POLITICIAN POSSE COME DOWN!

Democracy Caribbean Style

The Nassau Guardian, March 31-April 5, 2008

By Ian Gregory Strachan

In the aftermath of our own hard fought, and some might even say “tribal” general elections, it is interesting to note that two of our more senior Caribbean neighbours had their own election dramas in

2007. Jamaica, Trinidad and , all held general elections in ’07, with only one incumbent

Prime Minister being returned to office: Patrick Manning of Trinidad. Manning benefited considerably from the fact that it was a three way race on November 5. In Jamaica, the 18 year dominance of the People’s National Party came to an end on September 3rd and a prodigal son rose to power in the person of Bruce Golding. (Earlier this year in Barbados incumbent Owen Arthur was also bounced, but that’s a story for another day.)

What have we Bahamians shared with our southern cousins, JA and Trini in terms of our electoral processes, in terms of the maneouvers of those seeking to acquire or hold on to power and in terms of the efforts of civil society to foster more reasoned debate about issues of national policy? Clearly, to stay on top of the tiger that is Caribbean party politics it pays to be a senior man and have years and years of experience. Manning, Ingraham and Golding are all in their 60s and were first elected 30 years ago. But are we in The Bahamas more evolved in terms of the way we manage the race to power or are we behind?

What about regime change? Are Trinidadians and Jamaicans more optimistic about the ability of their elected leaders to fulfill their promises or more sceptical than we are? The answers may surprise you.

The Great Debate

“The People’s National Party has been in power for the last 18 and half years . During that period, with the exception of the first two years, Jamaica has never achieved as much as 3% growth in any one year.

Over that period we have accumulated 460,000 persons who either can’t find work or have given up trying to find work. During that period we have accumulated a debt that is now costing the people of

Jamaica 550 million [Jamaican dollars] every single day to service. More than we spend on Health,

Education, Security and all the other Government services combined.

“Over that period we have seen the murder rate climb from 413 in 1988 to as much as 1,500. And during that period we have seen our schools continue to graduate young men and young women barely able to read and write . . . [They are] unemployable. Jamaica cannot continue to operate like this. We can do better than this. There are many countries that don’t have our resources that are doing better than this.

And therefore, we have outlined a framework of policies that are designed to move Jamaica out of this slump.”

These were the opening statements of Jamaican Labour Party (JLP) Leader Bruce Golding, who delivered them to the Jamaican nation during a live debate between himself and Prime Minister Portia Simpson-

Miller of the People’s National Party (PNP) hosted by the Jamaica Debates Commission. Golding’s words sounded the death-knell for the PNP’s 18-year rule, of which Simpson-Miller had only been leader for one and half years. Golding outperformed Simpson-Miller in the debate and presented himself as an attractive alternative to the status quo in his country. He promised foreign investment, jobs and good governance.

Simpson-Miller, who often calls herself the people’s “Mama,” was the first woman to be Prime Minister of Jamaica and only the third female in the Caribbean to hold such an office. She replaced P. J. Patterson as PNP leader and hence became PM in March of 2006. (As is the case in the Bahamian constitution, no general election was required to effect this change in leadership.) During the debate she described herself as a caring and compassionate leader. She encouraged voters to stay the course, emphasizing that the needs of the working class were her primary concern.

Unfortunately, her delivery during the debate was stiff and plodding, as it seems she is far more comfortable on the rally platform than in an election debate format. In her opening statement on that

August 14th evening, her primary boasts were about the PNP providing light and water to many

Jamaicans. This is not insignificant when one considers that over 40% of Jamaican homes are without running water or electricity, but it was an old ploy from the Caribbean political repertoire to ask the public to be grateful when a government delivers essential services after decades of neglect.

