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International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanities

ISSN 2277 – 9809 (online) ISSN 2348 - 9359 (Print)

An Internationally Indexed Peer Reviewed & Refereed Journal

Shri Param Hans Education & Research Foundation Trust

www.IRJMSH.com www.SPHERT.org

Published by iSaRa Solutions

IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print)

Bollywood's Articulation of and Discursive Formation

Kaveri Bedi The aim of this paper is to trace the role of cinema as a significant tool of discursive formation, to explore films as constitutive sites of politics, and to analyse the representation of dominant statist knowledge through films. The paper will engage with these questions by using the lens of Ontological Security Theory to find dominant elements of the Indian as well as the Pakistani identity. It is for this purpose that the paper explores mainstream films wherein a significant portion of the narrative revolves around the dynamics between and Pakistan with respect to the themes of war and terrorism, with Pakistan mainly being portrayed as the ‘other’ or the enemy. The focus will be on identifying the religious and nationalistic ideology that these films evoke and the extent to which the Hindutva politics, Diaspora politics and the Indo-Pak relations have determined or impacted the ideological leanings of these films. To further establish the inter-textuality between politics and popular culture, the paper would pay a keen attention to how the changing political dynamics between the two countries impacted the cinematic articulation and portrayal of Pakistan or the ‘other’ in these films.

Introduction Post 1947, India has experienced considerable political violence from both intra and inter-state agents including Northeastern insurgent movements, radical left, Tamil, Kashmiri and Khalistani militancy to name a few. This apart, India has engaged in a conventional war with China (1962), three major cross-border confrontations with Pakistan (1948, 1965, 1971) and a fourth limited one in Kargil (1999). Since the truncation of the subcontinent, Pakistan has emerged as the most threatening external ‘other’ in the Indian political imagination. With respect to cinematically portraying and articulating the same, barring a few films (Maachis, Dil Se, Parzania, ) to name a few, the Hindi film industry has primarily imagined terrorism and militancy as a manifestation of Pakistani actors, Islamic fundamentalism, Kashmiri militancy, with a significant number of films constructing the terrorist as a product of a complex web wherein all these three elements intersect. This apart, with respect to war related films (needless to say, portrayed primarily between India and Pakistan), it should be noted that despite the majority of them being fought in the early decades following the truncation of the sub-continent, the number of war films produced by surged in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The paper ascribes the surge in such films and the accompanied nationalistic and religious jingoism visible in the same to several factors including the mounting tensions and militancy in Kashmir and the consequent tensions with Pakistan; the rise of rightwing politics within India which assisted in fanning communal tensions sparked over socio-economic disparities; the existential anxiety being experienced by the diaspora communities and the impact of the same on the identity politics within India and the filmic narratives; the ultrapatriotic discourse generated by the fiftieth anniversary since the truncation of India and the linkage of Indian Muslim communities to notions of global Jihad. It is also noteworthy here that with the lifting of the long held censorship guideline on the Hindi film industry to not name the enemy nation in the 1990s, overt anti- Pakistan naming, blaming and rhetoric began being articulated through filmic narratives, spaces,

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 14 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) dialogues, songs, mise-en-scene which further interacted with the anti-Pakistan (Muslim) discourse that had occupied a significant space in the public sphere during the early 90s. This paper attempts to trace the cinematic journey of the Pakistani and to an extent the Muslim 'other' in a film industry that has been normatively dictated by the predominance of an upper middle class heterosexual male Hindu and by a form of Hindu nationalism. According to Amit Rai (2003:5), Hindu nationalism is a hegemonic project that seeks to narrow the field of cultural representations of difference to a battleground where all non-Hindu communities must overtly and repeatedly perform their allegiance to the nation. This overt performance to prove allegiance towards the nation is visible primarily in the films made during the 1990s and 2000s, wherein, the Muslim body politic is looked at through the lens of suspicion until she/he proves that their love for the Indian nation (mulk) supersedes that for their religion (qaum). This resonates with the Sachar Committee Report (11) which states that carry the double burden of being labeled as 'anti-national' and as being 'appeased' at the same time. Following the second half of the nineties, a number of films related to terrorism (majorly aided by Pakistan) wherein, there remained a constant dichotomy between the 'good' and the 'bad' Muslim with the latter being depicted as harboring anti-national (extending to pro-Pakistan) feelings. This apart, in an interview with Tavishi Alagh over the overlapping of Pakistani and Muslim identity in Hindi films, noted Bollywood Lyricist and scriptwriter Javed Akhtar points that the communally charged times starting with the nineties saw a lot of films wherein an implicit Hindu and Indian identity were seen as the same thing. In the course of the conversation, Akhtar noted that there were some filmmakers who were deliberately stoking a certain kind of religious/jingoistic passion (Alagh 2008: 190). The following paper attempts to explore the mainstream Hindi films in which a significant portion of the narrative revolves around the theme of war or terrorism between India and Pakistan and in the process, understand how the same have imagined the dominant Indian identity and in the process, invariably constructed a Pakistani other. While the concept of identity has been well developed in international politics, the traditional assumptions that underlie this concept suggest that a state’s identity is in part discursively articulated in relation to external ‘others’ (Doty 1993; Neumann 1999). Here, the study would adopt Levi-Strausss' concept of 'binary opposition' in order to find how, in the process of establishing the mainstream Indian identity and subjectivity in the most ideal light, the Pakistani (and at times, the Muslim) other is portrayed as exoticized, marginalized and demonized. Strauss argues that all cultural forms display their myths, stories and beliefs by structuring characters and situations in form of binary opposites like, good-bad, boy-girl, society-individual. Keeping this in mind, the study would explore how the superior Indian ideology, actions, identity, religion and nationality is constructed and normalized as opposed to the Pakistani identity. In addition to this, as the study engages with the binary opposition between the filmic portrayal of Pakistan and India, the same would be likened to Edward Said's notion of Orientalism. While Said's Orientalism looks at the polar opposite imagery of the East (orient) and the West (occident), wherein an 'us' and 'them' dichotomy is established through associating positive connotations with the west and negative connotations with the east; the mainstream Hindi films it will be argued, by constructing the Pakistani (and usually the Indian Muslim) as unintelligent, violent, naive, irrational, inhuman, fundamentalist, ancient and the Indian (mostly characterized by the urban male Hindu) as intelligent, peace loving, modern; engage in a form of ‘new Orientalism’. It is essential to point here that (Reid 2013: 42) Said's work draws immensely from Foucault's concept of discourse. Discourse mainly means a set of ideas that are visible (implicitly

