DOCSLIB.ORG

De Fascistiska Rörelserna

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Ernst Nolte DE FASCISTISKA RÖRELSERNA Översättning: Maj Frisch Svensk utgåva: 1968 Innehåll Del 1: Konturerna av Europas historia under den fascistiska epoken .............................................. 1 Inledning: Det prekära i ”demokratins seger” och fascismens inre möjligheter .......................... 1 1. Fascismens omedelbara förutsättningar ................................................................................... 4 Det första världskriget – de starka emotionerna och de nya människotyperna ........................ 4 Den bolsjevikiska revolutionen ................................................................................................ 8 Krigsslutet och revolutionens framstötar i Berlin och München, .......................................... 11 Högerns tidigaste reaktioner ................................................................................................... 14 Upprorets organisation och splittring genom Kommunistiska internationalen ...................... 17 Europas nyordning i Versailles-systemet ............................................................................... 21 2. De fascistiska rörelsernas uppkomst ...................................................................................... 23 Mot Lenin och Wilson. den italienska fascismens ursprung .................................................. 23 Mot ”hela världens hälsoapostel” och den ”judiske världsfrälsaren”. Adolf Hitler och nationalsocialismens ursprung ............................................................................................... 26 Fascismens uppsving och marschen mot Rom ....................................................................... 29 Den italienska fascismens egenart och möjliga universalitet 1922 ........................................ 31 Hitlers misslyckade marsch mot Berlin och den tyska kommunismens slutliga nederlag år i923 ......................................................................................................................................... 33 Versailles-systemet konsolideras och de första diktaturerna upprättas .................................. 36 Den totalitära fascistiska regimen i Italien tar form ............................................................... 39 Italien under fascismen och den antifascistiska emigrationen ............................................... 42 Weimarrepublikens konsolidering och nationalsocialismens nya uppsving .......................... 45 De mindre fascistiska rörelserna och Mussolinis föredöme ................................................... 49 3. Fascism och antifascism efter 1933 ....................................................................................... 52 Nationalsocialismens seger och dess epokgörande betydelse ................................................ 52 Den tyska emigrationen och början till ett tyskt inre motstånd .............................................. 55 Början till en fascistisk samverkan 1934 ................................................................................ 58 Antifascismen i Frankrike och Kominterns omsvängning ..................................................... 61 Den italienska fascismens utveckling och erövringen av Abessinien .................................... 64 Folkfronten i Frankrike .......................................................................................................... 68 Spanska inbördeskriget .......................................................................................................... 70 Nationalsocialismen och dess motspelare fram till 1937 ....................................................... 76 Wien, München, Prag och fasciströrelsernas handlingsgemenskap ....................................... 81 4. Kriget och fascismens undergång .......................................................................................... 84 Krigsutbrottet, tillfällighet och nödvändighet ........................................................................ 84 De fascistiska rörelsernas utveckling fram till den ”antifascistiska” krigsfrontens uppkomst med Hitlers angrepp på Sovjetunionen .................................................................................. 86 Den fascistiska militäralliansens triumf och undergång ........................................................ 90 Ideologiernas skeppsbrott – vinst för epoken ......................................................................... 96 Del II: De nationella fascistiska rörelserna .................................................................................. 100 1. Balkan och Sydeuropa .......................................................................................................... 101 Grekland ............................................................................................................................... 101 Bulgarien, Albanien ............................................................................................................. 102 Jugoslavien ........................................................................................................................... 104 Kroatien ................................................................................................................................ 106 Ungern .................................................................................................................................. 108 Rumänien ............................................................................................................................. 113 2. Östeuropa och de baltiska staterna ....................................................................................... 121 Ryssland ............................................................................................................................... 121 Polen ..................................................................................................................................... 123 De baltiska staterna .............................................................................................................. 125 Finland .................................................................................................................................. 127 3. Centraleuropa ....................................................................................................................... 128 Schweiz ................................................................................................................................ 130 Tjeckoslovakien ................................................................................................................... 132 Österrike ............................................................................................................................... 136 Italien .................................................................................................................................... 139 Tyskland ............................................................................................................................... 142 4. Nord- och Västeuropa .......................................................................................................... 144 Skandinavien ........................................................................................................................ 145 Belgien ................................................................................................................................. 147 Holland ................................................................................................................................. 150 England ................................................................................................................................. 151 Frankrike .............................................................................................................................. 157 Spanien ................................................................................................................................. 162 Portugal ................................................................................................................................ 164 Efterord ..................................................................................................................................... 166 1 Del 1: Konturerna av Europas historia under den fascistiska epoken Inledning: Det prekära i ”demokratins seger” och fascismens inre möjligheter I november 1918 sade Giovanni Giolitti till en av sina förtrogna: ”De sista militärstaterna har funnit sin grav, och det är utomordentligt — — — Militarismen är försvagad, demokratin har bestått sitt sista och svåraste prov och triumferar nu i hela världen. Därmed är det klart att de omätliga offren inte har skett förgäves.”1 Samma tongångar präglade på den tiden alla de ledande statsmännens yttranden i ”de segerrika allierade och associerade staterna”, antingen det gällde Woodrow Wilson, Lloyd George, den franska deputeradekammarens president Deschanel eller den italienske konseljpresidenten Orlando. Men Giolittis yttrande får i detta sammanhang en alldeles särskild betydelse, därför att de italienska politikernas grand old man personligen och i sin egen erfarenhet tydligast visar hur otillräckliga de kategorier var som den tidens förhopp- ningar uttrycktes i. När på våren 1915 frågan kom upp, om Italien skulle inträda i kriget på systerdemokratiernas sida, kämpade Giolitti, som otvivelaktigt representerade majoriteten i parlamentet, för
Recommended publications
  • Knut Døscher Master.Pdf (1.728Mb)