“We implemented programs,” she began, “that while balancing the books I balanced people’s lives. $600 million on rural electrification, to impact the lives of 20,000 Jamaicans, potable water, impacting the lives of 162,000 Jamaicans.” She also reminded the public that her government offered free healthcare to children. “When I introduced free healthcare for children 18 and under it became an issue. This is a leader that cares about her people. And if Mama is in charge, she must take care of her children. . . .

Don’t just listen to the negative voices that are saying we have achieved nothing. We have achieved much but there are plenty more things out there to do.”

On August 24th, 2007 The Jamaica Gleaner cited a Bill Johnson poll pointing to, “an overwhelming 45 per cent of persons who did not exercise their franchise in 2002 [that] now [said] the debate outcome

[had] influenced them to vote for the Bruce Golding-led JLP. This compares to a mere 22 per cent of this group who [were] attracted to the Portia Simpson Miller-led PNP.” Despite Golding’s success during the debate, the JLP appeared to have won by the narrowest of margins on the evening of September 3rd. The

JLP received 405, 215 votes to the PNP’s 402, 275. The first official count gave the JLP 31 seats to the

PNP’s 29. After the initial results Simpson-Miller refused to concede defeat (a move remiscent of our own ’s reluctance on May 2nd, 2007). Simpson-Miller declared the election too close to call. As The Gleaner explained on September 5, “Mrs. Simpson Miller [came] in for bitter criticism from some quarters after declaring Monday night that her party would not immediately concede defeat, claiming there were incidents of voter intimidation and criminality that led to the preliminary results.”

The following evening however, when a recount revealed that the JLP had 32 not 31 seats, she conceded.

After yet more recounting the Election Office of Jamaica declared that the JLP actually won 33 to the

PNP’s 27. Orette Bruce Golding was finally sworn in as Jamaica’s eighth Prime Minister on the less than auspicious day of September 11, 2007.

Some observers believe that Simpson-Miller’s chances of being returned were also hurt by her handling of Hurricane Dean, which blasted the island on August 19, left three dead, damaged thousands of homes, wiped out power for weeks in some areas and caused the election to be moved from August 27th to

September 3rd. According to an Associated Press story on September 2nd, Simpson-Miller was criticized for “waiting too long after the storm to address the nation about the damage and the rescheduling of the

Aug. 27th election, and over the timing and manner of aid distribution to storm victims.” A Bill Johnson poll a day before Hurricane Dean showed Simpson-Miller’s PNP running neck and neck with Golding’s

JLP at 40 percent. After the hurricane, Johnson’s poll put the JLP at 42 and the PNP at 38 percent of popular support.

But Hurricane Dean notwithstanding, the debates were a decisive blow for Golding. Altogether, three debates were organized by the Jamaica Debates Commission; only the last of these was with the party leaders. The Debates Commission came into existence in 2002 through a partnerhsip between the

Jamaica Chamber of Commerce and the Jamaican Media Association, prior to general elections that year.

The 2007 election was the second time the Commission has organised political debates for television and radio.

The Commission’s stated mission is “to assist in the strengthening and growth of the local democratic process by staging national political debates which will encourage persons to identify and focus on the issues of importance that will assist them in making their voting decisions.”

No such entity exists in The Bahamas but media houses and concerned members of civil society have been trying for years to get political leaders to agree to live debates in the run-up to elections. Charles

Carter made history when he hosted a live debate in 2002 between his former PLP Cabinet-mate, Perry

Christie and FNM “leader” Tommy Turnquest on Island 102.9FM. (Of course, he did the established parties a favor by ignoring CDR Leader B. J. Nottage and BDM Leader Cassius Stuart—an example of how media can protect the status quo).

2007 was a step back. The Free National Movement’s attitude toward the media in the weeks prior to the

2007 Election was particularly telling: neither FNM Leader Ingraham nor Deputy Leader Brent

Symmonette held a a single interview with the media until they had won the government.