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 15 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) and explicitly) through various levels of the society which resonate with each other and enable in making intelligible a certain way of looking at the world. "These often unspoken assumptions or pieces of knowledge come together to form statements that influence one's understanding of a subject, and yet while they actively shape our perceptions, tend to operate on an unconscious level and are rarely considered" (ibid: 42-43). The research thus keenly engages with Hindi cinema's ‘new orientalism’ by exploring how identities of 'us' vs. 'other' are discursively constructed, altered and reinforced and how the same are influenced by and influence the prominent discourses circulating within the society. This is in keeping line with the argument proposed by Haider (2012: 57) that, as well as reflecting the national mood on certain topics, films also contribute to setting the mood and tone for certain topics. The essay pays attention to official texts, speeches, policies, discourses, all from the prism of India-Pakistan relations, to make sense of the state’s narrative, or as noted by Brent Steele (2008:3), the ‘biographical narrative’ of the state with respect to Pakistan. According to Steele (ibid), biographical narrative is primarily the narrative that a state maintains about itself so as to explain its routinized foreign policy actions. It should be noted here that this exploration would be to achieve a more informed understanding of the dominant Indian identity and in the process, that of Pakistan. For this purpose, a thorough engagement would be made with the theoretical concept of Ontological security so as to understand the elements of the dominant identity of the state, the reflection and consequent naturalization and normalization of the same through filmic imagination and, to understand the state’s foreign policy decisions with respect to Pakistan. The term Ontological Security was coined by R.D. Laing (1969:40) with reference to psychology of individuals. While explaining the Ontological Security Theory (OST), Laing (ibid) notes that the same refers to the study of the practices that social beings utilize to secure their sense of self through time. According to Delehanty and Steele (2009: 524), by studying the role of narrative in the development of self-identity, International Relations scholars have begun to appropriate OST to nation states. Consequently, the theory focuses on the import of states having a consistent sense of ‘self’ (self-narrative) which may imply that states in turn perform actions in order to underwrite their notions of ‘who they are’. Further, as noted by Catarina Kinnvall (2004), another crucial element of OST is a sense of ‘existential anxiety’ or ontological insecurity that a state may experience on its consistent self-narrative, thereby resulting in reactions to the extent of securitizing subjectivity. For instance, with respect to the status of Kashmir in the years following the , Pandit Nehru had admitted (as quoted by Noorani 2006a), “that there can be no greater vindication than this of our secular politics, our constitution, than that we have drawn the people of Kashmir towards us”. Here, the statement could be understood as emphasizing the import of retaining a Muslim Majority state within the fold of a ‘tolerant’ and ‘secular’ India wherein demographically, the major chunk of the population practiced . The statement implicitly echoes the trauma of partition and, explicitly stresses on the victory of the Nehruvian ideals of secularism and ‘unity in diversity’- the main premise of the newly independent Indian identity. The source of ‘existential threat’ (or ontological insecurity) to such a postcolonial Nehruvian secular narrative has come from communalistic, majoritarian politics both internally (primarily in the form of Hindu-Muslim animosity) and externally (in the form of Pakistani belligerence). The paper would engage with the concept of ontological insecurity or the sense of threat that a state experiences with respect to its consistent autobiographical narrative. Further, with respect to

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 16 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) ontological insecurity, the paper would pay attention to how the elements of nationalism and religion are called upon by the state so as to reclaim its sense of lost self. The following paper would analyze war and terrorism related films which revolve around the rivalry between India and Pakistan. Furthermore, the shift in the cinematic articulation of Indian and Pakistan would be engaged with by finding the impact (if at all) of the changing political, social, cultural discourses on filmic representations. In order to find the impact of the changing discourses on the cinematic representation, the following section would explore films chronologically starting with war films made in the decades following the truncation of British India (which were few in number), to war and terror films made in the nineties which began to peak and exaggerate jingoism in the period following the release of J.P. Dutta's Border (which marked 50 years since independence/partition). Following the release of 's Lakshaya (2004) however, the 'conventionally fought war' genre started being replaced by films in which now, the Pakistani was mostly seen as the terrorist.

The Early Decades since Partition and the filmic tableau of national Integration The political truncation of India in 1947 led to a situation in which roughly one million people died, ten to twelve million were displaced, thousands of women were raped and a where property suffered a staggering loss. While writers like Manto, Intezar, Hussain and Chaman Nahal almost immediately recorded their responses however, from within the arena of cinema there was an almost negligible response. While noting the 'willed cultural amnesia' apparent from the Hindi Film industry's lack of engagement with the tumultuous moment in modern Indian history for the first four decades, Bhaskar Sarkar (2008) attributes the same to 'the exigencies of post independence nation building; the difficulty of reliving on screen an ordeal that was still too fresh and vivid; and trauma's disjunctive temporal structure, particularly its initial latency leading to problems of referentiality, representation and knowledge'. The first three decades following the partition saw a miserably few number films that were made on the subject. In the initial years after partition, films revolved around the recurring themes of “separated families, feuding families, and the troupe of brothers lost in a mela” (which could be understood as indirect analogies made towards the event and trauma of partition). This apart, Hindu and Muslim as brothers became a dominant motif in several Hindustani films after independence. noted that many films during the Nehruvian era, especially those written by progressive writers, sought to create the image of a Secular India and thus, Muslim characters were mostly shown as sensible, good and devout. Here, Dhool ka Phool (1959) could be recalled as a case in point of a film glorifying such a characterization wherein an old Muslim adopts an abandoned child whose religious antecedents are neither known nor important for the Muslim. The secular socialist narrative of that period could be gathered from the lyrics of the song from the film, 'tu hindu bane ga, na musalman bane ga, insan ki aulad hai, insan bane ga' (you shall neither be Hindu nor a Muslim, you're the child of a human, and human you shall be). During the 1950s- 60s, Hindi cinema was self-consciously secular which, it could be argued, performed the paternalistic duty of the avowedly secular Indian state. Maidul Islam (2007:411) explores some of the films made during this period viz. Shah Jahan, Mumtaz Mahal, Mughal-e-Azam etc. while noting how the same represented the Indian Muslims through refined language and a rich cultural tradition and scaled the charts of popularity. Islam (ibid) states that while such films were not free from their share of stereotypes wherein Muslim characters were portrayed mostly as Kings, Nawabs or Feudal Lords, they nonetheless, depicted Muslims as an integral part of the nation. Further, Ahmed (1992: 312) notes a genuine cultural

