The Southern Slav Programme
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Mark Cornwall LOYALTY and TREASON in LATE HABSBURG
Mark Cornwall LOYALTY AND TREASON IN LATE HABSBURG CROATIA A Violent Political Discourse before the First World War In her famous work The Meaning of Treason, the novelist and journalist Re- becca West suggests that the concepts of loyalty and treachery are polar op- posites in human society: There is always loyalty, for men love life and cling together under the threats of the uncar- ing universe. So there is always treachery, since there is the instinct to die as well as the in- stinct to live; and as loyalty changes to meet the changing threats of the environment, so treachery changes also.1 This chapter analyses these shifting concepts of loyalty and treason (the polit- icizing of treachery) through a case study from Croatia in the early twentieth century. Late Habsburg Croatia, with its narrow political franchise—less than 2 % of the population—which existed alongside a burgeoning civil society, might rightly be imagined as a territory containing multiple and conflicting loyalties. There was Croatia’s complex ethnic and religious mixture (Croat and Serb, following Catholic, Orthodox and even Jewish faiths) and its sensi- tive geographical location on the Habsburg frontiers, where a military border against the Ottoman Empire had only been abolished in 1881. And not least, there existed historic ties which bound Croatia to both halves of the Habs- burg monarchy despite the dualist system that had existed since 1867. In 1868, Croatia, having been joined to Hungary for over seven hundred years, was uniquely given a degree of home rule, with its own government and par- liament (the Sabor) in Zagreb. -
Dalmatia Tourist Guide
Vuk Tvrtko Opa~i}: County of Split and Dalmatia . 4 Tourist Review: Publisher: GRAPHIS d.o.o. Maksimirska 88, Zagreb Tel./faks: (385 1) 2322-975 E-mail: [email protected] Editor-in-Chief: Elizabeta [unde Ivo Babi}: Editorial Committee: Zvonko Ben~i}, Smiljana [unde, Split in Emperor Diocletian's Palace . 6 Marilka Krajnovi}, Silvana Jaku{, fra Gabriel Juri{i}, Ton~i ^ori} Editorial Council: Mili Razovi}, Bo`o Sin~i}, Ivica Kova~evi}, Stjepanka Mar~i}, Ivo Babi}: Davor Glavina The historical heart of Trogir and its Art Director: Elizabeta [unde cathedral . 9 Photography Editor: Goran Morovi} Logo Design: @eljko Kozari} Layout and Proofing: GRAPHIS Language Editor: Marilka Krajnovi} Printed in: Croatian, English, Czech, and Gvido Piasevoli: German Pearls of central Dalmatia . 12 Translators: German – Irena Bad`ek-Zub~i} English – Katarina Bijeli}-Beti Czech – Alen Novosad Tourist Map: Ton~i ^ori} Printed by: Tiskara Mei}, Zagreb Cover page: Hvar Port, by Ivo Pervan Ivna Bu}an: Biblical Garden of Stomorija . 15 Published: annually This Review is sponsored by the Tourist Board of the County of Split and Dalmatia For the Tourist Board: Mili Razovi}, Director Prilaz bra}e Kaliterna 10, 21000 Split Gvido Piasevoli: Tel./faks: (385 21) 490-032, 490-033, 490-036 One flew over the tourists' nest . 18 Web: www.dalmacija.net E-mail: [email protected] We would like to thank to all our associates, tourist boards, hotels, and tourist agencies for cooperation. @eljko Kuluz: All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or repro- Fishing and fish stories . -
The Croatian Ustasha Regime and Its Policies Towards
THE IDEOLOGY OF NATION AND RACE: THE CROATIAN USTASHA REGIME AND ITS POLICIES TOWARD MINORITIES IN THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA, 1941-1945. NEVENKO BARTULIN A thesis submitted in fulfilment Of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of New South Wales November 2006 1 2 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Nicholas Doumanis, lecturer in the School of History at the University of New South Wales (UNSW), Sydney, Australia, for the valuable guidance, advice and suggestions that he has provided me in the course of the writing of this thesis. Thanks also go to his colleague, and my co-supervisor, Günther Minnerup, as well as to Dr. Milan Vojkovi, who also read this thesis. I further owe a great deal of gratitude to the rest of the academic and administrative staff of the School of History at UNSW, and especially to my fellow research students, in particular, Matthew Fitzpatrick, Susie Protschky and Sally Cove, for all their help, support and companionship. Thanks are also due to the staff of the Department of History at the University of Zagreb (Sveuilište u Zagrebu), particularly prof. dr. sc. Ivo Goldstein, and to the staff of the Croatian State Archive (Hrvatski državni arhiv) and the National and University Library (Nacionalna i sveuilišna knjižnica) in Zagreb, for the assistance they provided me during my research trip to Croatia in 2004. I must also thank the University of Zagreb’s Office for International Relations (Ured za meunarodnu suradnju) for the accommodation made available to me during my research trip. -
Lighting the Slav Bomb in Austria