    Knut Døscher Master.Pdf (1.728Mb)

    Knut Kristian Langva Døscher German Reprisals in Norway During the Second World War Master’s thesis in Historie Supervisor: Jonas Scherner Trondheim, May 2017 Norwegian University of Science and Technology Preface and acknowledgements The process for finding the topic I wanted to write about for my master's thesis was a long one. It began with narrowing down my wide field of interests to the Norwegian resistance movement. This was done through several discussions with professors at the historical institute of NTNU. Via further discussions with Frode Færøy, associate professor at The Norwegian Home Front Museum, I got it narrowed down to reprisals, and the cases and questions this thesis tackles. First, I would like to thank my supervisor, Jonas Scherner, for his guidance throughout the process of writing my thesis. I wish also to thank Frode Færøy, Ivar Kraglund and the other helpful people at the Norwegian Home Front Museum for their help in seeking out previous research and sources, and providing opportunity to discuss my findings. I would like to thank my mother, Gunvor, for her good help in reading through the thesis, helping me spot repetitions, and providing a helpful discussion partner. Thanks go also to my girlfriend, Sigrid, for being supportive during the entire process, and especially towards the end. I would also like to thank her for her help with form and syntax. I would like to thank Joachim Rønneberg, for helping me establish the source of some of the information regarding the aftermath of the heavy water raid. I also thank Berit Nøkleby for her help with making sense of some contradictory claims by various sources.
  • Page 540 H-France Review Vol. 9 (October 2009), No. 129 Samuel

    Page 540 H-France Review Vol. 9 (October 2009), No. 129 Samuel

    H-France Review Volume 9 (2009) Page 540 H-France Review Vol. 9 (October 2009), No. 129 Samuel Kalman, The Extreme Right in Interwar France: The Faisceau and the Croix de Feu. Hampshire and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008. x+ 265 pp. Bibliography and index. $99.95 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978-0-7546- 6240-2. Review by Samual Huston Goodfellow, Westminster College. One of the greatest challenges in writing about fascism and the right in the interwar era is the problem of definition. What is fascism? How is it different from the extreme right or even conservatism? Is fascism an outgrowth of the left? The impulse towards differentiation, although it has its purposes, obscures the messy reality of the bundle of political and social organizations that operated on the right. Lack of a clear foundational ideology, the moral taint associated with fascism, and the often experimental quality of these new movements further complicate the task of creating clear categories. Samuel Kalman sidesteps many of these questions by resorting to a different terminology. Instead of dwelling on the now stale question of whether the Faisceau or the Croix de Feu/ Parti Social Français (CdF/PSF) was, or was not, fascist, Kalman simply refers to them as part of the extreme right and chooses to focus instead on the strands that ran through the groups as well as on the internecine struggles within the groups. This is not a book about the definitional purity of the term fascism or even the extreme right, but about two issues: the linkages over time and across issues and the discord within movements.
  • Alceste De Ambris Dall'interventismo All'esilio

