Die Debatte Zwischen Ismail Kadare Und Rexhep Qosja Um Die

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Die Debatte Zwischen Ismail Kadare Und Rexhep Qosja Um Die SÜDOSTEUROPA, 54. Jg., 3/2006 Dokumentation Die Debatte zwischen Ismail Kadare und Rexhep Qosja um die nationale Identität der Albaner Seit Anfang 2006 erlebt die albanische Öffentlichkeit eine Debatte über die albanische nationale Identität, die im wesentlichen vom republikalbanischen Schriftsteller ISMAIL KADARE und dem kosovoalbanischen Philologen und Literaturkritiker REXHEP QOSJA geführt wird. Es ist nicht die erste Debatte zwischen diesen beiden führenden Intellektuellen des albanischsprachigen Raums. Ihr offener Gedankenaustausch reicht auf dem Gebiet der Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft bis in die sozialistischen 1970er Jahre zurück. Bis dato freilich ging das Echo ihrer Diskussionen kaum über akademische Krei- se hinaus. Ihre lange Zeit zwar nicht spannungsfreie, aber unaufgeregte Be- ziehung wie auch ihre Wahrnehmung haben sich nun aber grundlegend ge- wandelt durch das Erscheinen von ISMAIL KADAREs Essay "Die europäische 1 Identität der Albaner" und REXHEP QOSJAs Replik "Die vernachlässigte Realität. Kritische Betrachtung der Ansichten Ismail Kadares über die alba- nische Identität"2. Seitdem ist eine Reihe von Interviews, Essays und Zei- tungsartikeln der beiden Autoren wie auch anderer Intellektueller in Albani- en und in Kosovo erschienen, die sich des Themas der nationalen Identität der Albaner annehmen, dabei nicht selten mit persönlichen, polemischen Be- zügen auf die jeweiligen 'Gegner' in der Debatte. Der renommierteste albanische Schriftsteller und führende Intellektuelle KADARE (international häufig auch in französisierter Schreibung als Kadaré geführt) wurde 1936 in der südalbanischen Stadt Gjirokastra geboren. Als Student in Tirana und später am Gorki-Institut in Moskau zeigte er sehr früh die Neigung zur Dichtkunst. Mit seinem Roman "Der General der toten Ar- mee"3 gelang ihm der Durchbruch als einer der Schriftsteller der Nation. Sei- ne Arbeiten behandeln ein breites Spektrum von Themen, von denen unter dem Gesichtspunkt der aktuellen Debatte die der Konstruktion albanischer nationaler Identität und der osmanischen Erfahrung der Balkanvölker am wichtigsten erscheinen. Kadares Werke wurden bereits während des Kom- munismus, und werden noch heute, in viele Sprachen übertragen und welt- weit veröffentlicht. Seit 1990 liegt sein Lebensmittelpunkt in Paris. 2004 für den Literatur-Nobelpreis nominiert, gewann er 2005 den gerade eingeführten Internationalen Man Booker Preis. 1 Kadare, Ismail: Identiteti evropian i shqiptarëve [Die europäische Identität der Albaner]. Tirana: Onufri 2006. 2 Qosja, Rexhep: Realiteti i shpërfillur. Vështrim kritik mbi pikëpamjet e Ismail Kadaresë për identitetin shqiptar [Die vernachlässigte Realität. Kritische Betrachtung der Ansichten Is- mail Kadares über die albanische Idenität]. Tirana: Botimet Toena 2006. 3 Kadare, Ismail: Der General der toten Armee. Zürich: Ammann Verlag 2004. Übersetzung von Joachim Röhm. 452 Dokumentation Sein Diskussionspartner, REXHEP QOSJA, ebenfalls Jahrgang 1936 und geboren im montenegrinischen Bergdorf Vusanje (alb. Vuthaj) nahe Gusinje (alb. Guci), ist seit langem einer der führenden Intellektuellen in Kosovo, als Sprachwissenschaftler und in seiner publizistischen Resonanz aber auch eine ausgesprochen gesamtalbanische Autorität. Versuche, in der Politik aktiv zu werden, hatten allerdings bislang wenig Erfolg. Spätestens seit der laufenden Identitätsdebatte und insbesondere durch seine Artikel in den Tiranaer Zei- tungen (Shqip, Korrieri, Shekulli) sind Qosja und seine Konzeption albani- scher nationaler Identität nun auch für die weitere republikalbanische Öffent- lichkeit ein Begriff und ist er ein Kadare im Ansehen ebenbürtiger Diskussi- onspartner. Der wichtigste Argumentationsstrang der Debatte knüpft sich an die Frage, ob und wieweit das osmanische Erbe Teil der nationalen Identität der Albaner ist. Die Antwort KADAREs in der "Europäischen Identität der Alba- ner" lautet, Albanien gehöre nicht nur geographisch, sondern auch auf der Ebene der Zivilisation gänzlich zu Europa. Daraus ergibt sich nach Kadare ein klares Ziel für die albanische Nation: die Vereinigung mit der europäi- schen Völkergemeinschaft. QOSJA dagegen vertritt in seiner "Ideologie der Zersetzung" die Ansicht, daß die Albaner ihrer geographischen und kulturellen Bestimmung nach eine vermittelnde Rolle spielen und einen entspannenden Einfluß auf die Bezie- hungen des Westens mit dem Osten bzw. dem Orient ausüben können. Er wirft Kadare vor, von zwei falschen Grundannahmen auszugehen: Erstens von einer grundsätzlichen Unvereinbarkeit der kulturellen Unterschiede zwi- schen dem Osten und dem Westen; und zweitens von der Überlegenheit der europäischen Identität gegenüber anderen und insbesondere der