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 17 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) synthesis in the films of the 1950s and 1960s wherein Allah and Bismillah remained common idiomatic expressions in the conversations and songs of both Hindi ad Urdu versions. Dharamputra (1960) was one of the first films made by the Hindi film industry that dealt with the event of partition directly and thereby, condemned the insanity and senselessness of all the violence, looting, bloodshed that followed as a result. Ira Bhaskar (2014) explicates the intense emotionalism of the film by taking the example of the song, Yeh kiska lahu hai, kaun mara, by Sahir Ludhianvi which demands answers for all the pointless deaths, rapes and bloodshed that took place in the name of 'god'! While discussing the crucial features of the Indian melodrama, Bhaskar (2009) points towards the privileging and amplification of emotions and at the centrality of music and song as the vehicle of this expression wherein songs are developed as the language of the ineffable. It could thus be argued here that Dharamputra employed the style of soundtrack, images and voice over to generate high emotionalism and in so doing, the film propagated the Nehruvian secular narrative (predominant at that time) by problematizing the role of not just the Muslim League but also of Hindu communalism. With respect to films exuding emotions of patriotism, a number of films made during this period mouthed the lofty ideals of nation-building in patriotic and venerating references to political makers of modern India like Gandhi, Nehru and Lal Bahadur Shastri. Interestingly, what stands out in such films is a conspicuous absence of any mention of Pakistan. The only other Hindi film that dealt with the narrative of partition directly during this period was M.S. Sathyu’s Garam Hawa (1974) wherein, for the first time, the dilemmas faced by the Indian Muslim citizen were voiced. The film shows the emergence of the 'Muslim' as a figure of suspicion in independent India by focusing on the emotional, material, and political dispossession of Muslims who remained in India in the 1950s. In an interview, the director M.S. Sathyo said that the aim of the film was to expose 'the games played by the politicians and the suffering that it caused' (Fazila and Zamindar 2007: 15). In another interview between Tavishi Alagh and M.S. Sathyo (Alagh 2007: 188), the latter pointed that after being held by the censors for eight months due to its politically sensitive theme, the film was released to great review and success at the box office alongside being appreciated by audiences in Pakistan as well. Until Garam Hawa, Muslim characters were routinely depicted in a token way, thereby making them the 'other'. Benegal attributes the realistic handling of the subject of partition in Garam Hawa to two important developments viz., the creation of state established film institutions and the second partition of the sub-continent in 1971 i.e., the creation of Bangladesh. Further it could be argued that unlike in the 1950s, which were relatively more free of communal tensions, the 1960s experienced a growing number of communal riots between and Muslims in several parts of post colonial India including Rourkela, Calcutta, Jamshedpur in 1964; Hatia, Rachi in 1967; Karimganj, Assam in 1968; and Ahmadabad in 1969 wherein more than 500 people lost their lives (Rajeshwari 2004). It could thus be averred here that the timing of the film could also be explained keeping in mind the growing communal antagonisms in a newly independent and ontologically ‘secular and tolerant’ India, which may have generated ontological insecurity as the communal events were hurting the biological narrative of the nation. Here, Ontological insecurity could also explain the number of national awards that the film received, including the national integration award and Padma Shri received by the director in 1975. That is, national integration awards in India, set up by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting since 1965, could be read as a symbolic gesture carried by the state to propagate, glorify and eulogize a certain ideological leaning, resonating with the prevailing ‘forms of knowledge’. In this respect, conferring of a national integration award, among other national

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 18 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) awards to the film Garam Hawa could be significant of a statist discourse that was urgently pressing for a more communally tolerant and receptive civil society. Cinematically, the secular discourse was also visible in many Hindi films at that time, one of the popular ones being ’s Amar Akbar Anthony (1977). The film is a story of three characters from different religions, Hindu, Muslim and Christian whose lives intersect and how they eventually reunite as brothers who got lost at the time of their birth. In the book Amar Akbar Anthony: Bollywood, Brotherhood and the Nation, Elison et al. (2016) assert that the film envisions a resilient, pluralistic society where the three characters are not brought together by the call of blood but by cultural norms of love, duty and mutual care. The book goes on to argue that the secular vision of the nation of that era was established in the film by eulogizing the spirit of the ‘truehearted’ Indians, irrespective of their creed. The three brothers from different religions in the film and their melodramatic reunion in the climax could be taken as an analogy for the ‘post-partition’ nation and significant of the 'unity in diversity' motto that was, at that time, making itself visible through various sites including school textbooks, through state backed discourses, popular cultural forms to name a few. In this respect, while examining the ideas visible in the popular cultural comic series Amar Chitra Katha, Karline McLain (2000) states that despite the same having focused on portraying India as primarily a glorious Hindu nation, during the 1970s, the comic added titles about historical figures from many regions of India in an effort to propagate national integration. The secular discourse of the state during the 1970s could also be gauged from Government of India's animated educational short-film on national integration, Ek Chidiya (1974)1. The animated film could be read as propagating the message of diverse religions, cultures, languages and ethnicities living together in harmony with each other. According to the author, what stands out in the film is some animated characters of men wearing the Muslim skull caps while, there is no other visible identity marker like a Sikh turban or a Christian cross. This may, it could be argued, point towards a deliberate effort made to show the ‘bonhomie and harmony’ between Muslims and visibly the Hindu Indians. It should be noted that films like Dharamputra and Garam Hawa that dealt with the traumatic event of the partition were few in number. Instead, the exigencies of the postcolonial nation building process at that time demanded a discourse that did not rekindle the difficult memories of the partition, but instead focused upon the integration of various diversities and towards a visible normalization of the coexistence of the same. Within this framework of 'unity in diversity' however, it was primarily the Hindu family that served to model the nation. Sethi (2002: 30-32) asserts that traditionally, mainstream Bollywood has reserved normalcy for the Hindu hero while encoding minorities with signs of cultural exaggeration- the drunken Goan Christian, the god fearing Muslim tailor, qawwaal or bawarchi, the comical Sikh driver and so on. These characters are essential to complete the cinematic tableau of national integration. With respect to films made in the period after the partition, it has been observed that barring a handful of them, Bollywood did not engage with the socio-economic conditions of the Muslims in the newly independent India and instead, focused on a stereotyped image of the Muslim as a Nawab or a feudal character. Schulze (2002) notes that even a reputed film director like Mehboob, in post partition newly independent India, did not raise the issue of the Muslim social and was instead interested in the thematic concerns of nation-building and the idea of Nehruvian socialism in his famous work, the 1957 film, Mother India.

