people's mind to vote Museveni.

THE TABLE SHOW PEOPLE'S PERCENTAGE ABOUT MASSMEDIA BIASNESS IN 1996 PRESDENTIAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN UGANDA.

Table 1.5 NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS(%) THE NEW VISION THE MONITOR 44.73% Was biased 7.9% Was biased 28.9% Fair Fair 7.9% Biased Biased 10.57% Not sure Not sure

65 OTHER FACTORS SHAPED VOTING BERAVIOURS

Regardless the impact of mass media to shape opm1011 and belief, characterizations of all threes candidates often were shaped by their past performance in Uganda politics.

The interviewed voters who voted for Museveni, gave reasons such has; 'his ability, confidence and his well outlined structures/programs made me to vote him'. Others said, 'his good political history, his performance during the past regime, because hi is developmental, he was succeeded to bring peace in Uganda, I feared what would happened if Museveni failed, he knows much the politics of Uganda, and he is democratic'.

Few people argued that, they voted Museveni because he is their tribe mate and because of weak\k opposition.

Most of the respondents who voted Ssemogerere said that, they wanted changes in leadership. Others said, Ssemogerere was good in politics, they voted him because of the poor performance of past regime and because he was a catholic.

So the main issue raised on why many people voted for Museveni was that, he had performed well during his l0years period in power. For those who voted Ssemogerere raised the issue of need for change. That is too say, they voted just for the sake of changes in leadership. 66 PEOPLE'S EXPOSURE TO MEDIA CAMPAIGN.

Despite the fact that the people surveyed live in Kampala where media is more accessible than other areas in the country, 42% of them urged that, they were not exposed to any mass media.

However, the statistics shows that, 7.0 were exposed to television, 7.0 radio and 23% were exposed to newspapers and 21%listened to radio, read newspapers and watched television stations to update themselves about what was going on during the 1996 presidential election campaigns.

THE TABLE BELOW SHOw;-FEOPLE'S EXPOSURE TO MEDIA CAMPAIGN.

MEDIA PEOPLE'S EXPOSURE %

Television 7.0% Radio 7.0% Newspapers 23% TV, radio, newspapers 21% Not exposed to media at all 42%

67 CHAPTER FIVE

COCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

CONCLUSION: The 1996 presidential elections were held in high esteem due to the fact that, Uganda was the country that hard just stated aspiring to democratic government. Since independence, Ugandan had never experienced democratic elections, where by government is put in power by a free and a fair electoral process.

Mass media however, was there to mobilize people to know the importance of elections. Media played its watchdog role to ensure that, citizens were politically empowered and feel that, they were part and parcel of electoral process. The press checked mistakes, wrong policies and abuse of power that were normal aspects during elections. Media was there to ensure that, elections were free and fair.

The press acted as the eye and ears of society. This role was played when it, (press) info1med people what was happening around them. But the role of the press was highly shaped by the nature of ownership. Though the media were independent institution, this independence shaped still by ownership.

68 Here we have private and government owned media. The government owned, the new vision had an obligation to cover issues that were in favor of the government. Museveni W!\S expected to get only positive coverage from the new vision. This is due to the on going trend of liberalizing mass media in Uganda. Under free market place of information, market forces control the press.

This can be illustrated also by the way the private owned; The Monitor newspaper covered the elections. Museveni got majority stories, but many of them were not in favor of him. The monitor's focus was to cover stories that would increase circulation, hence, to attain their main goal of income generation.

According to David Ouma Balikowa, the monitor's editor, the monitor has a very strong marketing component, which defines the content. The content is designed to increase circulation.

Despite mass media effort to bring out what otherwise might have been hidden from the society, the elections were irregular contrary to societal expectations. Voters were highly shaped by ethnic, religions, religious and class loyalties.

69 The irregular was punctuated by election violence. Violence against NRM's opponents was reported, but the state didn't put its hand to suppress the situation.

Because of various weaknesses of the 1996 presidential elections, the turmoil situation stated in 1960's is still characterizing Uganda even today. While hundreds of people are killed in the North, thousands are displaced from their homes.

It's also true that, in such undemocratic atmosphere, media was tempted not to expose most of sensational stories that would decredit the state and failure ofNRM. The situation that caused most newspapers being biased and thus a biased coverage.

From the above, its t1ue to argue that when media covered the elections, it tried to remember three things; first, relation ship between media institutions and government. Secondly, market force behind media and thirdly, the public interest. These three elements need to be revisited in order to improve mass media coverage of political campaigns in Uganda.

