rar{ibir. r .-!nn "diMt \ aRt\";1. l\ l, -rt
EVIDENTIALITY:
The LinguisticCoding of EpistemologY
edited bY WallaceChafe Universltyof California,Santa Barbara
JohannaNichols Universllyof California,perkeley
VolumeXX in the Series ADVANCESIN DISCOURSEPROCESSES Roy O. Freedle,Edilot
ABLEXPUBLISHINC CORPORATION Norwood,New JerseY 88 EvldenttalltyIn North and South Amerlcr form which doesnot participatein the generalsyntactic or morphologicalsys- tem. The grammaticalfixing of theseconstructions has producedsimple sen- stx tencesfrom complexsentences; simultaneously, it hascomplicated the grammar by introducingnew morphosyntacticcategories. Evidential Diachronyin Northern
REFERENCES lroquoian
Giv{in,Taltny. 1979.On understandinggmmmnr. New York: AcademicPress. Gordon.Lynn. 1980a.Maricopa rrc.phology and syntax. UCLA dissertation. -. 1980b--k and-rr i0 Maricopa.UCLA Papersin Linguistics,8:l19-144. -. 1981-Evidentials in Maricopa-Proceedings of lhe 1980Hokan LanguaSesWorkshop, MarianneMithun (Occasional Paperson Linguistics9) ed. by JamesRedde!, 59-69. Calbo8daletDepartrnent Universl$of Cali{omla,Sanla Barbara of Linguislics,Southem Illinois Univercity. Hrlpcm. A. M. 194?.Yuma V: Conjugationof the verbthenre. IJAL 13: 92-107 Jacohse. Willism. ,r. 1967. Switch-referencein Hokan-Coahuilecan.Studies in Southwestem Ethnolinguistics,ed. by Dell Hymesand W. Bittle, 238-263. The Hague:Mouton. lnogdon, Margaretand PamelaMunro. 1979. Subjectand (switch-)refercnce in Yuman. Folia Over the past century, we have learnedmuch aboutthe mechanismsof both Linguistical3: 321-344. grammaticaland lexical'change. t Until now, however,there has been little IUunn).Pamela. 1976a.Mojavc Synl&\. New York: Carland. opportunityto comparediachronic processes in tbesetwo areasof linguistic -. 1976b.Subject copying, auxiliarization, and predicate raising: The Mojav€ evidence. UAL of the historical 42t 99-112. structure.Such a comparisonwould entail an understanding functionallyequivalent but formallydistinct sets of -. | 98I a. Mojavet andrL ll ain't necessarilyso. hoceedingsof the 1980Hokan Languages developmentof at leasttwo Workshop(Occrsioral Papcrs on Linguistics9) cd. by JamesRedden, 124-129. Cadondale: devices,one grammatical,the otherlexical. Evidentialdevices in the Northem DepannEntof Lirlguistics,Southem Illinois Universily. Iroquoianlanguages present an opportunityfor just such comparison.All of -. l98l b. Two noteson Yuman'say'. Proceedingsof the 1980Hokan Languages Workshop grammaticaland lexical evidentials, some (Occasional theselanguages are quite rich in both Paperson Linguistics9) ed. by JamesRedden, 70-?7. Carbondale:Depaltment presumablyreflecting a commonorigin of LinSuistics.Southcm lllinois University. of them cognateacross the languages, indicating areas of -. 1982.On the trarsitivityof 'say' verbs.Srudies in Transitivity(Synlax and Semantics 15) and resistenceto change, while others are unrelated, cd. hy Paul J. HopFr and SandraA. Thorrpson,301-308 New York AcademicPrcss. innovation. Winlcr, Wcrner. 1976. Switch referencein Yunranlanguages. Hokan Srudiesed. by MargaEt ln orderto comparesystems, it is necessaryfirst to definethem. Evidential (Janua Langdonand Shirley Silver. Linguarun,series practica l8l): 165-l?4. The Hague: markersqualify the reliability of informationcommunicated in four primary Mouton. ways.They specifythe sourceof evidenceon which statementsare based, their degree of precision, their probability, and expectationsconceming their probability. The specificationof the sounce of informationcommunicated allows a speakerto abdicate some responsibility for its truth and permits the hearer to evaluateits rcliability for him or herself.The statementmay be basedon in- ference.('I guesshe doesn'tlike Roquefort.''That dressmust have been awfully expensive.')lt may be basedon appearance.('He looks tired.' 'It smellslike something'sburning.') The sourcemay be hearsay.('They sayhe supportssix formerwives.' 'I hearshe has twenty-seven cats.') Another way to qualify the reliability of an utteranceis to specify its DEGREE oF pREcIsIoNoR TRurH or the appropriatenessof a categorylabel. The speaker may be willing to takeresponsibility for considerableprecision or truth. ('It hit