    Alceste De Ambris Dall'interventismo All'esilio

    Alceste De Ambris dall’interventismo all’esilio (1914-1934) Enrico Serventi Longhi La figura di Alceste De Ambris è stata studiata ed è conosciuta da diversi ricercatori, studiosi o appassionati di storia. La sua vicenda biografica lo vede protagonista della politica rivoluzionaria e non solo dei primi trentenni del novecento; nato a Licciana di Pontremoli (Massa) il 15 settembre 1874, il suo nome è legato a due episodi celebri: lo sciopero generale dei contadini a Parma nel maggio 1908 e la collaborazione con Gabriele D’Annunzio a Fiume – Rijeka nel 1920. Esperienze profondamente diverse per fini, caratteri ideologici e sviluppi organizzativi, testimoni di una indiscutibile trasformazione, comune del resto alla generazione degli interventisti di sinistra. La guerra fu un momento di rottura fra la tradizione riformistica, parlamentare, persino evangelica, del socialismo italiano ufficiale e parte della nuova generazione di giovani rivoluzionari. In tale ottica ho ritenuto opportuno segnare come inizio simbolico dell’indagine analitica il discorso interventista di De Ambris pronunciato nell’agosto 1914; la guerra rappresenta senza dubbio il determinante momento di rottura del sindacalista di Licciana con il movimento operaio e libertario, sebbene insieme preceduto dall’avvicinamento alle posizioni antigermaniche del sindacalismo rivoluzionario francese e dalla fondamentale esperienza politica ed esistenziale nel Ticino1. La tesi di dottorato nasce con lo specifico intento di mettere in luce la travagliata esperienza del sindacalista aprano e, allo stesso tempo non sottovalutando lo studio prosopografico dei gruppi con cui entra in contatto e collabora. Il taglio biografico può permettere di entrare in profondità nel dibattito, nelle fratture, nelle riorganizzazioni, nelle affermazioni e nelle sconfitte delle diverse scuole della sinistra rivoluzionaria italiana sorte dalla campagna antimilitarista e dall’interventismo rivoluzionario e democratico.
  • Persecution, Collaboration, Resistance

    Persecution, Collaboration, Resistance

    Münsteraner Schriften zur zeitgenössischen Musik 5 Ina Rupprecht (ed.) Persecution, Collaboration, Resistance Music in the ›Reichskommissariat Norwegen‹ (1940–45) Münsteraner Schrift en zur zeitgenössischen Musik Edited by Michael Custodis Volume 5 Ina Rupprecht (ed.) Persecution, Collaboration, Resistance Music in the ‘Reichskommissariat Norwegen’ (1940–45) Waxmann 2020 Münster x New York The publication was supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft , the Grieg Research Centre and the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster as well as the Open Access Publication Fund of the University of Münster. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek Th e Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografi e; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de Münsteraner Schrift en zur zeitgenössischen Musik, Volume 5 Print-ISBN 978-3-8309-4130-9 E-Book-ISBN 978-3-8309-9130-4 DOI: https://doi.org/10.31244/9783830991304 CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Waxmann Verlag GmbH, 2020 Steinfurter Straße 555, 48159 Münster www.waxmann.com [email protected] Cover design: Pleßmann Design, Ascheberg Cover pictures: © Hjemmefrontarkivet, HA HHI DK DECA_0001_44, saddle of sources regarding the Norwegian resistance; Riksarkivet, Oslo, RA/RAFA-3309/U 39A/ 4/4-7, img 197, Atlantic Presse- bilderdienst 12. February 1942: Th e newly appointed Norwegian NS prime minister Vidkun Quisling (on the right) and Reichskomissar Josef Terboven (on the left ) walking along the front of an honorary
  • Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945

    Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945

    Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945 Ashley James Thomas Discipline of History School of History & Politics University of Adelaide Thesis presented as the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Adelaide March 2010 CONTENTS Abstract iii Declaration iv Acknowledgments v Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Interpreting Fascism: An Evolving 26 Historiography Chapter Three: The Fascist Critique of the Modern 86 World Chapter Four: Race, Reds and Revolution: Specific 156 Issues in the Fascist Utopia Chapter Five: Conclusion 202 Bibliography 207 ABSTRACT This thesis argues that utopian aspirations are a fruitful way to understand fascism and examines the utopian ideals held by a number of fascist writers. The intention of this thesis is not to define fascism. Rather, it is to suggest that looking at fascism’s goals and aspirations might reveal under-examined elements of fascism. This thesis shows that a useful way to analyse the ideology of fascism is through an examination of its ideals and goals, and by considering the nature of a hypothetical fascist utopia. The most common ways of examining fascism and attempting to isolate its core ideological features have been by considering it culturally, looking at the metaphysical and philosophical claims fascists made about themselves, or by studying fascist regimes, looking at the external features of fascist movements, parties and governments. In existing studies there is an unspoken middle ground, where fascism could be examined by considering practical issues in the abstract and by postulating what a fascist utopia would be like.
  • Waiting for War: Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece, 1914-1918 FILIPE RIBEIRO DE MENESES *

    Waiting for War: Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece, 1914-1918 FILIPE RIBEIRO DE MENESES *

    Comunicação & Cultura, n.º 16, 2013, pp. 31-46 Waiting for war: Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece, 1914-1918 FILIPE RIBEIRO DE MENESES * In his Modern Spain 1875-1980, Raymond Carr wrote that “in all countries of Southern and Eastern Europe the strains imposed by the Great War of 1914- 1918 proved too great for democratic and quasi-democratic regimes.”1 While undoubtedly true, these words should not be read to mean that the war was nec- essarily a catastrophe imposed by the Great Powers on these countries: Many within them saw the generalized European war – the result of the existing alliance system which turned an Austrian-Serbian dispute into something very different – as a unique historic opportunity to be seized in order to pursue concrete, often expansionist, goals. Interventionism, in other words, was a policy choice freely pursued. When the First World War began officially, on 28 July 1914, the countries of southern Europe were by no means unaccustomed to armed conflict. Whether in the colonial sphere (in the cases of Portugal, Spain, and Italy) or against one or more European powers (in the cases of Italy and Greece), all four of the coun- tries covered in this article had recently been engaged in sometimes defensive, but more often than not aggressive, military action – so much so that the chronologi- cal limits of the First World War are beginning, in the opinion of many historians – to fray at the edges, not because of actions undertaken by the Great Powers, but because of the activities undertaken by their southern neighbours.2 All four _______________ * Professor at the National University of Ireland, Maynooth.
  • Buddhism from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Jump To: Navigation, Search

    Buddhism from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Jump To: Navigation, Search

    Buddhism From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search A statue of Gautama Buddha in Bodhgaya, India. Bodhgaya is traditionally considered the place of his awakening[1] Part of a series on Buddhism Outline · Portal History Timeline · Councils Gautama Buddha Disciples Later Buddhists Dharma or Concepts Four Noble Truths Dependent Origination Impermanence Suffering · Middle Way Non-self · Emptiness Five Aggregates Karma · Rebirth Samsara · Cosmology Practices Three Jewels Precepts · Perfections Meditation · Wisdom Noble Eightfold Path Wings to Awakening Monasticism · Laity Nirvāṇa Four Stages · Arhat Buddha · Bodhisattva Schools · Canons Theravāda · Pali Mahāyāna · Chinese Vajrayāna · Tibetan Countries and Regions Related topics Comparative studies Cultural elements Criticism v • d • e Buddhism (Pali/Sanskrit: बौद धमर Buddh Dharma) is a religion and philosophy encompassing a variety of traditions, beliefs and practices, largely based on teachings attributed to Siddhartha Gautama, commonly known as the Buddha (Pāli/Sanskrit "the awakened one"). The Buddha lived and taught in the northeastern Indian subcontinent some time between the 6th and 4th centuries BCE.[2] He is recognized by adherents as an awakened teacher who shared his insights to help sentient beings end suffering (or dukkha), achieve nirvana, and escape what is seen as a cycle of suffering and rebirth. Two major branches of Buddhism are recognized: Theravada ("The School of the Elders") and Mahayana ("The Great Vehicle"). Theravada—the oldest surviving branch—has a widespread following in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, and Mahayana is found throughout East Asia and includes the traditions of Pure Land, Zen, Nichiren Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism, Shingon, Tendai and Shinnyo-en. In some classifications Vajrayana, a subcategory of Mahayana, is recognized as a third branch.
  • Le Faisceau De Georges Valois In: Revue Française De Science Politique, 26E Année, N°1, 1976