1 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R-tTOJ1RvUY International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 19 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print)

Further, this period saw films that portrayed Muslim men wearing sherwanis (long closed coats), chewing betel nut and reciting Iqbal or Ghalib's poetry and women either dressed in burqas or wearing heavy lehengas or ghaghras (long traditional skirts). Also noteworthy here is that during this period, many Muslim actors took to Hindu names like Dilip Kumar, , Madhubala. Mujtaba (2006) points that during the 1970s-80s, the characterizations of the Muslims started changing. 'The characters', he notes, 'though for sometime continued to remain aristocratic, were pushed towards hedonist pursuits with indolent Nawabs shown as splurging their money on the notch girls' (ibid).

The Nineties- from Secularism to Jingoism The following section is going to explore the phase between the 1990s and the early years of the 21st century to find an intimate connection between the elements of Hindu religion and nationalism visible in the political as well as the filmic discourses alongside finding the impact of this intersection on the Indian identity vs. the Pakistani identity. This kind of nationalism which demonstrates religious underpinnings takes a departure from the dominant secularist narrative of the earlier decades following the independence of India (as discussed above) wherein, the nationalism that was discursively visible was based on deliberate inclusion of all religious groups and not their exclusion. The overlapping of and Hindu religious under/overtones it will be asserted, has played a powerful role in shaping and reshaping ‘knowledge’ about the Pakistani (external) ‘others’ as well as the internal (Muslim) ‘others’ wherein, apart from the political and ideological differences between the two, religious differences (between the ‘Islamic’ Pakistan and the ‘Hindu’ India) seem to have become accentuated thereby becoming a significant battleground for demonstrating and naturalizing difference and animosity. With respect to the significant Muslim minority within the boundaries of the ‘Hindu India’, the study will find a consistent demonstration of two dominant narratives, one that suspects the internal Muslims for harboring anti-India (extending to pro-Pakistan) feelings and the other which shows ‘good’ Muslims as those who explicitly express their intense love for the Indian nation which visibly exceeds that for their religion. Furthermore, the section will explore the reasons that may have resulted in a more aggressive overlapping of Indian nationalism and Hindu religion. With regards the question on why religion and nationalism intersect, the paper will import Volkan’s (1997) notion of ‘chosen traumas’ and ‘chosen glories’. According to him, (ibid: 36), the notion of chosen trauma is useful for understanding how feelings of “ancient hatred” are constructed and maintained. He further describes it as the mental recollection of a calamity that befell a group’s ancestors resulting in a reaction of intense feelings by a collective. On the other hand, Volkan (ibid: 81) asserts that chosen glories could be associated with achievements of a distant past that could be reactivated to bolster a group’s sense of self-esteem. In this respect, chosen glories could be related to a groups sense of ‘self-identity’ or ontological security while chosen traumas could be likened to feelings generated as a result of ontological insecurity or during situations of existential anxiety. While analyzing the connection between religion and nationalism, Kinnvall (2004: 756) avers that chosen traumas and chosen glories could be intimately connected to images of the nation and to religion. Here she points that “religion is a powerful reservoir as religious revelations are turned into national shrines, religious miracles become national feasts and Holy Scriptures are reinterpreted as national epics” (ibid).