I I am graleful to wallace Chafe and Hanni woodbury for their helpfttl comhents on this Paper' 89 Evldentlallly In North and South Amerlca Evldenllal DlachronyIn Norlhern lroquoian meright here."We werecompletely exhausted.') Altematively, the precision or (l) C. At6:' katsihldx ho'tg' ne' ond'to:'. truthmay be hedged,for oneof severalreasons. The speakermay be unsure.('It it-seems knob-stands kind the bread biscuits.' weighsmaybe four pounds.''He is somewherearound fifty.') lt maybe difficult 'Theselook like homemade to find a betterlabel. ('He sort of crawledtoward the door.' 'It was sort of experiential particle is also exploited to hedge both precision and certainty. greenish.')The speakermay feel thatgreater precision is unnecessaryand inele- This ('l for it.' somewherein France.')Finally, vant. paid aroundfive bucks 'She's (2) C. A:y6:' rckayghst( ne' teJot'ak€hn!'akah. the speakermay hedgebecause a specificdistance from the centerof a category it-seems it-is-mixed the ash-is-cut-off is the best way to label something.('It was neady noon.' 'She was almost 'It is sort of mixed with srev.' shouting.') (3) C. Kwe:kO akntehsrgnihs'f o:yg:' 6:ndt. way to qualify the reliability of a statementis to specify the A third all l-am-ready it-seems now pRoBABrLrry ('The 'She of its truth. bakeryis probablyclosed by now.' may 'I guessI am aboutready now.' decideto retum.' 'It is highly improbablethat Sam is our thief.') By hedging certainty.the speakercan again abdicatesome responibility for truth. If 'the This hedging function permits d.yg:' to serve as a marker of courtesy. lt is more bakery' is in fact open, 'she' doesretum, and 'Sam' is the thief after all, the polite to suggestthan to ass€rt. speakerstill has not lied. Finally, a speakermay specifyEXpEcrATIoNs conceming the probabilityof a (4) C. Wqhnihfri:yd ti:yg:'. statement.'Sure enough'can indicatethat an eventwas in accordwith some nice-day it-seems expectation.('Sure enough,Sam failed the lie detectortest.') 'After all' can 'lt looks like a nice day.' (Saidwhen fte sun is shiningbrightly, the indicatea conflict with an expectation.('Sam escapedafter all.') lemperatureis pefect, and thereis no cloud in the sky,) ln both Englishand the lroquoianlanguages, a singlemarker often serves severalof thesefunctions, either simultaneouslyor with disambiguationfrom Cayuga also has an inferential particle p. (The panicle is currently migrating context.The contextmay be pragmatic,or linguistic, i.e. a slightly differ€nt toward suffix status.) construction.Consider English 'seem'. lt can indicatethat a statementis based (5) on appearance.('Sam seemstired'.) This specifrcationof sourcecan hedge C. O:nQ'g hne:' lcyok\wdi'. now this there-food-is-cooked probability.I shouldnot be surprised,or held to be lying if in fact Samis not 'The food shouldbe cookedby now.' tiredat all, but ratherdislikes his companion.With a slightlydifferent construc- ('It tion, 'seem'can indicate hearsay. seemsthat Sam's in the hospital.')'Must' This inferential particle is also used to hedge precision and certainty. can indicateboth inferenceand high probability.If I look at your wet coat and say 'lt must be raining', I indicateboth that I am convinced,and that my (6) c. I:wt: ohsi nikaya:kC:'g a:kakwi:ni', conclusionis basedon inference.'Suppose' can indicateboth hearsayand in- I-think 3 so-bags-manyit-should-suffice ference.('lt is supposedto rain tonight.' 'I supposeyou won't visit your grand- 'I think aboutthree bags should suffice.' mothertoday.') 'Maybe' is usedboth to hedgeprecision ('He weighsmaybe two (7) C. Tsisa'nikghg'9kgh? hundredpounds.') and to lower probability('Maybe he'll returnthe money.'). your-mind-settled-again? 'Sure'can be used1o emphasize degree ('Sam surelikes pancakes.'), to heighten 'Did you perhapsfoiget?' probability('He is sureto retumthe money.'),and, with 'enough',to emphasize both reliability and accordwith expectation('Sure enough,Sam oto retum the A Cayuga particle t6:kg]ts 'sure' can qualify degree, cenainty, and money.').This is a pervasivepattem among evidential markers. A givenmarker expectation. $,ill very often serveseveral of the four functionslisted above, simultaneously, varyingwith context,or with a changein the grammaticalstructure ofwhich it is (8) C. O:rd to:kdts akatghswc'tanih- now sure l-am-hungry a lan. E\:tctly thc sanre fluidity pcrvadesthe lroquoianevidential systems.In 'I'm really hungrynow.' Cayuga.lbr example,an experientialparticle a.yg.'' 'it seems'indicates that a (9) C- To:keh.s hwa' th6 n'aM:ye:'. statenrcntis basedon appearance. Eure this{ime there so-he-did 92 Evldentlalltvtn Northand South Amerlca Mllhun: EvldentlalDlachrony in Northem lroquoian 93
'ln fact, he did do il this timc.' (He alwayspromises, but nevercomes Proto-Nonhem-lroquoian(PNl., through.This iime, he did.)