Another important fact to note is that Jamaican voters have had the benefit of public opinion polls since the early 1970s when political analyst Carl Stone at the University of the West Indies began what became known as the Stone Polls. Stone regularly predicted who would be victorious in general elections and did much to help increase an understanding of the Jamaican electorate. The Bahamas has never had a public opinion poll of any magnitude, even for marketing purposes.

Prodigal Son Turned Golden Boy

The Bahamas has had its shares of prodigal sons in politics. We’ve seen quite a few politicians leave the party that nurtured and reared them. Some left out of frustration that they themselves could not lead, some because they felt that there were serious ethical breaches that the party leadership refused to acknowledge, some simply because they couldn’t secure a nomination.

Perry Christie and were both prodigals after allegations of corruption and the 1984

Commission of Inquiry cast a shadow over the Pindling regime. Perry returned to the PLP before the

1992 election and rings were placed on his fingers by his “father,” . But rather than roll around with the pigs, Ingraham found new to bejewel him fathers in Cecil Wallace Whitfield, Henry

Bostwick and Orville Turnquest and he became leader of the Free National Movement.

BJ Nottage, left the PLP after the 1997 election, not because of the Commission of 1984 but because of the manner in which the leadership race in the PLP post-’92 was hijacked by Pindling. Nottage decided he’d be his own daddy. He created the Coalition for Democratic Reform, proferred an imaginative, sweeping manifesto and offered a slate of candidates in the 2002 election. The CDR was thoroughly trounced, with Nottage himself unable to retain his seat in Kennedy. Instead he was defeated by a novice,

Kenyatta Gibson. (Ironically, Gibson has now gone independent). Nottage left the CDR in 2005 and returned to the PLP and has again expressed interest in leadership of the PLP now that Christie has been bounced—but there is no father to grant his wish. Bruce Golding has shades of Christie and shades of

Nottage about him.

Golding, like many politicians, had a real, biological father who was active in politics: Tacius Golding, who represented West St. Catherine in the House of Representatives for 22 years. Following literally in his father’s footsteps, Golding ran for West St. Catherine in ’72 when his father retired. He was elected at

24 and became the youngest person ever in Parliament. According to The Gleaner, this is when his second father—a political one—took him under his wing. “He would become a key understudy to JLP leader Edward Seaga and one of the main architects of the party’s successful ‘deliverance’ campaign in

1980, which saw the JLP winning 51 seats to 9 for the PNP.”

Golding would go on to hold a variety of posts within the party, including Chairman for 11 years, from

1984 to 1995. However, Golding, began calling for major political reform in Jamaica, and in the JLP as well. Considered by many to be Seaga’s likely successor, Golding left the JLP to form the National

Democratic Movement (NDM) in 1995. According to The Gleaner, Stone polls in ’95 put Golding and the NDM ahead of the JLP in public support but in 1997 the NDM did not win a single seat, including

Golding’s. As a whole the party gained just over 40,000 votes compared to over 300,000 for the JLP and over 400,000 for the PNP. He stepped down as leader in 2001 and left active politics. He resurfaced as the host of a daily talk show in April 2002, "Disclosure" on Hot102 FM.

By September of that year, however, he was negotiating a return to the JLP. According to Jamaica’s

Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, a Memorandum of Understanding between Golding and the JLP was signed that guaranteed that a number of reforms would be advanced by the JLP if he returned, including greater separtion of powers, a reduction in what is called “garrison” politics (violent tribalism), and

Opposition chairmanship of parliamentary oversight committees. Golding became Leader, replacing

Edward Seaga in 2005.

When he gave his victory speech on September 3rd, Golding made the following promise: “Regardless of what was the margin of victory, I had planned to indicate that under my leadership and under a government that I would lead, we would seek to establish a new framework that would seek to establish inclusiveness in the relationship between the Government and the Opposition.

“I say that because we make a mistake if we believe that a party becoming government, no matter how large its majority, is going to be able to take this country forward as fast as this country needs to go, if it does so on its own steam without the co-operation of all the people of Jamaica. To the extent that the

People's National Party represents a significant body of support in the country, it is important in going forward, for there to be a serious programme, a new paradigm of constructive engagement.”