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Nationalistic and religious ‘chosen’ glories and traumas could be called upon simultaneously to evoke passionate emotions as both are essentialist concepts and thus powerful identity signifiers. That is, “in comparison to other discursive identity constructions, both national and religious identity make claims to a monolithic and abstract identity- that is, to one stable identity that answers to the need for securitized subjectivity” (Kinnvall: 2002b). This study would thus pay a particular attention to both these elements, while also noting how selective past traumas and glories relating to religion and nationalism are called upon during critical situations. Dominant statist narratives would be analyzed to find the articulation and consequent portrayal of the biological narrative of the state particularly with respect to Pakistan. This statist knowledge would be related to filmic discourses so as to find the articulation, representation and naturalization of the same in films. Further, the ‘self-identity’ of India and consequently, that of the Pakistani other would be gauged by understanding how the same has been expressed during times of existential anxiety or ontological insecurity. According to Ahmed (1992: 313), by the 1980s, the 'Muslim protagonist' started disappearing from film scripts, only to be portrayed now mostly as an honest policeman or the loyal side-kick of the hero. In the 1990s, with the rise of Hindutva politics, the 'Muslim protagonist' almost disappeared from the films and now, the 'good' and 'honest' Muslim characters were seen transformed into roles of villains, thugs, terrorists, anti-national characters and foreign (read Pakistani) spies. Studying the roles assigned to Muslim characters in Hindi films during this period, Maidul Islam (2007: 406) avers that Hindi media, from time to time, has questioned the loyalties of Indian Muslims and hinted that they were more committed to International Islamic brotherhood than to their homeland. This shift in cinematic representation of Muslims could be attributed to several factors including the rise of Hindutva politics on the national political scene accompanied with erosion of secular values and the growing number incidents of communal violence; globalization and resultant migration and ‘deterritorialization’, followed by the Diaspora related ontological insecurity and the consequent securitization of a religious subjectivity; growing Indo-Pak belligerence and the rising anti-Islam rhetoric disseminated through global media. The 1990s could be termed a watershed moment of sorts with respect to aggravated communal tensions. The mobilization campaign for Kar Sevaks to construct the proposed Ram Janma Bhoomi Temple at Ayodhya on 30th October 1990 aggravated the communal atmosphere in the country. According to an IPCS paper on communal riots in India from 1947-2003, by B Rajeshwari (2004), communal riots occurred in the wake of L.K. Advani's Rath Yatra wherever it went including Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Gujarat, and . Through the use of symbols, memories, myths and heritage, the Ram Janma Bhoomi campaign evoked a historical ‘chosen trauma’ of the destruction of a temple that allegedly signified the birth place of the Hindu mythical God- Ram by a (demon like) Mughal leader- Babur who got a mosque (Babari Masjid) constructed on the same site. This campaign could be read as an example of a case wherein nationalism and religious chauvinism (Mughal destruction of a Hindu India) overlapped and in the process, generated a belligerent Hindu collective and a consequent aggressive Muslim othering. It should also be noted here that the very recent telecast of Ramayana on Doordarshan in 1987 which had experienced immense popularity amongst the masses, may have further contributed to adding credence to the discourse on Ram Janma Bhoomi. It was during this communally charged environment, that 's Roja (1992) was released. It was one of the first Hindi films in this period that engaged with the ‘war like’ zone of

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Kashmir, indulging in an explicit justification of the ‘state of exception’ there while at the same time, dehistoricizing the conflict. In the film, there is an accentuation of a visibly Hindu Indian identity and the consequent demonization of a Muslim Kashmiri intersecting with an implicit Pakistani identity. In this respect it is significant to note that the Tamil version of the film received a national integration award in 1992. Interestingly, the ideology of the film stands in a stand contract against that visible in M.S. Sathyu’s Garam Hawa that had received a national integration award in 1974. Tejaswini Niranjana (1994:80) locates the release of the Hindi version of Roja as strategically after the Hazratbal siege, during the parliamentary elections in the northern states, and just before the first anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition. The film marked a shift in the portrayal of Kashmir from an idyllic location to one infested with fundamental Islamic terrorism. This shift was accompanied by the film constructing binaries between the Kashmiri and the mainland India, the Hindu and the Muslim and the terrorist/militant and the Indian army. This apart, the Hindu in the film was represented as the norm and the Muslim as a disruptor of that norm and hence perceived as the other. Subsequently, there was a surge in the number of jingoistic war films that started being produced by Bollywood. Kishore Budha (2008) links the rise of this genre to the growth of nationalistic fervor and the formation of a national identity in the Indian subcontinent. Films like JP Dutta’s Border (1997), Josheph Matthew's Sarfarosh (1999), Anil Sharma’s Gadar- Ek Prem Katha (2001), Tinu Verma’s Maa Tujhe Saalam (2002), JP Dutta’s LOC Kargil (2003), Anil Sharma's Hero: the love story of a spy (2003) are some of such films that revolved around Indian enmity with its arch-rival Pakistan. It is significant to note that during the rule of the BJP from 1994 to 2004, many films were made with storylines and attitudes reflecting the party's conservative stance, emphasizing family values and religious patriotism. This period saw films ranging from 's sugarcoated odes to the pure, selfless Hindu way of life, and Hum Aapke Hain Koun, to the ‘all- is-hale-and-hearty-in-good-old-India’ melodramas produced by the school of escapist filmmaking to the brazen jingoism of J.P. Dutta's Border, Anil Sharma's Gadar - Ek Prem Katha, designed to fan neo-nationalistic fervor and to keep the saffron flag flying - overtly and covertly. This inte-textuality of Hindu nationalism and Bollywood narratives could be related to Sneha Annavarapu’s (2015) argument on the phenomenon of religious nationalism having been brought about by the consequences of globalization, owing to ontological insecurities and existential anxieties experienced at the level of individuals and groups wherein, religious nationalism seems to act as a remedial slave against growing insecurities of a globalized world. Within the loose genre of war films, there has been a significant visibility of an overt association of Indian nationalism with Hinduism and subsequently an association of fundamentalistic Islam and the enemy state Pakistan. For instance, in Dutta's Border, a sequence takes place wherein, soldiers of the Indian army- Kuldeep Singh (played by Suny Deol), Bhairav Singh (Sunil Shetty) and a few others discover the role played by villagers on the Indian side of the border as informants for the Pakistani army. The film goes on to provide an explanation for their strange behaviour : 'they're all related' to the people on the other side. In the context of India-Pakistan relations, and their history, the invocation (and conflation) here of discourses of 'infiltration' and 'relational' loyalties is very clearly marked. After all, it is India's Muslims who have relatives over the border in Pakistan, and whose loyalty has been most often the object of scrutiny. The people who inhabit the borderlands are shown to be reluctant members of the Indian nation who, if not adequately policed (here a justification of draconian laws like AFSPA in Kashmir could be