    Le Faisceau De Georges Valois In: Revue Française De Science Politique, 26E Année, N°1, 1976

    Zeev Sternhell Anatomie d'un mouvement fasciste en France : le faisceau de Georges Valois In: Revue française de science politique, 26e année, n°1, 1976. pp. 5-40. Citer ce document / Cite this document : Sternhell Zeev. Anatomie d'un mouvement fasciste en France : le faisceau de Georges Valois. In: Revue française de science politique, 26e année, n°1, 1976. pp. 5-40. doi : 10.3406/rfsp.1976.393652 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/rfsp_0035-2950_1976_num_26_1_393652 Résumé ANATOMIE D'UN MOUVEMENT FASCISTE EN FRANCE, LE FAISCEAU DE GEORGES VALOIS, par ZEEV STERNHELL Le mouvement fasciste de Georges Valois est créé en novembre 1925. Pour être comparable aux entreprises analogues en Europe, à la même époque, il ne s'inscrit pas moins, cependant, dans une tradition antirépublicaine, anti-parlementaire et antidémocratique spécifiquement française. Né de la droite, le Faisceau se trouvera vite en butte à son hostilité. Financé par de gros industriels, son ouvriérisme verbal lui fera rapidement perdre ce soutien indispensable. Organisé en quatre sections : celle des « combattants », celle des producteurs, celle des jeunes et celle des sympathisants, le Faisceau au plus haut de son influence, pourra revendiquer 25 000 adhérents essentiellement dans la région parisienne. Succès éphémère ; en 1927 avec le départ des derniers bailleurs de fonds, le Faisceau disparaît de la scène politique. A cette date, la droite française, assurée de son pouvoir et satisfaite de ses formes traditionnelles d'organisation, n'a pas eu besoin d'entretenir les ambiguïtés d'une organisation fasciste. [Revue française de science politique XXVI (1), février 1976, pp. 5-40.] Abstract ANATOMY OF A FASCIST MOVEMENT IN FRANCE, THE « FAISCEAU » OF GEORGES VALOIS, by ZEEV STERNHELL Georges Valois founded his fascist movement in November 1925.
  • Viktorgruppa En Studie Av Norske Frontkjemperes Flukt Fra Rettsoppgjøret I 1945

    Viktorgruppa En Studie Av Norske Frontkjemperes Flukt Fra Rettsoppgjøret I 1945

    Viktorgruppa En studie av norske frontkjemperes flukt fra rettsoppgjøret i 1945 Erik Øien Masteroppgave HIS4090 60 studiepoeng Institutt for arkeologi, konservering og historie Humanistisk fakultet Universitet i Oslo VÅR 2019 Etter at freden kom til Norge i 1945, ble tusenvis av nordmenn tiltalt for landssvik og satt inn i fengsel og fangeleire. Dette er historien om de første som rømte, om deres svenske medhjelpere og hvordan de organiserte ei fluktrute gjennom Skandinavia med mål om å komme seg til trygghet i Sør-Amerika. Det er også historien om hvordan rømlingenes planer slo feil, hvordan de ble arrestert, og hvordan Viktorgruppa la grunnlaget for en senere fluktvirksomhet som skulle vise seg å være langt mer effektiv. Forord Jeg skylder en stor takk til veileder Terje Emberland for hjelpsomme tilbakemeldinger, nådeløse prioriteringer og svært mye god hjelp til tross for dårlig tid, i tillegg til gode samtaler og spennende historier om norske nazister. Anki Furuseth fortjener også en hjertelig takk for sine bidrag, både gjennom en svært god bok og utlån av litteratur og kildemateriale. Uten henne ville denne oppgaven aldri vært mulig å skrive. Også Tore Pryser, Heléne Lööw og personalet ved Riksarkivet i Oslo skal ha takk for svar på vanskelige spørsmål. Takk til Henriett Røed, Jord Johan Herheim Nylenna og mamma for gjennomlesing og gode innspill. En spesiell takk går til kameratene på skift 2, som har holdt ut med skriving på jobben gjennom alt for mange nattskift. Tusen takk til Kaja, for all hjelp og tålmodighet med rot og bøker overalt, og for at du orker å høre på lange historier om obskure nazister.
  • Gender, Fascism and Right-Wing in France Between the Wars: the Catholic Matrix Magali Della Sudda