It remains to be seen whether Golding will be able to affect the kinds of changes he called for before becoming Prime Minister, when, arguably, his political ambitions were being frustrated under Seaga and, undoubtedly, he could see clearly the inordinate power afforded Prime Ministers thanks to constitutions like Jamaica’s and The Bahamas’ for that matter. Now he wields that power and may find the scope of the PM’s authority less problematic.

Furthermore, the margin of victory in the September 3rd election was so slim that the Simpson-Miller’s

PNP can wreak havoc if they so choose with any efforts to mobilize popular support for constitutional reform, particularly where those reforms require a large majority of the House. The list of reforms the

JLP proposes in its 2007 Manifesto is impressive. One wonders where The Bahamas’ own quest for a more democratic system has gone. The PLP appointed a Commission, led by Paul Adderley and Harvey

Tynes, which reported in 2006, but nothing has been done and the FNM is mum on the issue of reform.

Ingraham’s half-hearted effort to hold a Referendum on constitutional reform prior to the May 2002 election was politicized and soundly rejected. He seems unlikely to try again and must balance any impulse he may have to think of his legacy against the challenge of leading at a time when his mandate from voters (around 68, 000 vs. around 64, 000) is almost as slim as Golding’s.

Here are just a few of the JLP’s pledge:

Republican status

Provisions to allow(s) for the impeachment of government officials

Requiring a 2/3 majority vote in the House for appointments to “sensitive positions” in the

government such as, Governor of the Bank of Jamaica, Chief Justice, President of the Court of

Appeals

A two term limit for the office of Prime Minister

A fixed election period

Golding seems dedicated to changing how the government does its business, as evidenced by the JLP’s

Manifesto. However, given the near 50-50 split in the popular vote during the election and the small majority his party holds in the House, it will be interesting to see if Golding’s proposed constitutional reforms become a reality in the next five years.

IF YOU AIN’T RED YOU DEAD

We turn now to Trinidad, a Hindu-Muslim-Christian society. A different kettle of fish, without a doubt, but a society that faces many of the same challenges we do in The Bahamas with respect to governance and the electoral process. Very early in this prosperous nation’s life, (less than ten years in actually),

Trinidadians were forced to ask themselves whether their Constitution and the Westminster system of governance really met the needs and desires of the majority. Independent since 1962, (the same year as

Jamaica), the nation was rocked in April 1970 by the Black Power Movement. Student and union protests against socio-economic and racial inequities in the society and a military mutiny led Prime

Minister Eric Williams to declare a State of Emergency in April of that year. The State of Emergency was not lifted until 1972.

In 1971 a Commission was created to recommend the kinds of constitutional reform that would guarantee the widest participation in the democratic process. The Commission, which reported in 1974, was headed by Sir Hugh Wooding and Sir Telford Georges (UWI St. Augustine’s Law School is named after the former and the latter became Chief Justice of The Bahamas). The Commission recommended that

Trinidad become a Republic and that the Senate be eliminated. It also called for a mixed electoral system with a degree of proportional representation in the National Assembly. Eric Williams’ PNP Government took some of the recommendations and ignored others, transforming Trinidad into a republic in 1976.

The recommendations to scrap an appointed Upper House (the Senate) and to introduce proportional representation were ignored.

This latter omission is crucial as we consider the November 5th Trinidad general elections, which resulted in the return of Patrick Manning and the PNM. As has often been the case in Trinidad, the election was a three way race: Manning’s People’s National Movement (PNM), The (UNC) led by eight-term MP , and the 14-month old Congress of the People (COP), led by

Winston Dookeran. If Trinidad had adopted some form of proportional representation when it was proposed over 30 years ago, it would have led to a parliament that was much more reflective of the popular will on November 5th. It would also have created a situation in which Manning’s powers as chief executive could truly be checked by the parliament. Instead, Trinidad’s constitution, like The Bahamas’, enshrines a winner-takes-all electoral process, or “first past the post,” and gives the PM wide powers.