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 22 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) brought to mind), would prefer to maintain their communal affiliations with villagers on the Pakistan side, rather than demonstrate the patriotism for India that the Hindu (read patriotic) heroes of the film so vocally espouse. In addition to this, the film espouses a nationalistic tone which uses narrative structure, background score, and historical trauma to produce cinematic affect which takes religious tones to the extent of normalizing Indian citizenship with Hinduism and dampening the Nehruvian secular vision visible in the films of the 1950s-60s. For instance, Bhaskar Sarkar (ibid) narrates a scene from the film in which only a hundred and twenty Indian infantrymen were surrounded by some six hundred Pakistani soldiers and forty tanks. At this time Major Kuldeep singh (the hyper patriotic Sunny Deol) energizes his men by reminding them of the militant Sikh guru who declared that one Khalsa fighter amounted to one hundred and twenty five thousand Mughal imperial troops. In this scene and many other sequences, Sarkar (ibid) argues that the film consistently calls upon the historical trauma (Volkan’s concept of chosen trauma/glory) so as to frame patriotism in highly religious terms. Another film made during the same period that also indulged in overt Pakistan naming and blaming was John Mathew Matthan’s Sarfarosh (1999). The film was made during the peak of BJP rule and a year after the nuclear tests conducted by India and Pakistan that led to rhetorical media reporting. The film utilizes memory, flashback and narration so as to make references to the partition which are very different from those made by films like Dharamputra and Garam Hawa as mentioned above. The film makes no qualms about directly pointing at Pakistan in sending home the message that even those who pretend to be friends of the Indian nation, may in fact pose a serious danger. Amit Rai (2003:7) suggests how the film draws parallels between contemporary terrorism and the partition and shows the protagonist Ajay blaming the Pakistani antagonist Gulfam for not being able to let go of the past. Here, a drastic contrast is visible between Dharamputra and Sarfarosh wherein, unlike the former, Sarfarosh talks not of the utter senselessness of the partition, but instead remembers the event in a very dehistoricized, detached and an oversimplified manner. Rakesh Gupta (2004) points out that Sarfarosh was the first of its kind to name Pakistan as an enemy involved in cross-border terrorism. Ever since, Pakistan has been consistently named as a terrorist in many such films that followed. The naming of the external Muslim enemy it could be argued, could function to indirectly remind India of the internal manifestation of that enemy through the Muslim citizen. It is noteworthy here that the Indian government concurred by awarding the film a three-month entertainment tax-exemption 'in view of the Indian Army and Air Force operations against Pakistan-sponsored infiltrators' in Kargil. The intersection between the communally charged political environment of that period and the significant number of jingoistic war films could be further asserted by pointing towards the large extent of production assistance that J.P. Dutta's Border received from the Indian Army and by his proximity to politicians who found his sympathies useful to further their goals (Kishore Budha 2008: 7). Apart from this, the premiere of another jingoistic war film, LOC Kargil, made by the same director, was marked by the presence of key ministers from the BJP government cabinet, including Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee and Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani. The release of the film's music was marked by the presence of officers who took part in the Kargil war, fiery speeches and a degree of nationalism thereby played up the militaristic posturing of the film before its release. The warmongering discourse was visible at different elements of the popular cultural sites at that time. With respect to the same, Kishore Budha (2008:8) notes that a survey of the news media showed that the television and film industries had appropriated the Kargil

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Nuclear Terrorism and Bollywood Another interface between state policy and popular culture could be visible through the representation and interpretation of nuclear weapons by the Hindi film industry. Cinematic portrayal of Nuclear weapons by both Japanese and American cinema has majorly revolved around feelings of anxiety, unease, panic or fear towards the destructive apocalyptic effects of the same. For instance, films like Gojira, Rhapsody in August, Hiroshima Mon Amour, Black Rain, Barefoot Gen, Bells of Nagasaki (to name a few) explore and engage with, both realistically and metaphorically, the anxieties faced by the Japanese society following the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The popular cultural imagination of nuclear weapons in the United States has also been synonymous with apocalypse. American popular novels such as Alas, Babylon and On the Beach could be called upon, as novels that portrayed the apocalyptic aftermath of nuclear war. Stanley Kubrick's film Dr. Strangelove or How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb could also be called upon that satirically portrayed the events and eccentric thinking that could begin a nuclear war between America and Russia (the cold war USSR). However, unlike such popular cultural forms around the world that engage with the anxieties of a 'nuclear war like' scenario or with the aftermath of the same; mainstream Hindi films contrarily portray a pre-nuclear war scenario wherein the anxiety lies over the smuggling of nuclear material and technology in the hands of foreign elements or terrorists. Such films, in the process emphasize the state as the rightful custodian of these weapons of mass destruction. By demonizing the terrorist and by not questioning or problematizing the state’s knowledge with respect to the use of nuclear missiles, the films glorify the state and generate a nationalistic discourse. It could be argued here that nuclear weapons are dealt differently by different film cultures. Raminder Kaur (2013: 540) states that this difference in cinematic cultures owes largely to the particular relationship that the post-colonial development-oriented nation of India has with the master narrative of modernity. While in the West, science and technology are seen both as the means to progress and its uncanny 'other'- namely catastrophe; In India the tendency is to embrace techno-science in a more utopian fashion, so as to throw off the legacies of colonial oppression and perceptions of 'backwardness'. Here it could be noted that the historical (chosen) trauma of imperialism in the Indian subcontinent may have played a significant role in developing nuclear weapons at the cost of immense pressure and sanctions by the international community. This apart, while exploring the Indian nuclear policy, Rajesh Rajagopalan suggests one of the variables of the same to be knowledge of Pakistan’s rapidly advancing nuclear weapons programme with Chinese technological assistance. Some of the Hindi films that revolve around the theme of nuclear terrorism include Mani Shankar's 16 December (2002), Anil Sharma's Hero: the love story of a spy (2003) and 's Fanaa..Destroyed in love (2006). All three portray a pre-nuclear anxiety which is caused by the threat of a nuclear attack on India through potential acquisition of nuclear technology and material by a network of Pakistani and Jehadi Kashmiri terrorists. The narrative structure of the films mentioned above revolve around the journey of the patriotic Indian in averting the nuclear attack and in the process, construct a revenge seeking, conniving, violent, fundamentalist terrorist against a peace loving, humane, modern, intelligent, patriotic Indian soldier/citizen and. Such a binary is glaringly visible in Anil Sharma's Hero, which portrays the Pakistani army and