LIGHTING THE SLAV BOMB IN AUSTRIA Subject Peoples Getting Together For First Time in Masaryk, Leader ofCzech-Slovaks, History to in This Country to Prepare Resist Oppression Way for Freedom Who is Masaryk? trickery at the expense of many small completeness. Aerenthal could only sit inside On Saturday evening, May 25, ten nationalities. Jugo-Slavg and outside the mon- Therefore, why should without reply, guilty before the world. archy. These forgeries were far too thousand Bohemians, Slovaks and other Austria continue to exist? As all the His defence of a of or gross to have deceived the merest Slavs, marched down Fifth Avenue, oppressed peoples of group thirty many of tho men and Austria-Hungary forty Jugo-Slavs against charges of child, and when Professor Masaryk on women garbed feel thus about it and the friendship the floor of the Austrian in their striking national dress, in of Italy has been treason at his own expense strength¬ delegation of secured for their ened branded the guilty as a honor Masaryk. Half of this num¬ aims, it is materially this political allegiance diplomatist ber crowded into possible to erect a barrier of the Southern Slav of the Dual second Azov, the spy and agent provo¬ Carnegie Hall, while across Middle from the Baltic part the remainder waited Europe As a result of cateur, the Foreign Minister remained outside hoping to the Adriatic which will control the Monarchy. Masaryk's for an the idea of a Serbo-Croat seated in no less guilty silence." opportunity to seo him. The Danube and the rail routes to teachings was Constan¬ had been to meeting in his honor. -
Yugoslavia | International Encyclopedia of the First World War
Version 1.0 | Last updated 18 July 2016 Yugoslavia By Ljubinka Trgovčević The idea for the unification of the Southern Slavs emerged in the 19th century and the strength of its appeal varied over the course of its development. During the First World War, unification became the main war aim of the government of the Kingdom of Serbia as well as the Yugoslav Committee. In different ways, these two groups advocated for Yugoslav unification, resulting in the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the end of the war. Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 Early ideas about the Unification of Southern Slavs 3 Triune Croatian Kingdom 4 On the Eve of War 5 Unity as a War Aim: 1914-1918 6 Montenegrin and Yugoslav Unity 7 Conclusion Notes Selected Bibliography Citation Introduction The origins of Yugoslavism, or the idea of the cultural and political unification of the Southern Slavs (“jug”, i.e.Y ug means “south”) can be traced back to the 1830s and the emergence of the Illyrian movement. At that time, a group of Croatian intellectuals, in order to resist the Magyarisation and Germanisation carried out by the Habsburg Monarchy, developed a program which aimed, on the one hand, to unify Croats and, on the other hand, to gather Southern Slavs into a single cultural and ethnic entity. During the 19th century, Southern Slavs lived in the large, multinational Habsburg and Ottoman empires as well as in Serbia and Montenegro, which had emerged as small, independent nation-states by 1878. Croats envisioned their unification either within the Habsburg Monarchy as the Triune Croatian Kingdom or within the framework of an independent Southern Slav state; the Slovenes took a similar position. -
Croatia by Petar Doric´
Croatia by Petar Doric´ Capital: Zagreb Population: 4.4 million GNI/capita: US$17,050 Source: The data above was provided by The World Bank, World Bank Indicators 2010. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Electoral Process 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.00 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Civil Society 2.75 2.75 3.00 3.00 3.00 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 Independent Media 3.50 3.50 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 4.00 3.75 4.00 4.00 Governance* 3.50 3.50 3.75 3.75 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.25 3.50 3.50 Local Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 3.75 3.75 4.25 4.50 4.50 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 Corruption 4.50 4.50 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 Democracy Score 3.54 3.54 3.79 3.83 3.75 3.71 3.75 3.64 3.71 3.71 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
Damnatio Memoriae – the Contested Memory of Antonio Bajamonti in Split