It might sound odd, but if you attended the FNM’s April 30th mass rally at Clifford Park, you probably learned something about Trinidadian politics. It was a memorable night, for a number of reasons. I stood on the hillside, taking in the sea of red between me and the almond trees, awaiting the appearance of

Trinidadian reggae star, Ziggy Rankin.

Before Rankin sang “Miserable Life,” the song that had been blasting all over the island that year, he exhorted the crowd to join him in a chant. The Trini ragga man explained to the FNM crew that in his home to the south he supports a political party that also decks itself out in red, the PNM. And in his hometown they have a saying: “If You Ain’t Red, You Dead.” He then tried to get the crowd to scream that with him. The Nassau audience was a little confused. “Should we really wish death on those who vote PLP?,” some might have been thinking. “Maybe he just means it figuratively?” They responded half heartedly at best. I confess I was both alarmed and relieved. Alarmed at the thought that this type of inflammatory rhetoric might catch on with the Torchers (forgive the pun) and some drunken fools would actually take it seriously; relieved that it seemed too reckless and stupid a statement to make even in jest among most of the people in the crowd.

Still, the burning of Tommy Turnquest’s Mt. Moriah headquarters, and various skirmishes after rallies, suggest that we may be on the verge of an era of political violence if our leaders are not more careful about the way they speak and about the kinds of men they enlist as foot soldiers. (Perry Christie and

Hubert Ingraham are like brothers but we know brothers can fight dirtier than sworn enemies.)

Trinidad is not experiencing violent, protracted political tribalism of the kind Jamaica has endured since the Cold War conflicts between Manley and Seaga, but there is still very real political violence. Trinidad has survived two coup attempts, in 1970 and 1990, a number of states of emergency, major strikes, bombings and politically motivated murders at different junctures. And for one aspiring political candidate in 2007, David St. Clair, the motto “If You Ain’t Red, You Dead” can be taken quite literally.

St. Clair was attacked by armed men in his West Laventville headquarters and beaten on October 27th,

2007. St. Clair, a Congress of the People (COP) candidate, was hospitalized.

Laventville, an economically depressed area, is a traditional PNM stronghold much like Grants Town is a

PLP bastion. In 2002 the JLP won over 23,000 of the around 26,000 votes in the two Laventville constituencies and in 2007 they got over 21,000 of the around 26,000 votes. The last thing St Clair says he remembers was armed men coming at him, one with a cutlass, one with a pistol and one with a piece of wood. He was told “"We ain't want no f**king COP here!" St. Clair has said that the men were PNM supporters. COP officials claimed that a number of their candidates were accosted by thugs demanding money in exchange for protection.

Founded by Afro-Trinidadian historian Eric Williams, author of landmark 1944 book Capitalism and

Slavery, the PNM has vied for power in every election since it was created in 1955 and has finished either first or second in all elections since, with at least 30% of the popular votes. Williams remained leader of the party until his death in 1981, despite facing opposition from within the ranks and a number of high profile defections. The PNM is a mainstay of Trinidadian politics, having governed for 41 of the last 55 years. Over that period, the PNM’s major opponents have taken on various identities, which has not been the case in The Bahamas and Jamaica, where the same two parties have essentially dominated the political landscape for the last 30 years.

Basdeo Panday first became prominent when he took over leadership of the Trinidad Islandwide Cane

Farmers' Association (TICFA) in 1973. He first won his Couva North seat in 1976 and was one of the key architects of the amalgamation of factions that resulted in the National Alliance for Reconstruction

(NAR) along with Lloyd Best and Napoleon Robinson, a PNM defector. The NAR finally toppled the

PNM in 1986 and Robinson became Prime Minister.