Not unrelatedto this synchronicfluidity is the fact that evidentialmarkers / Protolnner-Ircquois(PII) shift amongthese four functionsover time. Particleswhich signal one distinction Prcto-westem- in one language,will be cognateto markersin other languageswith different \ (PWI) evidentialfunctions. The particlese' in Cayuga,for example,indicates that a Iroquois proro,Bastem- statementis true and contraryto expec(ation. n lroquois{PEt) / \ |-\ /\/\ (lo) C. Hakyl:X). ,\i\ he-is-awake Tuscatora ra Cayuga Oneida Mohawk 'He ir awake.'(There is no needto tell herto wakehim up.) (tl) C. Orapql ak'ni:khp'. Figure l. Geneticrelationshlps among Northern Iroquoian lenguages already l-sewed-it 'l alreadysewed it.' (Sodon't tell meto do it now.) functionallyequivalent sets of deviceswill be traced:evidential affixes, predi- In Oneida,however, this particleemphasizes prccision. cates,and particles.It will be shownthat they differ significantlyin their re_ sistanceto change, and that thesedifferences may be attributed to their forms. (12) Oe. Ydh 19! tha:yekwe:nt- not could-she-do-it 'Shejust could not do it at all.' EVIDENTIAL AFFIXES (13) Oe. Nv se' ok tayutdhsawv'- The NorthernIroquoian languages contain several morphological devices for tben just she-began indicatingthe reliability of predications.They appearto be quite stableover 'Shestafted dght in.' (Shebegan right away.) time, perhapsdue to their statusas membersof closedsets. All of the languagesshare a cognatetense system which distinguishespast This synchronicand diachronic fluidity indicatesthat these distinctions should punctual,future punctual, and optative punctual events. The futureand optative not be treatedin isolation from one another,but rathet must be considered markersalso serveto distinguishthe probabilityof eventswhich havenor yer componentsof a single,complex system. occurred.The futureprefix, PNI *e- (T., Oe., M. v-, W. e-, S., C. p) indicates Now, in order to identify linguisticchange, one must compareat leasttwo thatan eventis consideredcertain to happen.The optativeprefix , pNl * a:-/ag stagesin the developmentof a languageor family. To comparecHlnces, it is (T.a-/ary-,W., Oe.,M. a:-tay-,5.,C. a.-/ag) indicatesthat it might,should, necessary to comparecomparisons, which requiresmore stages. As canbe seen or could occur. (The favored readingdepends upon the meaningof the verb and in Figurel, the natureof thegenetic relationships among the Northem Iroquoian the context.)Compare the pairsof verbsbelow.3 languagespermits the reconstructionof five differcntstages in the development ofthe family:Proto-Northem-Iroquoian (PNI), Proto-Lake-Iroquoian(PLI), Pro. to-lnner-lroquois(PII), Proto-Westem-Iroquois(PWI), and Proto-Eastem-ko- may hav€ separatedeadier from the main branch of Nonhem lroqdoian, then rejoined Senecaat a quois(PEl).2 later datc before separatingagain. Since lhis issuedoes not affect the argumentpres€nled here, the representationof (he rclationship has been schemalically ln the sectionswhich follow, the developmentof threeformally distinctbut simplified. Wyandotis actuallythe descendantof a set of probablyclosely related languaSes, including dialects of Huron, Petun, and perhaps Neulral, Wenro, and Erie. The exact status of thes€ last languagesis unclear, due to a lack of documentationbefore their disappearance. 2 For clarity, Fi8ure I showsonly thoselanguages considered in this paper.Another Inner 3 The datathroughout the pap€rare from the followingsources. The Tuscarora,abbrcviated T., Ir(xluoislangullgc, Onondag:r, is well documented, but, becauseol its rclationshiplo the other is from the laie &lith Jonatha$and the late Elton 6reen, of [,e*iston, New york. The Wyandot (W.), hnSurges.ils inclusionhere would not conlribule(o the argumentspresented. Other Northern now extinct, is drawn from to(ts recordedby Marius Barbeauin lgll_1912 and Dublishedin lroquoianlanguages, Susquehannock, Huron, Erie, Wenro,Petun, Neutml, and Nottoway, are not Barbeau(1960). The Seneca(S.) is from my noresfrom Myrrle pererson.of Steamburj,New york sufficienlly$ell documentedtexlual,y to shed light on comparativeevid€ntiality. (Allegany),Sandy Crcuse, of Salamanca(Altegany), Hazel Thompson, of Steamburg(Allegany), Thc rclationshipof CayuSato the other languagesis probablysomewhat more complex than andfrom Chafe(1967). The Cayuga(C.) is frorn ReginaldHenry andJim Skye of Six Nations, sho$n by thcdiagram. In particular.as shown by WallaceChafe and Michael Foster (1981), Cayuga Ontario. The Oneida (Oe.) is from Richard Chrisjohn of Red Hook, New york, Winnie Jacobs,of 94 EvldentlalityIn North and South Amerlca Mlthun: EvldentlalDlachrony In Nodhernl.oquoian 95