muslimi- schen. Er argumentiert, es stehe "außer Zweifel, daß der Weg, den Kadare eingeschlagen hat, unsere europäische Identität nachzuweisen, falsch ist, [und zwar] weil er versucht, etwas aus unserer Identität zu entfernen, das sich nicht herausnehmen läßt".4 Die Debatte wird weitgehend von der Frage nach dem Zusammenhang von Religion und Zivilisation bestimmt. Um Kadares Gleichsetzung von Eu- ropa, der Europäischen Union und christlicher Zivilisation entgegenzuwir- ken, führt QOSJA Beispiele von Umberto Eco an. Der italienische Intellektu- elle habe sich aus politischen wie kulturellen Gründen gegen die Aufnahme des Konzepts eines christlichen Ursprungs von Europa in die EU-Verfassung ausgesprochen.5 Nicht die muslimische Religionszugehörigkeit eines wesent- lichen Teils der albanischen Bevölkerung, sondern das Demokratiedefizit in Politik und Gesellschaft sieht Qosja als Problem für die EU-Integration.6 4 Qosja, Rexhep: Kadare, Evropa dhe jeta jonë [Kadare, Europa und unser Leben]. In: Shqip, 07.05.2006. 5 Qosja, Rexhep: Idetë raciste të Ismail Kadaresë [Die rassistischen Ideen von Ismail Kadare]. In: Shqip, 03.05.2006. 6 Qosja, Kadare, Evropa dhe jeta jonë (Anm. 4). Dokumentation 453 Davon sei aber in Kadares Abhandlungen keine Rede. Hiermit hängt auch die Kritik Qosjas an dem zusammen, was er als Fehlinterpretation der jünge- ren kosovarischen Geschichte durch Kadare versteht. Dieser interpretiert in der "Europäischen Identität der Albaner" die Massenkundgebungen in Koso- vo von 1981 und 1991 als die Botschaft von "zehntausenden jungen muslimi- schen Albanern, [die] nach den Wurzeln des frühen albanischen Christen- tums suchten, und zwar nicht aus religiösen Motiven, sondern schlicht um zu zeigen, daß ihr Volk viele Jahrhunderte früher als die Slawen in Kosovo be- heimatet war" [S. 44 f.]. Qosja zufolge eine Fehlinterpretation: der Beweg- grund der Demonstrationen war weder religiöser noch archäologischer, hi- storischer oder linguistischer Natur, sondern im Mittelpunkt stand die Forde- rung nach der Republik Kosovo, in der Hoffnung, daß diese sich eines Tages 7 mit Albanien werde vereinigen können. QOSJA warnt auch vor den außenpolitischen Implikationen der Darle- gungen Kadares. In der "Europäischen Identität der Albaner" nämlich zeigt sich KADARE sehr skeptisch gegenüber Beziehungen zu muslimischen Län- dern. Dramatisch kritisiert er den 1992 erfolgten Beitritt Albaniens zur Or- ganisation der Islamischen Konferenz: "Wie ein blinder Vogel flog eine al- banische Gesandtschaft nach Dschiddah, ein Flug, nach dessen Ende Alba- nien in der Islamischen Liga erwachte" [S. 11]. Qosja trifft die Feststellung, Kadare sei "gegen jede Beziehung Albaniens mit dem Nahen, Mittleren Osten und jedem muslimisch bewohnten Land", offensichtlich nicht ganz ohne Grund. Rasch hat sich in dieser noch nicht abgeschlossenen Identitätsdebatte ei- ne mittlerweile fast unüberschaubare Anzahl von Persönlichkeiten aus Alba- nien, Kosovo, Makedonien sowie der Diaspora zu Wort gemeldet. Meist wird versucht, Partei entweder für Kadare oder für Qosja zu ergreifen, wobei die erste Stoßrichtung überwiegt. Falsch wäre indessen die Annahme, diese Intellektuellendebatte lasse sich entlang der albanisch-kosovarischen bzw. albanisch-exjugoslawischen Grenze gliedern. Während z.B. aus Albanien der prominente Publizist FATOS LUBONJA sowie der Schriftsteller und sozialisti- sche Weggefährte Kadares, DRITËRO AGOLLI, Qosja beigesprungen sind, ha- ben einige albanische Intellektuelle aus Kosovo und Makedonien die Kon- zeptionen Kadares über die nationale Identität übernommen und untermau- ert. Die größte Würdigung erfuhr Kadare durch den albanischen Premiermi- nister SALI BERISHA, der eigentlich verantwortlich für die Mitgliedschaft Al- baniens in der Islamischen Liga ist. Er wies Kadare den Ehrenplatz eines "modernen Vertreters der Rilindja"8 zu, gemeint als Anerkennung der An- sichten Kadares über die Nation in tagespolitischer wie auch in langfristiger, zukunftsweisender Sicht. Wie polarisierend diese Debatte in der Öffentlich- 7 Qosja, Rexhep: Gjeografia lëvizëse [Die bewegliche Geographie]. In: Shqip, 05.05. 2006. 8 Als Rilindja kombëtare, "nationale Wiedergeburt", wird in der albanischen Historiographie die Nationalbewegung vom Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bezeichnet. Zu Berishas Wortmel- dung siehe <http://www.gazeta-shqip.com/qosja-kadare/berisha.html>. 454 Dokumentation keit gewirkt hat, zeigt ein Artikel9 des vormals politisch verfolgten Künstlers MAKS VELO. Er bezeichnet darin Qosja als einen "typisch islamischen, völlig orientalischen Gelehrten", wobei dies im Falle Qosjas genetisch determiniert sei. Des weiteren bringt Velo zum Ausdruck, was Kadare sich vermutlich nie erlauben würde: Die albanischen Muslime werden des Verrates am Christen- tum und an Europa sowie der Verantwortung für die rückständige
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