Damnatio Memoriae – The Contested Memory of Antonio Bajamonti in Split Sara Čović, University of Zadar [email protected] Abstract The nation-building political situation of the 19th century caused a tense situation in today's Croatia which was then divided into smaller provinces - Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia. From 1835 the Croatian national revival movement took place in Croatia and Slavonia until it was interrupted by Bach's absolutism in 1848. The two united entities, Croatia and Slavonia, wanted Dalmatia to become a part of the union but things were different in Dalmatia. In the first half of the 19th century, under the threat of multiple occupiers, people of Dalmatia created a special national ideology that was territorially defined. In that way Dalmatia opposed the request for unification. Such political atmosphere continued in the second half of the 19th century which was marked by fierce political conflicts in Dalmatia. The conflicts mostly erupted between the People's Party, that wanted the unification of Dalmatia and Croatia, and the Autonomous Party, that saw Dalmatia as an autonomous entity. In the period from 1860 until 1880 the mayor of Split was the leader of the Autonomous Party Antonio Bajamonti. Bajamonti's politics and intentions were directed into the prosperity of Split. At the time Split was an underdeveloped town and it can be stated that Bajamonti's policies, such as his urbanization plans, did much for its future development. However, Bajamonti is a historical figure that is almost forgotten in today's Split. Why is that so? That is not an easy question to answer and a few aspects need to be analyzed. -
Novak, and the Other, Chemist Vladimir Prelog. Slavica Stojan Ivo Perię
Dubrovnik Annals 3 (1999) 105 Novak, and the other, chemist Vladimir impressions of this stay in Putne uspomene Prelog. iz Hrvatske, Dalmacije, Albanije, Krfa i Slavica Stojan Italije (Travel accounts from Croatia, Dal- matia, Albania, Corfu and Italy; Zagreb, 1873). The beauty of the city and the promi- nence of its cultural heritage fascinated KukuljeviÊ from the very first moment. With Ivo PeriÊ, DubrovaËke teme XIX. stoljeÊa the utmost scrutiny he visited the city sights (Dubrovnik Themes of the Nineteenth Cen- and crowned his stay in Dubrovnik by root- tury). Mala knjiænica Matice hrvatske, No.V/ ing about the archives pertaining to the 32 of the new series. Zagreb: Matica hrvat- Ragusan Republic period, as well as the ska, 1997, 227 pp. manuscripts in the wealthy monastery librar- ies. He comments on the inadequate research The book under review contains seven conditions and generally poor state of the old of Ivo PeriÊ’s studies that have appeared in Ragusan documents that had been kept at the scholarly journals over the last decade, all District Court and offices, parts of which had of which concern events and personalities already been ruined or removed to Vienna from nineteenth-century Dubrovnik. and Zadar. Despite the unprofessional care of the archives housed at different locations, In the first article, entitled ≈Dubrovnik i KukuljeviÊ was able to provide a systematic DubrovËani u oËima Ivana KukuljeviÊa classification of old Ragusan documents, Sakcinskog« (Dubrovnik and its people in pointing to the value of particular series. Si- the eyes of Ivan KukuljeviÊ Sakcinski), PeriÊ multaneously, he amassed considerable focuses on KukuljeviÊ’s early contacts with sources for his future historiographic work. -
British Radicals Knowledge Of, and Attitudes to Austria-Hungary 1890-1914
名城論叢 2014 年 12 月 1 BRITISH RADICALS KNOWLEDGE OF, AND ATTITUDES TO AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 1890-1914 PART II HUNGARY SUSAN HANSEN INTRODUCTION1 This article attempts to cover some non-official British attitudes to the Hungarian part of the Dual Monarchy. An article about Austria-Hungary in general, and with emphasis on the western Austrian part has already been published. The goal in both articles is to try and identify who the British Radicals were, and what they were able to know about the Habsburg Empire between about 1890 and 1914.2 (I)3 The visit of the Eighty Club to Hungary in 1906 was the result of an idea put forward in the previous year by some Liberal politicians, when their Party was in Opposition. Following the Liberal electoral victory of 1906 the new Parliament contained 163 members of the Club, so clearly it had the potential for considerable political impact.4 Some notable Radical M.P.s who belonged to 1 The author of this article wishes to express profound gratitude to the University College London School of Slavonic and East European Studies (SSEES) for having been granted access to the papers of R.W. Seton- Watson. 2 For a definition of the term >British Radicals<, see the articles listed at the end of the text of this publication. Throughout this article, for the convenience of the reader, names of Hungarians have been rendered in the >Western-style< of Christian name first and family name following, which is the opposite practice to that which those people have traditionally used. -
GENERAL ELECTIONS in CROATIA 4Th December 2011
