DEMOCRACY IN THE CARIBBEAN A CAUSE FOR CONCERN Douglas Payne April 7, 1995 Policy Papers on the Americas Democracy in the Caribbean A Cause for Concern Douglas W. Payne Policy Papers on the Americas Volume VI Study 3 April 7, 1995 CSIS Americas Program The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), founded in 1962, is an independent, tax-exempt, public policy research institution based in Washington, DC. The mission of CSIS is to advance the understanding of emerging world issues in the areas of international economics, politics, security, and business. It does so by providing a strategic perspective to decision makers that is integrative in nature, international in scope, anticipatory in timing, and bipartisan in approach. The Center's commitment is to serve the common interests and values of the United States and other countries around the world that support representative government and the rule of law. * * * CSIS, as a public policy research institution, does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this report should be understood to be solely those of the authors. © 1995 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. This study was prepared under the aegis of the CSIS Policy Papers on the Americas series. Comments are welcome and should be directed to: Joyce Hoebing CSIS Americas Program 1800 K Street, NW Washington, DC 20006 Phone: (202) 775-3180 Fax: (202) 775-3199 Contents Preface ...................................................................................................................................................... i Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 1 Free ........................................................................................................................................................... 4 Partly Free .............................................................................................................................................. 21 Not Free .................................................................................................................................................. 28 About the Author ................................................................................................................................... 29 Preface The Caribbean, in part because of its proximity to the United States, is inherently linked to this country. U.S. policy attention, however, has historically only been intermittently focused on the Caribbean, and then generally in times of crises. In the post-cold war period, there is a danger that the region will fade from policy attention─precisely at the moment when it must adjust to global economic trends, strengthen its democratic traditions, and cope with a myriad of potential stresses such as drug trafficking and environmental pressures. The Center's interest in the Caribbean CSIS dates back to 1965, when it issued a report on the Dominican crisis. Since then, the Center has focused attention on the U.S.- Caribbean relationship, particularly in the areas of the regional trade agenda, governance, and security issues. In this Policy Paper on the Americas, Douglas Payne takes a close look at each of the countries in the region and assesses the strengths and weaknesses of their democratic systems. This report will be joined by several companion pieces, including U.S.- Caribbean Relations into the 21st Century: Policy Considerations and Democracy in Latin America: An Assessment of U.S. Elections Policy, and a CSIS Report, Haitian Frustrations: Dilemmas for U.S. Policy. Special thanks are due to the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, whose support helps make our work on the Caribbean possible. Georges A. Fauriol Director and Senior Fellow CSIS Americas Program i 1 Democracy in the Caribbean: A Cause for Concern Introduction The Caribbean offers a mixed panorama. The sixteen countries addressed in this study include some of the world's most democratic states, one of its least democratic states, and a handful of states in between. To provide a coherent structure, the individual assessments of each country that follow are grouped into three sections based on the country's ranking─free, partly free, or not free─in Freedom House's annual Comparative Survey of Freedom in the World. In the Freedom House Survey, "free," "partly free," and "not free" are the broad categories that countries fall into following a detailed evaluation and numerical rating of political rights and civil liberties. There is a great deal of differentiation between countries within each category. Moreover, Freedom House does not view democracy as a static concept, and the Survey recognizes that a country with a formal democratic system does not necessarily place in the "free" category. For example, fifteen of the sixteen Caribbean countries have formal democratic systems. However, of the fifteen, only eleven placed in the "free" category in the most recent Survey. The other four, with a lower combined rating for political rights and civil liberties, placed in the "partly free" category, a broad indication that democratic institutions and the rule of law in those countries are weak. Based on the 1994-1995 Freedom House Survey, which covers the year 1994, the sixteen Caribbean countries addressed in this study are grouped as follows: Free Bahamas Jamaica Barbados St. Kitts-Nevis Belize St. Lucia Dominica St. Vincent and Grenada the Grenadines Guyana Trinidad and Tobago Partly Free Antigua and Barbuda Haiti Dominican Republic Suriname Not Free Cuba This study does not address the thirteen U.S. and European dependencies in the Caribbean.1 Douglas W. Payne 2 However, all are internally self-governing to one degree or another and all placed in the "free" category in the 1994-1995 Freedom House Survey. It should also be noted that until recently it was expected that many of these small-island dependencies would follow the path of their brethren toward complete autonomy. But while independence advocates remain active, almost everywhere their cause has become politically unpopular. The shift in attitude toward independence is directly related to the severity of the problems that the Caribbean's small-nation democracies have been confronting. Opinion polls and election results in the dependencies indicate that most residents, recognizing the difficulties, threats, and uncertainties that afflict the region in the post-cold war era, now view maintaining close relations with the colonial power as a safeguard against political instability and economic decline. A review of the annual Freedom House Survey for the last two decades shows that democracy in the twelve nations of the English-speaking Caribbean has proved to be more effective and durable than in any other subregion in the developing world.2 The exceptions have been Guyana, where in 1992 fair elections were held for the first time in over two decades; Grenada, which endured nearly five years of Marxist rule before returning to democratic rule in 1984; and Antigua and Barbuda, which has been dominated by the Bird family for over four decades. However, the parliamentary systems of the English-speaking Caribbean, having survived the cold war mostly intact, are now buffeted by the demands of an unforgiving global economy, the drug and money-laundering networks that flourish within it, population pressures, and an increasing lack of confidence among citizens in the abilities of the political class to address these problems. The result has been mounting stress on democratic systems and the weakening of the institutions upon which they rest. To compete in the global economy, governments in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) have been compelled to restructure statist economies. The same goes for the former Dutch colony of Suriname which recently was admitted as a full member of CARICOM. Every Caribbean nation is whipsawed between large trading blocs, and every political party that wins an election finds itself caught between the demands of foreign creditors and uncertain revenues due to the vagaries of tourism and traditional commodity markets. Whatever their ideological appeal or the campaign promises they have made, economic survival means parties in power today must cut budgets and trim public sectors. The political and social costs are evident throughout the region. Political parties have weakened because they have so little room to maneuver once in office, and because their ability to dispense patronage is increasingly limited. Parties may alternate in power through elections, but if the results are the same─declines in services and living standards and rising unemployment and crime─citizens begin to lose confidence in politics in general. In many countries that has been evident in declining voter turnout rates and increasing levels of emigration and unrest. Although patronage abuse is not uncommon in the English-speaking Caribbean, it has nonetheless been a means of maintaining strong political parties. It has also provided a stepping stone to a political career for the young and talented. But now, with the prospects dimmed by public sector cutbacks, and with the problems of governing looking intractable, many of the best and brightest are not only foregoing politics, they are leaving the region altogether in a debilitating brain drain. At a time when a number of the older political leaders are passing from the scene, the