Panday was expelled from the party in 1988 and formed the UNC. The UNC outperformed the NAR and became the official Opposition after the 1991 election. In 1995, the UNC and PNM had 17 seats each,

Robinson and the NAR had 2. Robinson sided with the UNC and Basdeo Panday became Prime Minister.

He was the first Indo-Trinidadian to hold that post. He won again in 2000 but strife within the party over allegations of corruption caused another election to be called in 2001. Despite the fact that the UNC won the popular vote by almost 20,000 votes, the election ended in an 18-18 tie between the UNC and the

PNM. In a controversial decision, Napoleon Robinson, who had left party politics was the nation’s

President, (their Head of State instead of the Queen), named Patrick Manning of the PNM Prime Minister.

The country then went back to the polls for the third straight year in 2002. This time Manning and the

PNM won a majority in the House and in popular votes. Panday remained leader of the UNC but his credibility came into question in 2005 when he was arrested on corruption charges. He named a successor, former UWI Enonomics Professor Winston Dookeran, but he never relinquished power. He was convicted in 2006 for failing to declare a London bank account to the Integrity Commission. In 2006

Dookeran left the UNC out of frustration and formed his own party, the Congress of the People. Panday’s two year sentence was overturned in 2007 by the Court of Appeal. These three entities, the PNM, the

UNC and the COP, faced off in November of 2007.

RUM AND ROTI POLITICS

Whatever the differences between The Bahamas and Trinidad, election campaigns are run similalry in both nations. It’s a production. And the usual actors play their usual roles.

To begin with, Manning withheld the date of election for as long as it suited him, as do so many other

Caribbean leaders, including our own. The power to keep an entire nation in suspense must be too intoxicating to resist, not to mention the strategic advantage it affords. In the end it was a six-week race to the finish line. Problem is, with two weeks left not a single party had actually released a manifesto.

And with elections looming the unions decided to flex their muscles in an effort to gain improved terms of employment. Sounds familiar? The Federation of Independent Trade Unions (FITUN), the Oilfields

Workers’ Trade Union (OWTU), the National Trade Union Centre (NATUC), and members of the

Transport Industrial Workers’ Union (TIWU) kept a 24-hour protest vigil outside the Prime Minister’s

Whitehall office on Thursday, October 25th. The Trinidad Guardian quoted Manning as saying that his party would not be “held to ransom by the labour movement.”

“I hope the trade unions involved do not see the elections as a means to put the Government’s back to the wall or try to extract what, under normal circumstances, may not be extractable,” he added.

Equally as familiar to Bahamians will be the fact that much of the energy of the political parties was expended on staging magnificent political rallies. Each party tried to outdo the other in terms of attendance and in terms of which Jamaican or Trinidadian star they could trot out to perform. The goal was clearly to win people’s confidence not by what you proposed but by appearing to have the most support. And just as was the case in The Bahamas, the goal was to deliver clever one liners as opposed to sharing substantive information.

Commentators from civil society were none too pleased with the business-as-usual approach to elections and they said as much in opinion pieces in the Trinidad Guardian.

“We need to evolve as a citizenry and elevate our analysis of governmental and ministerial performance to a level where we are not fooled by shallow superficial surface dressings, when in fact there is a much greater rot lying deep beneath the surface,” insisted attorney Martin George. “We need to move beyond the short-term ten days mentality where we feel that we must vote a party into power because the MP or local councillor promised us a “URP or CEPEP wuk.”

George was referring to Trindad’s Unemployment Relief Program and its Community Environmental

Protection and Enhancement Programme (CEPEP) both of which have been criticised as vehicles of patronage. “We essentially have to rise above rum and roti politics to understand that there is something called the greater good of the nation, where each and every one of us is responsible for shaping and forging a better T&T for all of us to enjoy,” he adds.