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 24 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) the Kashmiri Jehadis through stereotypes of pathani suits, skull caps and reading the rosary while aggressively planning a possible nuclear attack using what they call the 'Islamic bomb' in the 'Kafir' India. Such a stereotype further demonstrates an overlapping of religion and ideology wherein, practicing Muslims are shown harboring violent tendencies. As opposed to the Islamic terrorists, the Indian soldiers, particularly visible through Ajay Chakravarty (Sunny Deol) disguised as Wahid Khan, is shown as intelligent, patriotic and above all, humane. This humanity of Deol is constructed through his melodramatic entry into the 'terror-laden' valley of Kashmir. Deol along with his troupe of soldiers, merrily drive into the valley with a song ' tere shehr ka kya hai naam? jannat hai; sab logoon ka kya hai kaam? mohabbat hai; kar loon main tujh ko salaaam? ijjazat hai." (what is the name of your city? its called paradise; what occupies the natives of this city? it is love; can I come and greet you? Yes, you're allowed!). This song draws similarity with the 1958 film Madhumati, wherein one finds the modern city lad, Dilip Kumar similarly driving into the valley as he romances the valley with the song ‘suhana safar aur yeh mausum haseen’ (the journey’s wonderful and the weather is lovely). While the songs of both the films imagine the Kashmiris in a similar light viz. modernity's other- dressed in phirans, carrying flowers/vegetables depicted as naive, innocent, easily manipulated; the only difference is that while in the 1950s- 60s, it was the modern city lad who needed to enter the valley to both run away from the hypocrisy of city life and to impart 'modern skills' to the Kashmiri natives; in the 2003 film, Deol had to enter the valley as an upright Indian soldier who was duty bound to protect the naive Kashmiris from the rogue elements infiltrating from Pakistan (uss paar). Deol's humanity and message of peace is constructed through the lyrics and picturization of the song which show a smiling soldier embracing and asking a (visibly) little Kashmiri boy if he could come and stay in his home to which, seemingly the boy's mother happily grants Deol the permission. Here, an analogy could be drawn wherein the Kashmiri boy could be significant of the new generation and the mother (read elders) are depicted as happy to give the charge of the Valley to the Indian soldiers. Another thing that is conspicuous by its absence in Hero is the visibility of any 'good' or 'normal' Indian Muslim. In fact, the film only unravels one Muslim RAW agent's identity to instantly show him as a traitor of the nation owing to his covert links with Pakistan. Again, an implicit link is being drawn between Islam as a religion and the characteristics of traitor and villain being associate with the same. Unlike Hero, Kunal Kohli's Fanaa instead places the Kashmiri militant Rehan- the anti-hero (bad Muslim), against the ultra patriotic, pacifist, idealist Zooni (good Muslim). Fanaa opens to Zooni () proudly saluting to the national flag as she sings Saare Jahan Se Accha (a patriotic anthem of opposition during the British rule in India, formally known as Tarānah-e-Hindī, written by the poet Muhammad Iqbal). Throughout the film, consistent overt, gestures or speeches are employed by Zooni to express her supreme love for the Indian nation, which could also be read as a concerted effort made by the 'good' Muslim to justify and prove her loyalty and citizenship. Here, one could relate the 'good' Muslim's 'concerted efforts' in Fanaa with the findings of the Sachar Committee Report that point towards Muslims having to carry the burden of being labeled anti-national.

The (Muslim) Terrorist and the Indian Identity The 'good Muslim' versus 'bad Muslim' dichotomy has become more prominent in the films post 9/11. It should be noted that 9/11 perceptibly transformed the ways in which cinema began to deal with and represent terrorism. Representational changes were aided by the changing business models in the industry, the increasing corporate links with media houses in the US in particular,

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 25 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 7 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) significantly influenced the cinematic treatment of terrorism (Gabriel and Vijayan 2012: 301). It should also be noted here that the growing out-migration of Indian professionals to the countries of the global-north particularly the US further assisted in shaping the post 9/11 representational changes. According to Amit Rai (2003: 17), much like the post-9/11 counter terrorism discourses in the US, Hindi cinema's cinepatriotic genre sorts good Muslims from bad Muslims via the figure of the Muslim terrorist, while using the heterosexual family as a template for citizenship. This is visible in films like Aamir, New York, My Name is Khan. While Muslim characters are more visible in the films made during this period, even if it's just to counterbalance the cinematic image of the bad Muslim, Bombay cinema nevertheless continues to focus on the Hindu family when it comes to emphasizing on what is to be preserver or what is under threat from Islamist terrorism. For instance in Aamir, as the suit-wearing, educated 'good Muslim' protagonist considers whether or not to follow the terrorist's orders of placing a bomb on a moving bus, the camera repeatedly focuses on a (implicitly Hindu) bindi-wearing mother and her son (Misri 2013: 158 ), the iconic image of what is at stake. It should nonetheless be noted that there has been a dominance in the theme of terrorism in the films made in the first decade of the millennium which, unlike their more jingoistic predecessors (that imagined the Pakistanis as pre-modern men dressed in pathani suits, Afghan scarves and skull caps), construct the Pakistani/Muslim terrorist as more strategically sound, ultra modern and more globally connected. Syed Haider (2012:53) asserts that in the changing imagination of the Indian nation, the theme of terrorism is used to produce an Indian modernity that is in tune with the contemporary global modernity, where the politics of Muslim terrorism functions as a necessary 'other'. While the concern with the films in the nineties was mostly around protecting the nation from any disintegration (calling to mind the trauma associated with 1947); the recent surge of films revolving around the theme of the sophisticated, ultra modern terrorist are engaged with terrorism in a way that it is no longer a political subject but instead becomes a securitized subject. In this respect, the Ontological Security element of Critical Situation (Steele, 2008) could be called upon. Critical situation or as Catarina Kinnvall (2002, 2004) terms existential anxiety, marks a situation wherein individuals feel anxious or threatened due to a sense of disjuncture that they feel with respect to their sense of self, or their self-believed biological narrative and can consequently result in state taking actions to redeem its self-image. The rise in terrorist attacks on the body-politic of the Indian nation, particularly the attack of 26 November, 2008, that took the nation-state by surprise and affected a vast number of people, and evidently exhibited the vulnerability of the nation could be said to have been such a situation. This was followed by an aggressive outpour on media as well as social media on the urgency of taking military actions to redeem the nation’s (pride) image. The psychological need to ‘show them a lesson and redeem the honor of the nation’ that was discursively dominating most popular cultural sites was also visible in many Hindi films Ek Tha (2012), D-Day (2013) ,Baby (2015), Phantom (2015) being some of them. A close analysis of films like Ek Tha Tiger, D-Day, Baby, Phantom which were made in very close succession of each other, focuses on covert operations (mostly without the direct assistance and approval by the centre) by agencies like RAW or the IB wherein the secret agents are shown going to any limit so as to achieve the three interrelated goals viz: security, regaining of a sense of lost self respect (by teaching ‘them’ a lesson) and the third being to achieve a sense of catharsis. A case in point here is Phantom, in which despite the disapproval of the 'soft' Indian state, the RAW agents enter the territory of Pakistan to kill the 'masterminds' behind '26/11'