(14) T. /rrdlsftd;ri' 'he will eat' 'This is the way it was: if you wantedyour childrento havestrong ahratshri:ri''he might/should/wouldeat' minds,this is the way you would teachthem.' (15) W. g7ajri' 'he will kill you' (25) Qe. Kwah tsi' niki: utyutlota:k4t: ohwistano:li: gAdji' 'he miglrtkill you' just so how-many she-willtake steps precious-metal (16) S. elirrrglrlrl'a'ts{hsoklw' 'l will go look for medicine' ki' th6 ukayv:tdhne. a:khnehkx,(i'tsihsa:kfra''I shouldgo look for medicine' just there it-will-there (11\ C. gkatckhd.ri' 'l will eat' 'Every slep shetakes there will be a silver coin.' d:kate:kh4:i' 'l should/miglrt/wouldear' (26\ M. Awvhniserakwe:ku vkutihi:take' n):ku ne kwd:ti. (18) Oc. !itrtoldr,/,a' 'l'll go hunting' all-day they-will-eaGgrassunder the side a:katoldtha''l should/might/woutdgohunting' 'All day long, they (the cows)would grazeon the eastside.' ( 19) M. r'larri:r|r, 'l will takea bath' (27\ M. Toka' yt4hsla'ke' sanihkwis n6:nv ordhkwase' siha -g;katd:wrt 'l shouldtake a bath' if you-will-cut your-hah the-then new-moon more yohsn6:re' usewatehyd:ru'. The future prefix also occurs with events which are consideredpredictable be- it-is-fast it-will-grow-back causethey happen so often or becausethey are the recognizedeffect of a cause. 'If you cut your hair during the new moon, it will grow back much faster.' \20) T. v0hrdhku' arih ukheyatkdhri'0. he-will-go-home if l-will-tell-him The optative is used with irrealis constructions. 'He will go homeif I tell him to.' (28) T. Thaka'nyC:rvh (21) W. TelLst1t ndayeneh eyd:nAht wd'ja'. gtutl:nv:'- I-would-do-so it-would-be-sunny you-will-retum the-mine l-will-giveyou alittle 'I wish it were sunny.' 'lf you go back, I will give you a little of mine.' (29') T. Amh arukwatsi'khu:k akhnhsd:tJa't. l22l S. Ko:ry'6' gu'gkatkangnihe't o:nf wa:e g*/ sehtd:ni:ng'. when l-will-be-rich then before l-will-car-buy if l-would-be-rich l-would-house-buy 'WhenI'm rich,I'll buy a car.' 'lf I wererich, I would buy a house.' (3O) W. (23) C. Kanghsk(: gkhne:s6:k lqe:kw6' gosrd7ti'. Tq'q nO: u:saskltg'- house-in we-will-stay if it-will-rain not l-guess would-you-pity-me 'We'll stay indoorsif it rains.' 'You would not havepitied me (if you had won).' (31) C. IEC:kw6' (24) Oe. Ka'ilc, rui yetshiyohiha' kany6 uhsdlheke' kwah ilci 4:kate:khA:nt g:y7kekhwon7:t. l-would-eat if she-would-feed-me this they-you-child if you-will-want very it 'I would eat if sheoffered me something.' uhoti'nikuhlahnibihake' kvh thd kati' ni:ydt tsi (32) Oe, N6: ki' svn usah6nyake, their-minds-will-be-stronghere there so such that aut: ne: ayutnut6lyahte' the just he-would-marry it-would-be the she would play vhuwatilihtni. they-will teachthem o[ttiho shakoyiho. a little bit his-daughter 'lf he wereto remarry,his daughtercould play a little.' Oneida,New York, GeorginaNicholas of Southwold,Onrario, and texts published by Royd l,ouns- bW in his (953r, Oneida wrb norphology from a texr publishedby Clifford Abbott and l:wrence (33) M. Toka' aryetshiwvnard:'u, kati' ni:wa' Johns,in Mirhunand Woodbury (1980), andfrom textsrold by CeorginaNicholas and published by if you-had-addressed-a-word-to-her maybe Kario lltichelson(1981). The Mohawk (M.) is from AnnetteJacobs, Rita Phillips,Josephine Home, ;rerhaps Carolee Jacobs, and Vema tacobs, of Caughnawaga,Quebec, and from Mary Macponald, of a Jetshiyat era' swd :wi' . Aliwesasne.New York. I am very gmteful to alt of thesepeopte, who so patieotly alld generously she-might-have-given-you-good-luck contributedtheir exDertise. 'If you had spokento her, shemight havegiven you good luck. 96 EvldentlalltyIn Norlh and South Amerlca Mlthun: Evldenllal DlachronyIn Northem |roquolan 97
The factual could of course be considered the most certain of all. since it 144) S. kakel'ah 'ir is whitish' describesevents which have alreadyoccuned. (/
it-proved-it this it-says-true that so-it-happened they-\rill-beaa-us 'This provedthat it had huly happened.' 'The bear said, "It is a surething that we're going io get cleaned uD. (52) W. Tiva'rC:'e' a'yih4z' de hudn'ne' dag' nf: yawdhttih. nruchJikely she-said the his-mother perhaps it-is-good @5\ Ae. W,i:ne' $,i: ni: jt vske'shi:hni. 'His mothersaid that it was likely that it would be good, it-is-evident so very that you-will-beat-me you get (531 W. Yafi)'nh IC' ung't6:'ndl'. 'It is evidentthat will the bestof me. ifis-certain not to-her-it-islong (66) M. Wi:ne' ki' wdhe' ,si vske'sd:ni'. 'Shecertainly did not find it long.' it-is-evident of-course that you-will-beat-me 'It is evidentthat you will get the (54) W. Kari:wtiJpht esgm6'turi:ha'. bestof me.' matter-is-surehe-will-find-us (67) M. Tsi nt:yot tri lukAihr6:ri yah ihko' ne witu 'He is sureto find us,' so so-it-is that we-are{old not anyone the ever (55\ S. Akenaht1' ethe'- teyoli:'u a:yakothr6:ri' ne oh rrihala'td:tv'. l-know he-will-come it-happens they-would{ell the whar so-his-body-kind-is 'I knowhe is coming.' 