70 RECOMMENDATIONS:

There is need for all mass media to be privatized in order to reduce state power in the manipulation of mass media. The draconian laws such as sedition should be cancelled so the media can work freely to serve society. Unless media care not privately owned and draconian laws are in operation, newspaper will fail to balance news, hence iITesponsible journalism.

After privatizing all the media, let them be flexible to report issues that are of advantage to the government. In this way, the issue of not reporting elections comprehensively will be reduced. The monitor which covered only selling stories and missed out other stories that were crucial in telling the public on what was taking place during elections would have been minimized.

The government should also work on suppressmg ethnicism that marginalized Ugandans include journalists. This will encourage objectivity in news reporting hence equal media coverage of candidates. This will also help to reduce political violence that featured the 1996-presdential elections.

71 ENDNOTES l,_ Mytton, Graham. Mass communication in Africa. London; Edward Arnold (publisher) ltd, 1983. p.45 2. James Curran, Michael Gurevitch and Woollacott. Mass communication and society. London; open university 1977 pg.270 Lass well, Harold D. propaganda and politics. New York; prentice hall, 1962.pg. 103 Marenge Irene. Impact of mass media in multipartism democracy in Tanzania, Makerere1998. Pg. 17 Collins Richard, media, culture and society. London; sage publications, 1986. pg. 15. Severin J, Werner and James W Tankard, Jr. communication theories. New York; long man, 1988. pg. 120 7. McQuail Dennis. Mass communication theories. London; sage publications, 1987, pg, 200 Soverin, J, Werner and James W Tankard, Jr. communication theories. New York; long man, 1988. Pg.373 9. Kraus Sydney and Richard M. Parlott. Mass media and political thought. London; sage publications, 1985. Pg. 34 10. Schramm Wilbur. Mass communications. Illinois; university of Illinois press, 1960, pg 347

72 lL Kraus Sydney and Richard M. Parlott. Mass media and political thought. London; sage publications, 1985 pg 70 12. Gariyo, Zie. The press and democratic struggles in Uganda. CBR publications; 1992. Pg7 13. Makerere university scholars. Uganda thirty years of independence; 1962- 1992. Kampala. The committee for the workshop, 1994, pg. 213.

73 APPENDIX

KAMPALA INTERNATIONAL UNIVESITY

Structure o(the questionnaire.

Dear respondent;

This study is to investigate and analyze the impact of mass media during the 1996 Uganda presidential elections .the information you give is purely for academic purpose and the recommendation made there, are likely to be beneficial to the country in general.

We guarantee that your response will be treated with almost confidentiality.

l. Name of the respondent ...... ~~~

2. Gender (i) male □ (ii) female □

3. Marital status . (i) Married D (ii) single D

. (iii) Others □ 4. Division. (i) Kampala central D (ii) Makindye D

(iii) Rubago (iv) Kawempe □ (v) Nakawa □

5. Did you vote during the 1996 uganda presidential elections

(i) Yes D (ii) No D

6. Who did you vote for during the 1996 presidential elections?

(i) Y.K Museveni D (ii) Paul Ssemogerere D

(iii) Kibirige Mayan_ja □

7. How did you come to know about your candidate? Is it through Media? (i) Yes □ (ii) No □

If yes specify ......

If No specify ......

8. What made you to vote your candidate? Elaborate on your answer please ...... •...... •...... •...•...... •...•....•...... •.....

9. Are you a multipartist or a Movementist? (I) Movementist. (i) Yes D (ii) No D

(2) Multipartist. (i) Yes D (ii) No D

10. What influenced your political beliefs? Please specify ...... ················································································~····

T!5 11. How did media impacted your voting behavior? Specify ...... 12. Was The New Vision newspaper bias in the presidential elections of 1996'? (i) Yes □ (ii) No □

If yes specify ......

If No give reasons ......

13. Was the Monitor newspaper bias in the 1996 presidential elections'? (i) Yes □ (ii) No □

If yes support your answer ...... If No still specify ......

14. What formed your candidate status, briefly show ...... •.. ······ .. ·············································································· 15. Briefly assess the strength and weaknesses of political campaigns in Uganda? ...... ········••,•·········································································· 16. To what extent do Ugandan newspapers practice investigative JOUrna. rism ?...... •...... •...... •. : ...... I'••······································································ 17. How do you rate presidential elections in Uganda'? (i) Very good □ (ii) good □ (iii) moderate □

(iv) Fair □