    Gender, Fascism and Right-Wing in France Between the Wars: the Catholic Matrix Magali Della Sudda

    Gender, Fascism and Right-Wing in France between the wars: the Catholic matrix Magali Della Sudda To cite this version: Magali Della Sudda. Gender, Fascism and Right-Wing in France between the wars: the Catholic matrix. Politics, Religion and Ideology, Taylor & Francis (Routledge), 2012, 13 (2), pp.179-195. 10.1080/21567689.2012.675706. halshs-00992324 HAL Id: halshs-00992324 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00992324 Submitted on 23 Mar 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. « Gender, Fascism and the Right-Wing in France between the Wars: The Catholic Matrix » M. Della Sudda, « Gender, Fascism and the Right-Wing in France between the Wars: The Catholic Matrix » Julie V. Gottlieb (Ed.) “Gender and Fascism”, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religion, vol.13, issue 2, pp.179-195. Key words: Gender; the French Far Right A French Aversion to Research into Gender and Fascism? While it has been some time since European historiography opened up the field of Gender and Fascism, French historiography seems to be an exception. Since the pioneering work into Nazi Germany and the Fascist regime in Italy,1 use of the gender perspective has allowed women’s academic focus to shift towards other objects of study.
  • Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945

    Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945

    Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 ‘An excellent brief survey of fascism which treats all the major themes and problems, and is highly recommended.’ Stanley Payne, University of Wisconsin-Madison ‘The first book which makes the era of fascism as a whole fully intelligible to the student and the general reader.’ Roger Griffin, Oxford Brookes University Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 surveys the elusive and controversial phenom- enon which is still the object of interest and debate over fifty years after its defeat in the Second World War. It introduces recent scholarship and continuing debates on the nature of fascism as well as often contentious con- tributions by foreign historians and political scientists. From the pre-First World War intellectual origins of fascism to its demise in 1945, this book examines: • the two ‘waves’ of fascism – in the period immediately following the First World War and in the late 1920s and early 1930s; • whether the European crisis created by the Treaty of Versailles allowed fascism to take root; • why fascism came to power in Italy and Germany, but not anywhere else in Europe; • fascism’s own claim to be an international and internationalist move- ment; • the idea of ‘totalitarianism’ as the most useful and appropriate way of analysing the fascist regimes. With a timeline of key dates, maps, illustrations, a glossary and a guide to further reading, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 is an invaluable introduction to this fascinating political movement and ideology. Philip Morgan is Senior Lecturer in Contemporary European History at the University of Hull. His previous publications include Italian Fascism, 1919–1945 (1995) and Italy, 1915–1940 (1998).
  • The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936

    The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936

    fascism 8 (2019) 36-60 brill.com/fasc Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective: The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936 Martin Kristoffer Hamre Humboldt University of Berlin and King’s College London [email protected] Abstract Following the transnational turn within fascist studies, this paper examines the role German National Socialism and Italian Fascism played in the transformation of the Norwegian fascist party Nasjonal Samling in the years 1933–1936. It takes the rivalry of the two role models as the initial point and focusses on the reception of Italy and Germany in the party press of the Nasjonal Samling. The main topics of research are therefore the role of corporatism, the involvement in the organization caur and the increasing importance of anti-Semitism. One main argument is that both indirect and direct German influence on the Nasjonal Samling in autumn 1935 led to a radi- calization of the party and the endorsement of anti-Semitic attitudes. However, the Nasjonal Samling under leader Vidkun Quisling never prioritized Italo-German rivalry as such. Instead, it perceived itself as an independent national movement in the com- mon battle of a European-wide phenomenon against its arch-enemies: liberalism and communism. Keywords Norway – Germany – Italy – Fascism – National Socialism – transnational fascism – Nasjonal Samling – Vidkun Quisling © Martin Kristoffer Hamre, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22116257-00801003 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication. Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:35:40AM via free access <UN> Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective 37 In October 19331 – five months after the foundation of the party Nasjonal Sam- ling [NS; National Unity]2 – Norwegian merchant Johan Wilhelm Klüver sent a letter from Tientsin in China addressed to the NS headquarters in Oslo.