'And so, we aretold, no onewas ever able to tell whatkind of bodyhe (56) S. Ha:wC: grhe'. had.' hc-said he-will-corne (68) M. KhC:m kv td:'a tehayilga'ks. He said he would come. I-think this maybe he-is-chopping-wood 'I believehe is out choppingwood.' (5'l) S, Okwe:q,d: ne:'ktod e:yengkg:ni'. it-is-possible just-really l-will-b€at-him Since such predicates part 'l just mightbeat him.' are often of core vocabulary, it is not surprising that they should show a high degree of stability. Many of them have remained intact \58) C. Tekekahni:' a:yi:' onohrokghgtq{ kayi:thwahshp'. in all of the languages.(See, for example, +tkaye:ri: 'it is correct', * -rihw-iyo: I-am-looking it-seems they-are-growingthey-arc-planted 'certAitr', '*-tokg- 'certain', * 'know', *-ihr-l-ehr- 'believe', 'think', 'l seeyour plantsare growing. -gnEhg' * -hrori' 'tell' , * -at?l -ati-l -i- 'say'.) They do not, 6f course, form a closed set, (59) C. HC ax1 honihCh. and perhaps for this reason arc not as static overall as the set ofevidential affixes. they-say he-bonowedit 'They say he bonowedit.' (60) C, n?rt{rJ hnC:' tethd:yg'- EVIDENTIAL PARTICLES it-is-certain this he-will-bring-irback 'He is cenainto bring it back.' A third set of evidentialsconsists of particles,morphologically unanalyzable (trl) C. Nl: ,te' tB!_ ng:lyi honShtg'. words usually consistingof only one or two syllables.The languagesvary it-is thc it-is-conect this he-kno\rs considenblyin their repertoiresof evidentialparticles. They areconspicuously 'lt is tructhat he knows.' rarer in Tuscarorathan in the other languages,for example,probably totaling (62) C. Ke:to 'O h i: takwde kye'tp'. aroundhalf a dozen.Wyandot also seemsto havehad relativelyfew, in com- l-mean INF. this this-side shelives{here parisonwith therest ofthe family. Sinceall ofour knowledgeof Wyandotcomes 'l supposeit is the lady over there.' from texts recordedlonghand, a processwhich often servesto eliminateparticles (63) Oe. Illl tkq'e:li: tho yahd:yuhwe. as speakersslow down and transcribersspeed up, we can of courseonly specu- and it-is-true there there-she-arrived lateon theirfrequency. Oneida and Mohawk speakers draw from a significantly 'And, in fact, shedid arive ther€.' largerrepertoire of evidentialparticles, although there is considerablevariation 164) Oe- Wahi:lu ne'n ohloto:lt . . . 'kwdh olihwi:y6: ji' from speakerto speakerin the extentof their use.Seneca and Cayuga speakers he-said the-one bear just thing-good that haveextremely rich setsat their disposal,which they exploitextensively in all 1'ukhi'shvttyi:ne' ' . stylesof speech.Cayuga alone has well over fifty differentevidential particles. 100 EvldentlalltyIn North dnd Soulh Amerlca Mlfiun: Evtdenllal DlachronyIn Northem lroquolan l0l
'l'hc larrguagesyary not only in the size of their r€pertoires,but also in their Icr'A 'llaeyajgpskg:'. "JL, content.a they-say it-seems l-got-the-best-of-him 'Now then, it seems,the youngman said, "l got the bestof him." ' Sourceof Informalion t71l S. Tgta:ey!' shg a:yii kwa ti Becauseof their brevity, it is generallydifficult to reconstructparticles with l-should-give-it-back{o-himonly it-seems just I confidence.In anycase, because of their absencefrom Tuscarora,no evidentials a:YPk',eaYa'tdkeha' . qualifying the sourceof informationcan be reconstructedfor Proto-Northem it-should-help-us lroquoian.The Lake languagesWyandot, Seneca, and Cayuga share a cognate 'It looks like it would help us for me to give it backto him.' experientialparticle *d.]9.-' which indicatesthat information is based on perhaps inferential parti- observation. Wyandot, Seneca,and Cayuga or Mohawk sharean cle which indicates that th€ information is the result of d€duction. (69) w. De ya,guyomf A.yi' uski'taye'. rhe it-was-bloody it-appears its-head-on (78) W. (SomehuDters have just fouodsome large, unusual claw markson a 'His headlooked bloody.' tree.) Tq'Q no: te'yawahsti de: kwaka:jatg'. (70) w. A'atijnh uhatdka dd:yf dahstg' ta' h no maybe not-is-it-safe that we-bouble-it not-it-looks he{alks the-as-if that something 'Maybe we had betternot disturbit.' hu'di1-l:r(cA'. (79) W. (A friend hasjust informedthe speakerthat horsesdo not hatch,but his-mind-islroubled ratherbring forth their young.He hasjust boughta pumpkin.) 'He remainedsilent. He seemedtroubled.' Ne tu i'hsg ne hO: ahoye'diyqha'tg'. (7f) W. Np ho:rot d!D-{ du td:yuvdskaq'te. now there sure the lNF. he-cheated-me now hc-hears the-it-seenrsthat someone-is-walking 'Then he musthave cheated me!'(when I boughtthe horseegg) 'lt soundsas if someoneis walkingaround.' (80) S. No: te'o:ydi neka:ne'. (72) S. A:yi:' re'o:y.ii ne ke:na' ahsph. l-guess not-is-it-ripe the cherry it-appears not-is-it-ripe the cherry yet, 'The cheniesmust not be ripe.' (becausetfie stnwberies arestill out) yet.' 