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN CROATIA 4th December 2011 European Elections monitor The leftwing coalition forecast to win in the Croatian general elections on 4th December next. From Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy Around 4000 people, from 21 political parties are standing in the general elections in Croatia on 4th December next. 151 seats are available in the Sabor, the only chamber in parliament. D-7 For the first time in the country’s history the Independent Serb Democratic Party (SDSS) is putting 7 days before a list forward led by outgoing Deputy Prime Minister Slobodan Uzlac in one of the country’s ten the poll constituencies, the 9th (Zadar, Sibenik, Knin). Until now the SDSS only stood for the college of national minorities. On 2nd November President of the Republic Ivo Josipovic made a television appearance to call on his countrymen to vote in the election. “The voting slip is always democracy’s most powerful arm and it is in your hands,” he said. Likewise the Conference of Catholic Bishops wanted to motivate the electorate, “we cannot complain about our life if we give up trying to influence it,” reads their message. The official electoral campaign that will be the shortest that Croatia has ever known, started on 16th November and will end on 2nd December at midnight. Outgoing Prime Minister Jadranska Kosor, (Demo- and abuse of power. He is accused of having re- cratic Union HDZ), whose government includes ceived illegal funds (to a total of 480,000€ ) from the HDZ and the Farmers’ Party (HSS), a conser- an Austrian bank (Hypo Alpe Adria) whilst he was vative party led by Josip Frisic, is running in the Deputy Foreign Minister during the Croatian War 5th constituency (Pozega, Slavonski Brod, Vuko- (1991-1995) and of having later received a bribe var), her home territory (she was born in Pakrac), of 10 million € from the Hungarian petrol company and one of the HDZ’s strongholds. -
The Serbian Question in Croatian Politics, 1848-1918
Review of Croatian History 6/2010, no.1, 165 - 188 UDK: 323.15(497.5=163.41)"1848/1918" Izvorni znanstveni članak Received: February 12, 2010 Accepted: March 15, 2010 THE SERBIAN QUESTION IN CROATIAN POLITICS, 1848-1918 Tomislav MARKUS* The author analyzes the significance of the Serbian question and the status of the Serbian ethnic minority in Croatian politics from the revolution of 1848 to the fall of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1918. The most distinguished Croa- tian political theorists and activists during this period – Bogoslav Šulek, Ivan Kukuljević, Josip J. Strossmayer, Franjo Rački, Mihovil Pavlinović, Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, Frano Supilo, Stjepan and Antun Radić and others – advocated different variants of a Croatocentric ideology within which the South Slav or Slavic framework was sometimes entirely rejected (in Starčević’s case), but more often accepted. Starčević and some of his followers denied the existence of the Serbian minority, believing that all South Slavs, except the Bulgarians, were Cro- ats. However, the vast majority of Croatian politicians and national activists ac- knowledged the existence of the Serbs and the Serbian minority in Croatia. They adhered to the concept of the “Croatian political nation,” which encompassed all citizens of the Triune Kingdom (Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia) regardless of ethnic origin. Most Serbian politicians, accepting the identification of speakers of the Shtokavian dialect as Serbs, believed that the Serbs in the Triune Kingdom were a separate nation, which had to be bearer of statehood. Over the long term, they expected that considerable portions of the Triune Kingdom – Slavonia, the Military Frontier and Dalmatia – would become part of an enlarged Serbian state after the collapse of Austria-Hungary. -
The Southern Slav's Appeal (The Southern Slavs~Serhs, Croats, Slovenes)
The Southern Slav's Appeal (The Southern Slavs~Serhs, Croats, Slovenes) PUBLISHED ON BEHALF OP THE ' JUGC SLAV COMMITTEE' BY MILAN M ARJANOVIÔ. CLEVELAND, O., NOVE MBER, 1916. OFFICES :1 402 E . 40th ST., CLEVELAND, O. NUMBER 1. THE SOUTHERN SLAVS , OR JUGO SLAVS, AIMS FOR LIBERTY AND UNITY. THE SOUTHERN SLAVS TERRITORY IN S. W. EUROPE. THERE WERE MORE THEN 13,000,000 JUGOSLAVS BEFORE THE WAR. THERE WERE 5,000,000 JUGOSLAVS LIVING IN SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO, MORE THEN 7,000,000 IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY (IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA, CROATIA-SLAVONIA, SOUTHERN HUNGARY, DALMATIA, ISTRIA, TRIEST, GORIZIA-GRADISCA, CARNIOLA, SOUTHERN CORINTHIA AND SOUTHERN STYRIA), MORE THEN 200,000 IN ITALY (UDINE) AND GREECE (VODENA, SALENIK) AND ' 0,000 IN BOTH AMERICAS (700,000 IN THE UNITED STATES).—THE NATIONAL TERRITORY OF THE JUGOSLAVS IN EUROPE COVERS THE AREA OF MORE THEN 96,000 SQUARE MILES. SERBO-CROAT. ORTHOGRAPHY. s —sh in "ship." c = ts in "cats." c = ch in "church." z = j in French "jour." c== ditto (softer). j=y in "your." Printed by "HLAS", CLEVELAND, OHIO AMERICAN DECLARATION OF INDENPENDENCE. "When in the course of human events, it of these ends, it is the right of the people to becomes necessary for one people to dissolve alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new the political bands which have connected them government, laying its foundation on such prin with another, and to assume, among the ciples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect powers of the earth, the separate and equal their safety and happiness.