“Where are the debates between the various political leaders to assist the electorate—particularly the undecided—in arriving at a decision?” asked consultant, Leela Ramdeen. “Is there a link between the words used by candidates on the hustings, eg “beat‚” “flog‚” “licks‚” “crush‚” and some recent crimes, anti-social behaviour, verbal abuse etc in the election campaign? The thuggery to date includes assault, a break-in at a constituency office, defacement of billboards and of walls outside candidates’ constituency offices, threats to get protection money etc.”

Ramdeen also criticised the late appearance of the political manifestos. “Either we are too easy-going and accept what’s thrown at us or perhaps many don’t care to read the manifestos because they are die-hard supporters of one or other party and tacitly support what’s stated in their party’s manifesto. There goes participatory governance!” She was equally as bemused by politicians’ penchant to call on God after spouting fighting words. “I hear speakers from each political party urging their followers not to take God out of their thoughts and vote for any other party. Poor God! Apparently, not only is God a Trini, but a

Trini whom each political party believes supports only that party.”

Perhaps the commentator who took the most sardonic view of the elections was Valentino Singh, a

Trinidad Guardian editor, who proposed new rules should be rigorously applied for those who want to offer themselves for public office.

“It should be law for all government ministers to use the local hospitals when they are ill. Even the Prime

Minister. None should be allowed to go to Cuba or the United States for any surgery. If they are providing the facilities for us, let them use it, too . . . And just like you and me, they must endure the frustration of putting their names on a list so that they can probably die before getting assistance, like so many of our families.”

“The Minister of Security must move among the people without the detachment of comfort now being afforded by his army of personnel. As a matter of fact, it should be outlawed for the house in which he lives to be burglar-proofed. Neither him, nor the Attorney General should enjoy such protection.”

Singh expresses the strong desire among the citizenry in Caribbean nations for their leaders to conduct themselves in a manner that demonstrates an honest appreciation for the real risks and challenges that face the average citizen. He adds, “And once you have agreed to be a minister, your children must attend all government schools, from primary to UWI, St Augustine. After all, there is nothing wrong with these schools.”

2020 HINDSIGHT

Manning’s PNM ran on its record. Having boldly proposed that Trinidad would become a developed nation in two decades (Vision 2020), it sought to show how far the nation had come in the last five years and where it would go if the people stayed the course. The major achievements outlined in their manifesto were economic; and thanks to the increase in the cost of oil and natural gas, Trinidad experienced around 9% growth annually between 2002 and 2006. Under the PNM the unemployment rate fell from 11.7% in 2001 to 5% in 2006 and according to the World Bank their GNI per capita was

US$13,340 in 2006 compared to US$8, 580 in 2004. The PNM reduced income taxes across the board and raised the minimum wage. They made enrolment in a Bachelors program at university free and built thousands of homes. They also improved roads and enlarged the nation’s fleet of buses.

Manning used his position as Prime Minister to secure an Election eve address in which he reminded the public of just what had been accomplished (much in the same way that at the last moment Perry Christie went on national television to propose new measures to fight crime.) He also denied a number of incumbent MPs the right to defend their seats based on public opinion polls he solicited to detect which members of his slate would potentially hurt the PNM’s chances. (A trick Christie could have benefited from.)

Both Opposition parties sought to show however, that despite the economic boom, crime, corruption, the cost of living and quality of life were very real concerns for most citizens. Basdeo Panday’s UNC made its share of promises, but having also been the government seven years before, it sought to remind voters through its manifesto of some of the progressive changes it had introduced during its tenure, including the first national minimum wage of $7 and the hiring of 1,600 new teachers. The UNC promised to add

2,000 hospital beds if they were elected. They promised to remove the judicial backlog, increase the number of police officers and introduce Closed Circuit Television to improve detection of criminal activity. They promised to increase old age pensions and lower the eligible age from 65 to 60. They vowed to supply every Trinidadian home with water and electricity. They also promised to reduce the cost of food by re-invigorating the local farming and fishing industries. Among their more grand guarantees was the promise to ensure that every student that graduated school could read and write.