'The cheniesdon't look ripe (81) s. Ary6,' ni! i:wl: hotk|' n8: e:htd' k (73) C, A:yii wahe' 9 tsh': otgkoht, tewdhohte:s. it-seems I l-think wizard I-guesstoo-much just it-appears INF. only it-passed two-ears-are-long ha'te:yd. hal?te:ih. just (l 'A deermust have passedby here.' seefte tracks.) diff.-things he-knows (7.1) c. A)'e:' tevahehft:$ 'g gtwd'waha:k. 'He seemsto be somekind of a wizard;he knowstoo much.' it-appears two-ear-arelong lNF. we-will-eat-meat (82) C. T/ha:y|:' g hne:' 'We mustbe havingvenison for supper.'(l can smellit.) he-will-bring-it-back lNF. this (7-s) C. A:t'ir' sohs6:klrtt'. 'l guesshe'll bring it back.' it-appcars you-limp (83) C. fhi' g hne:' t'eshe: kaya'th6' 'You seemto be limPing.' not INF. this not-you-want it-body-sets lui:se:'. The Senecaparticle is also used for inferencebased on observationofa situation. there-would-you-go 'You don't want to go to the moviesthen, do you?' (76) S. Tar o:nf ne: bp'p ne haksa'mse:'a wa7' and then really they-say the he-is-a-new-childhe said (84) M. Ne &f ki:kv Ahkwesahshr6:nu'tht:nv ki' nd:'q the just this St.-Regis-residentsomething just i:Fss ! yahori'wan lohse' aulah6:yu' rahi:tsi. l-hrccothcr papers dcscribinS particlcs in Northemlrcquoian languages are ofnote herc.Two, ^e by $a'lace Chafe (l98la, l98lb), deal with Senecapanicles. The third is on 'Cohesiveand he-asked-for he-would-give-himthe he-is-black graminaticalfunctions of selecledOnondaga parlicles' (Woodbury 1980) 'I guessthe St. Regisman musthave asked the black fellow to hand r02 EvldentialttyIn Northand South Amerlcn Mlthuni EvldentlalDiachrony In Northemlroquolan 103
hinr so rthing.' (Spcakerintbrs a bridge betweenrenrembred (91) C. ThayeLyo'khahd' ak€'. events.) he-went-to-chop-woodtheysay (85) M. l('fie:n, ki'nd:'a ta' ni:wa akbti:ni. 'They say he went to chop wood.' (lt seemshe went to chopwood.) I rhink I,gu;F nraybc perhaps l-could (92) Oe. Okhna' yaku wt: wa'thatawili'. 'l gucssI just mightbe ableto do that.' and-so they-say he-traveled-around 'And, so they say, he travelledaround.' (lf thc particle.*np.., is a combinationof the articler€, plus ?.., the Cayugag could (93) Oe. Nn: kati' yakv' wi: alyd: nv yah be related; if not, the Mohawk l.i;'a could be related, in accord with oiher it is they-say that-is-why now not obse-rvedbut unsystenatic conespondencesbetweel _a,a- and _O_Sequences,) An Oneida particle, rlare, resemblesa compound of the Cayuga inferential plus te'shvtdhsute' ohkws:li. deictic. hashe-a-tail bear 'That's the reason,it is said, that the bearhas no tail.' (86) Oe. r(/role' otti uhne wahilu' skvhandksv, (94) S. Spklr' kyo'f te:niksa'd: hotiy'tahtp'| sg:te'. Beftiho an (881 M. Oskvn tu ta' yotohitstu. Precision or Degree of Truth deer possibly ithas-passed Particles emphasizing the degree of truth look similar in almost all of the lan- 'A deerntust have passed by here.'(I seetracks.) guages.One emphatic may be traceable to Proto-Northern lroquoian. (89) M. KhC:rv kv td:'a oskvni:tu o'wd:ru itewake, I-think that possibly de"r meat we-will-ear (96) '1. Yahwahn'ni' u'tisnakw ha' ki' thru'na'n[hrv . |yt):karuhwe'. there-shelhrcw-it behind the right there-he-was-standing it-will-darken 'She threw it right back wherehe was standing.' ' 'I thjnk we must be having venisontonight.' (I smelledit as we (97) W. Kp endf ahdteme'. walkedin.) very much he-istired 'He is very tired,' The lnner languages all nrake extensive use of quotative particles. The (98) W. KF n9' hatenfuihc1'. Cayuga, Oneida, and Mohawk particles are cognate, while the Se;eca quotative just now he-will-be-through is quite different in form. 'He is almostthrough.' (90) C. Akrrp,&I(i'k akg'. (99) C. Tho ki' nh|:weh, ha'teygklrdtatkg: she-gorhurt they-say there just place there-we-have-seen-each-other 'l heardshe got hurt. 'That is just wherewe met.' 104 EvldentlalllyIn Northand SouthAmerlca Mlthun: EvldentlalDlachrony In Northemlroquolan 105 (l(X)) C. N'rrirri ki' ,4\1tr'e?h. (ll0) Oe. lld:lelhe, latkv'sC:na' kwl: ka'ikv ndhte' akwdh ka'iki the'there just so-it-happened he wanted he-go-see rhis what &iiily rhis "l'hat is just how it happened.' nitlotyeli. (f0l) Oe. Yah thau:hi: ki v'i: a:rako:td:we'. so-it-happens not possiblc just could-sbe-go-to-sleep 'He decidedhe'd go and seeexactly whal washappening.' 'Shcjust couldnot go to slccp.' (lll) M. Kwah t:kv tsi rotihdhes. 1l0l) M. E tlki ki a'd:wri e'. really it-is so their-road-is-long thcrc lhcre just so-iFhappened 'Their road wastruly long.'(Truly wastheir roadlong.) 'And thatis just whathappcned.' (l 12) M. Ka'nyuhsdkta' ni:we Nhatilcwi:tarv' kwdh se's (103) M. Nr; ki Nkehti:ti'. near-the-nose place where-they-will-cutjust- *en now just I-$ill-lcave yd:kv'. ni:ne a:)ohnatirihthake'. 