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(Mumbai bombings). The intersection of these above mentioned elements is most apparent in the last scene of the film wherein, on returning from a successful mission, one of the surviving agents () is shown peacefully sipping her cup of tea that she is treated to by a tea seller who proudly claims that 'after having lost his son to the Mumbai Attack, he is finally at peace now that the masterminds have been killed and justice been delivered'. The camera pans out as the credits roll to a shot that shows life on the streets of Mumbai going on at its normal and secure pace in front of the all encompassing (and symbolic) structure of the Taj Hotel. Most of these films engage with the (visibly) palpable frustration attached to the question of 'why we always end up being so helpless'. Haider (2012:60) points that such a message may quietly imply a need for more security and operational capacity. This apart, in most of such films, the protagonists (undercover agents), are shown blaming and caricaturing the soft and slow Indian state and thus in a way, promote and justify vigilante justice. This exhibitionism of vigilante justice was most celebrated in A Wednesday, in which the 'ordinary man'/protagonist is shown to have developed a strategy to blow up the terrorists linked with various different bombings that had been carried out in many parts of the country, while taking law in his hands. In this way it could be argued, the theme of the films goes back to the 1970s (following ), in which the anti-hero had to take the law in his own hands instead of relying on the state agencies.

Conclusion The paper extensively analyses the predominant conceptualisations of Indian national identity and nationalism while alongside tracing the socio-political dynamics between India and Pakistan so as to understand how the altering relations between the two states has impacted the cinematic identity constructions. Likewise, the paper also pays attention to the changing Hindu-Muslim dynamics within the Indian political space and the consequent reflection and resonance of the same on the identities and subjectivities produced through films. That is, the dominant statist narratives on Indian and Pakistani relations and those between the two main religious communities within India are explored while understanding the resonance of the same on the narratives of mainstream Hindi films. In so doing, the study finds a resonance of the popular narratives on Pakistan and Muslims visible in mainstream Hindi films wherein, the articulation of the former lends to the process of shaping the conceptualization of ‘Indian national identity’. The paper adopts the tools of discourse and ontological security so as to find the privileged narratives in the films and to understand how the same articulated specific understandings of the Indian national identity and nationalism. While so doing, the study looks at the filmic construction and articulation of the Indian identity vis-à-vis the Pakistani identity and the binaries within. The pertinent question that this paper has engaged with is how the changing dynamics between Pakistan and India and between Muslims and Hindus may have enabled in producing altering imaginations of national identity and nationalism, and consequently, how this has been visible through the Bombay film industry. The study has found an imbrication (both at the level of the popular cultural and at that of the level of the statist narratives) between the Pakistani identity and that of the Indian Muslim citizen wherein, not only have they been imagined inter-changeably but, both have also been consistently looked at through the lens of suspicion accompanied with the Indian Muslim facing an urgent need to prove their ‘nationalism’ or their loyalty to the Indian nation.

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Filmography * 16 December (Mani Shankar, 2002) *Ab Tumhare Hawale Hai Watan Saathiyon (Anil Sharma, 2004) *Agent Vinod (, 2012) *Attacks on 26/11 (Ram Gopal Varma, 2013) * Baby ( 2015) *Border (J.P. Dutta, 1997) * (Manmohan Desai, 1960) *D-Day (Nikhil Advani, 2013) *Dharamputra (Yash Chopra, 1961) *Ek Tha Tiger (, 2012) *Fanaa (Kunal Kohli, 2006) *Gadar-Ek Prem Katha (Anil Sharma, 2001) *Garam Hawa (M.S. Sathyu, 1973) *Hero: Love story of a Spy (Anil Sharma, 2003) *Hindustan Ki Kasam (Chetan Anand, 1973) *Kya Dilli Kya Lahore (Vijay Raaz, 2014) *Lakshya (Farhan Akhtar, 2004) *LOC-Kargil (J.P. Dutta, 2003) *Maa Tujhe Salaam (Tinu Verma, 2000) *Mission Kashmir (, 2000) *New York (Kabir Khan, 2009) *Phantom (Kabir Khan 2015) *Refugee (J.P. Dutta, 2000) *Roja (Mani Ratnam, 1992) *Sarfarosh (John Matthew Matthan, 1999) *Upkar (, 1967) *War Chodd Na Yaar (Faraz Haider, 2013) Bibliography Adorno, Theodor (1991), The Culture Industry, New York: Routledge. Adulcikaite, Zivile (2014), "Representation of Terrorism in Bollywood: the Construction of Muslim Women's Agencies in Kurbaan", SOVIJUS, 2(2): 130-138. Alagh, Tanvishi (2008), "Guftagu: MS Sathyu, Javed Akhtar, Mahesg Bhatt", in Meenakshi Bharat and Nirmal Kumar (eds.) Filming the Line of Control: the indo-pak relationshi through the cinematic lens, : Routledge.

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