Like the UNC, Winston Dookeran’s COP wanted to present themselves as deeply concerned about the quality of life for Trinidadians but they also attacked Manning, portraying him as a dictatorial schemer who intended to alter the Constitution through a closed door process and give himself even more powers as leader of the executive branch. COP manifesto attacked corruption in a way that was absent from the

UNC’s, perhaps because of Panday’s troubles.

“Day in, day out, we are routinely exposed to executions; carnage on our roads; the brazen murder of trial witnesses; and the collapse of court trials,” reads the COP Manifesto. “We see extravagant contracts and the inevitable cost overruns on multi-million dollar government projects. We see desperate mothers with babes in arms lamenting the rising cost of essential foods . . . Your vote for the COP on November 5 can save our country for looming dictatorship, from continued indifference to the people’ s problems while insiders in the ruling regime use high office to illicitly accumulate vast personal wealth.”

In addition to the righteous indignation, the COP promised to reduce the Valued Added Tax from 15 to 10 percent and to give a free laptop as well as free public transportation to all high school students. They also promised free postgraduate education for all, and a constitution that gave voters the Right of Recall.

The COP also promised to introduce electronic bracelets for those on bail.

Large crowds attended rallies for all three parties but the three party leaders never squared off in a live debate. In the end the PNM prevailed securing 299,813 votes. The UNC received 194, 425 and the COP

148,041. The PNM won 26 seats, the UNC won 15 seats and the COP won nothing despite gaining just over 22%. Conceivably if the UNC (29%) and COP had been able to iron out their differences they would have perhaps edged out the PNM who gained 46%. But Panday, despite being in his 70’s and having to battle accusations of corruption, refused to step aside and let someone else lead. This would no doubt have been the condition upon which Winston Dookeran and the COP would have alligned themselves with the UNC. As it turns out Dookeran lost his seat in St. Augustine and Panday was returned in North Couva .

Despite the fact that all three major parties offer slates that include both black and Indian candidates,

Trinidadian politics, like the country itself, remains polarised by ethnic differences. The PNM is seen as the party of blacks, hence their dominance in places like Laventville. The PNM also never fails to remind the public that it is the party of the nation’s “Black Moses,” and their first and longest serving Prime

Minister, Eric Williams. Images of Williams are prominent on the PNM webpage and in their 2007

Manifesto. It reasonable to assume that the COP and UNC divided the lion share of the Indo-Trindidian votes, further strengthening the PNM’s prospects.

Ironically, this was not the first time a political party gained almost a quarter of the popular votes and had nothing to show for it as far as representation at Red House is concerned. In 1981, there was the three way race was between the Eric Williams-led PNM, the (ULF) and The Organisation for National Reconstruction (ONR). Despite gaining 22% the ONR got no seats and the ULF with only

15% got 8 seats. The PNM carried the government.

Unfortunately the recommendations of members of civil society like the Constitution Reform Forum fall on deaf ears. Established in 2002, the organization has been trying for some time to get the political directorate to embrace changes to the system, some of which were suggested over 30 years ago by the

Wooding Commission. Trinidadian voters have been more prepared to support a third party with votes and not just sentiments than have Bahamians and Jamaicans. However, Trinidadian Prime Ministers and legislators so far have no appetite for sharing power with dissenters, no matter how much support they have on the ground. As a consequence there is disenchantment and frustration as, year in and year out, thousands who reject the “either or” choice the constitution forces on them, have no one to represent them. Perhaps the COP’s Winston Dookeran will enjoy a fate similar to prodigal son Bruce Golding come 2012 or 2017. Golding left the JLP to form his own party and couldn’t even retain his seat, just like

Dookeran. Ten years later he was Prime Minister. We shall see. Will B J Nottage also be as fortunate as

Golding? Not, it seems, if Perry Gladstone Christie has anything to do with it.