'Now, I think,l ll just startright out.' they-say which it-would-be-pulling 'Near thc nose,they say, is a placcwhich is just like rubbcr,' lhe resernblancesbetwccn the hnguages could representa common Proto- Northern-lroquoian inheritance. but this cannot be determined rigorously. (The Senecaand Cayuga sharcahedge th6:hd 'almost' from rllo 'there', 'that' plus cliffcrcnccin thevouclscould indicatetwooriginrl particles,*lg > T.&v',W. a diminutiYe. lF'. irnd *&i' > C. Oe.-Nl. ti', or they could be divergentrealizations of a *ft.ri. xa xi *t lonscrscquence, such as [PNI * > 9]. Normally initial is lost in (l13) S. O:r9 tho:h^dpkanita:le'. Wyandot before vowels, but the nonexistenceof the expectedform W. *i' could now almost it-will-snow be explainedsimply as avoidanceof an unstableshape. ln any case,the brevity 'lt was aboutto snow.' of the fbrnrs significantly raises the possibility of chance resemblance.) (ll4) C. O:ni hne:' th6:ha hgkahl:' glqahtf:ti' The Lake languagesshare other emphatic particles, kwah and akwah, 'really' , now this almost there-will-it-set we-two-will-leavc 'just'.'very'. 'It is almosttime for us to leave,' They also sharean emphaticuse of *rJip: 'just', 'only'. { l0-lr W. DF ktvl \.i'ta'tisti. grcatly she-is-small-and-pretty (l15) S. Hgrshe:d' 'She is really smalland p.etty.' you-will-take-her-backjust tl05) S. Na? t (fl7) Oe. Kixho ki' uhte wi: a:kldthv' kalutd:ke. 'Yes, I will cer;inly be ableto find a beautifulgirl for you (asyou this just perhaps l-should-climb tree-on suggested).' 'l guessI will climb this treehere.' (126) C. To:kihs a'akowi:ldeta'. (l l8) M. Rdrl./ar rthte' tht:kv r6:ne' wa'etshl:ke' , sttre she-came-to-have-a-baby he-thunders pcrhaps that his-wife you-saw-her And, sureenough, she did havea baby.' 'Perhapsyou saw the Thunderer'swife.' (127) Oe. T6:kvske' (l I9) M. TZ:rri'rs hte' thd yd:yv. 'Yes, thatis tue.' (ill responseto a tag question,such as 'isn't it?') might-as-well there there-she-should-go Ferhaps (128) M. T6:ske. 'Well. maybcsho should go.' 'lt sureis,' (in responseto a tag question) (l2d) oe. ?.iJ nuwo' ne: tyoytinle'. pcrhaps maybe that it-is-good Another emphatic particle pointing to expectationcan be reconstructedfor the 'Maybe it would be best.' Inner languages:*wahi'/*wahe' 'in facl'. (l2f) M. fdti' n :wa' a:yetsh;atera'swd:rei' , pcrhaps maybe she-might-have-given-youJuck (129) S. Woi hc niydwC'ph. 'She might havegiven you goodluck.' in-fact what how-it-happened (122) Oe. Nr' *oti' vtketdltsau'v' tkahtahk : i:. 'This is iri fact how it happened.' no* iiibe t-will-begin l-will-shoe-make (130) Oe. Wa'utu:kdhte' ki' wah. 'Now, I guess,I'll startto makesome shoes.' she-passed just inliact (123) M. fdti' n6: \ra'e:ru? 'lndeed,she kept right on going.' pcrhaps that shc-said (l3l) Oe. /: wahe. 'Perhapsthat is what shesaid?' ('Is that what shesaid?') I-EMPH. in-fact 'In fact, I am,' A Tuscarora particle resenbles these but is not cognate, since *, becomes 'n in (132) Oe. Nv kwi wa'thoyd:tahkwe' vhanehwahni:wite' ki' *kwezi2'possible'. Tuscarora before vowels. The cognate form is now just he-body-picked-uphe-will-skin-sell just (12-l) T. Kr'?ri' v'nlurihvh atsi'dh. wahe. maybe it,will-boil alitde-bit In-fact 'Maybeit will boil a little.' 'And in fact, he did pick him up to sell his hide.' (133) M. 6:nv wihi wo'utkdhtho' ne rawvhi:yu. Although all of the other languagescontain additional particles which qualify the then in-fact shelooked-at the he-is-dead probability of statements,they are not cognate. 'Then in fact shedid look at the deadman.' (134) M. Nyd: ki' wihe' suke'nikihrhv. Expeclalion gosh just in-fact my-mind-set-again The Lake languagesall contain particles indicating conespondenceto expecta- 'Gosh, as a matterof fact, I completelyforgot.' tion. One set is derived from a verb a +okgh- 'be certain'. It remains only as a full predicate in Wyandot (see 53), but has spawnedparticles in all of the Inner Otherwise, particles indicating expectation generally do not match from lan- languages which indicate that a statement is both true and in accord with guage to language. Wyandot and Cayuga have particles indicating contrast with expectahon. expectation which may or may not be related. (125) S. To:kqs akeku,etyQ: g*g:ki's ne (135) W. HakA'tra' ihc6' hu'kiye:ruwd:np. sure iFis-possible-for-meI-will-fi nd-for-you the he-veniurcs it-is-so his-mind-is-great yeksd'ko:*,a:h. 'He is in fact daringand cleverafter all.' (He hasjust surprisedus she-child-large with his good performanceon a test.) 108 Evidentialltgln Norlh and South Amerlca Mllhun: Evldentlal Dlach.ony In Northe.n l.oquolan 109 (136) C. Ng;, thgne,e,,\A'ssC'. example,retains its glottalstop word-finally becausethe first syllableis alsothe Iook thcy-arehere last. When combinedwith slgft 'how', however,the particleretains its indi- 'lrok, theyare here after all.' vidualform in slow speechbut exhibitsmetathesis in fast speech:k'ishgh'pr- haps'.Speakers are unsureof word boundariesin suchclusters, although they *iirg' *sg'..) (TheWyandot ricA' suggestsa source or tendto feel strongbonds between the elements and favorjoining them in writing. Cayuga has another particle which indicatescontrast with expectation, Suchambivalent status of incipientclusters is apparentin the.other languages *ng.'plus as ngrre:'.This could be relatedto the Proto-Lake the deicticner' 'it is well. In addition,a numberof particles,such as Cayugarr&0.. 'just', and p thiswhich', 'this is what. . .'. 'presumably'appear to be becomingever more closely bound phonologically to the predicatesthey modify, pointingtoward incipient morphologization. (137) C. AOsaOti'nAne: . At the sametime, all of the languages it-rained in-fact exhibit synchronicloss of syllables from verbs particles, 'lt didloo rain.' 0oform and from bisyllabic particles to form monosyllabic ones.Some speakers are aware of bothlong andshort forms, while othersare no (138) C. fn;' L'r'g:'n'nei ni:' kwa'yO't'ek7:. longeraware of the longerones. Such a losscan be seenin the particlesderived not this you-know I rabbit not-is-it from PII *kat6:kg: 'it is certain,hue, specific, 'I'm no rabbit,you know.' (So stop trying to feedme lettuce.) €xact'. The verb remainsin its full form in all of the Lake languages(W. yati:y(h S. kato:kg:h,C. kat6:kg:, Oe.kato:kv M. katdrtv). Other particlesmarking expectationof probabilityare not cognatefrom one In theInner languages, however, the pronominal prefix *fa- 'it' has languagcto thenext. also beendropped to form a particle(S. rorl particles.As degreeof relationshipdiminishes, proportions of sharedparticles (l4O) C. A:y6:' ki' hne:' thi' kwdhs sklho'tg' dccreascslrarply, until, in the caseof the most distantly relatedlanguages, it-seems just this not really anything almostnone are cognate.Repertoire and useof particlesare in fact amongthe 'Oh, nothingmuch, I guess.' most salient ways in which the Northem Iroquoianlanguages differ among thcnrselves. The speakerknows exactlywhat he is doing, but the barefacls, th(' sl I r)unst)ur\.l:lo)d C. 195-1.Oncida vcrb morpholoSy.(Yale University Publicationsin tu! lhft)f'obgy, No. 48.) New Haven:Yale UniversityPress. SEVEN I\lichclsur. Karin. 1981.Ttuce sloricsin Oncida. (CanadianEthnology Service, Paper No. 73. N:rti(mxlMuseum of Man, MercurySeries.) Ottawa: National Museums of Canada. l\lirhun. NlxrirLunc.dnd tllrni Woodbury.1980. Northen lroquoiantexls. (IJAL NativeAmerican in the Jaqi 'I-crt Scrics.4.) Chicago:University of ChicaSoPress. Data-SourceMarking \ oodbury , I I anni. I 980.Cohesive and grammatical functions of selectedOnondaga particles. Paper Languages frcscntcdat thc AllnualMceting ofthe AmericanAnthropological Association, Washington, D.C.. Novelllblr.l9ti0. MarthaJames Hardman University of Florida, Gainesville TheJaqi family of languagtis,including Jaqaru, Kawki, andAymara, is spoken in the Andes mountainsof Peru, Bolivia, and Chile by approximatelythree million people.Jaqaru and Kawki are in modemcontact, spoken in contiguous valleysin the Yauyosprovince of Lima, in Peru.Until my own work of the last quartercentury there was no history of contactbetween the Aymara and the KawkiiJaqaru group. The Kawki languageis dying-it is not now the dominant languagefor anyoneand no childrenare growing up with Kawki as a native language.Jaqaru, on the otherhand, although spokeg by only somefive thou- sand,is still the first languageof the childrenof Tupe;its demiseis not immi- nent.Aymara, the nativelanguage of one-thirdof the populationof Bolivia and of morethan half a million in SouthernPeru and Northern Chile, is expandingin absolutenumbers; there are Aymaralinguists, Aymara Publications put out by Aymara authors,and a growing enthusiasmfor bilingual educationamong Aymaraparents. Extensivemarking of nere-souncs is oneof the primecharacteristics of the Jaqifamily of languages.However, the category was not evenrecognized in the first four hundredyears after the conquestfor the apparentlysimple reason that thbspecific marks of data-sourceare not directlytnnslated within thetranslation traditionwhich quickly establisheditself after the conquest.With Spanishas the mediatinglanguage to English, there was no translationof the categoryinto Englisheither. In 1603,Bertonio (p. 326) calledthe data-sourcemarkers 'omate particles' because'without them the sentence is perfectlyfine'. In 1616,Tones Rubio says that 'someparticles there are in thislanguage which serve no otherfunction than to adomthe sentence'(p.244)- Ellen Rossin 1963(p. 15)calls them 'emphatic suffixes'.In 1965,Juan Enrique Ebbing (p. 360)calls them 'suffixesof adorn- ment and emphasis'.In 1967, Wexler, in the PeaceCorps grammar(p. 2), claimedthat one of the datasource suffixes is an 'opnoNel "subject-object" 3