The Virginia Congressional Delegation Since 1965 by Alexander J
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VOL. 55, NO.2 THE VIRGINIA CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION SINCE 1965 BY ALEXANDER J. WALKER Mr. Walker is a former research aide on the staffofthe CAUSES OF TURNOVER One of the most important causes of the Institute of Government. high turnover of congressmen has been There are a number of reasons for this simply the retirement, after many years of turnover in representatives and senators. service, of venerable Organizatirn stal With all of the public attention that has The congressional redistricting brought warts. Conservative Democrats such as been devoted in recent years to Virginia's about by court action in the mid-1960s Watkins Abbitt (4th District) and William M. gubernatorial battles, the remarkable turn undoubtedly contributed to the retirements Tuck (5th District) were no doubt prodded over in the Virginia congressional delega and defeats at the polls for the old Organiza in their decisions by changes in the tion has gone almost unnoticed. Yet tion Democrats. Particularly in the 8th boundaries of their districts and in the superficially, enough evidence exists to District of northern Virginia, redistricting electorate, including increased black voter suggest that a quiet revolution has taken increased its metropolitan character and participation (an important factor where the place. In 1965, the ten members of the U.S. contributed to the defeat of octogenarian proportion of black voters is high-notably House of Representatives from the Old Howard Smith in the celebrated Democratic the 1st, 3rd, 4th, and 5th districts, each Dominion had served a combined total of primary campaign of 1966 (as did the issue of having over 25 percent'black population). 123 continuous years. "Judge" Howard his age). The comparatively liberal winner of Political maneuvering in the black communi Smith had represented the northern Virgin that primary, George Rawlings, in turn was ty has been especially marked in the ia 8th Congressional District since 1931. defeated in the general election by conserva Southside 4th District, where incumbent Amorlg the other Democrats were Porter tive Republican William Scott. It is one of Republican Robert Daniel barely held onto Hardy, Jr., who had entered Congress from those historical ironies that the 8th District, his seat in 1974 with a 47 percent plurality in the 2nd District in 1947, andWatkins Abbitt, which Smith had represented for thirty-six a three-way race with Democrat Lester E. who had begun to represent the 4th District years (hence one of the most stable, "safe" Schlitz and black independent Curtis in 1948. In the Senate, Harry F. Byrd, Sr. had seats in the United States), has since Harris. In the Tidewater 1st Distric.t, an served since 1933 and was the third ranking become one of the most unstable. Scott, unusually large black vote for Republican member in seniority. His "junior" colleague, after serving three terms from that district, Paul Trible contributed importantly to A. Willis Robertson, had served since 1946. gave up the seat in 1972 to run for senator. In victory in his spirited campaign in 1976 for Even among the small Republican minority, that year of the Nixon landslide, the seat was the seat of retiring Democratic Representa stability was the rule in 1965, with represen taken over by another Republican, Stanford tive Thomas Downing. tatives Richard Poff of the 6th District and Parris. Unfortunately for Parris, the trauma Overall, a pattern seems to be emerging in Joel Broyhill of the 10th each having served of the Watergate scandal-plus undoubted the state's congressional turnover. Republi twelve years in the House. ly some confusion resulting from the cans have had little success against incum By 1978, a very substantial turnover had similarity of his opponent's name-brought bent conservative or conservative taken place. The ten Virginia members of his defeat at the hands of moderate-liberal moderate Democrats. But as soon as the the House had a total of only fifty-seven Democrat Herbert E. Harris in 1974. Two benefits of incumbency are lost to the years of service. The senior m~mber of the party competition most likely will continue Democrats, the inherent contradictions and House delegation, David Satterfield of the to be strong in Smith's old"safe" district for tensions within the Democratic party 3rd District, had been in office only since years to come. provoke an outbreak of fratricidal warfare. 1965 (Representative William Wampler was A similar seesaw has taken place with the The Republicans, having learned from years originally elected in 1952 but was subse Senate seat occupied for so many years by of status as the minority party, typically are quently defeated by former Representative Robertson. 1 Robertson was defeated in the united going into the election; by exploiting W. Pat Jennings in 1954, so he has served Democratic primary of 1966 by William the divisions within the Democratic party, continuously only since 1967). The majority Spong in an election that was a turning point they often are able to elect a young of the ten congressmen were elected to their in the history of the Democratic anti conservative Republican. first term in the 1970s. Similar instability Organization forces. Six years later, Spong This mixture of factors-incumbency, marked Virginia representation in the upper himself was defeated by William Scott in factionalism, and partisanship-goes far in house. Senators Harry F. Byrd, Jr. (who what was widely regarded as an upset. explaining why the congressional vote, in succeeded his father in 1965) and William Currently another furious battle is being terms of party voting by cities and counties, Scott had in 1978 a total of only eighteen waged over who will succeed the retiring is so chaotic, even when compared to the years in the Senate, with another turnover Senator Scott. disorder associated with the voting statistics assured by Scot's decision not to seek re IFrom 1895 to 1967, this seat was occupied by only three for gubernatorial races. Table 1 shows the election in 1978. men: ThOJTl;\S S. Martin, Carter Glass, and Robertson. correlations for Republican strength across INSTITUTE OF GOVERNMENT UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA / CHARLOTTESVILLE / OCTOBER 1978 TABLE 1 committee that most of the real work is done and crucial decisions are made. This CORRELATIONS OF REPUBLICAN GUBERNATORIAL AND CONGRESSIONAL generalization is especially applicable to the VOTING STRENGlH WITH lHAT FOR MOST RECENf PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, 1952-1970 House, which has more stringent limitations on debate and amendment on the floor than 1953 Gubernatorial 1954 Congressional the Senate. The committee system is a 1952 Presidential .5359 .3698 creature of the Congress itself and not the product of any constitutional mandate, and 1957 Gubernatorial 1958 Congressional thus each house is free to organize its 1956 Presidential .6797 .1862 committees according to its own rules. 1961 Gubernatorial 1962 Congressional However, in practice both houses organize 1960 Presidential .4668 .3868 their committees according to party affilia 1965 Gubernatorial 1966 Congressional tion and seniority. Although the seniority 1964 Presidential .0264 -.0826 rule is not as ironclad as it once was, committee chairmanships still go mostly to 1969 Gubernatorial 1970 Congressional the senior members of the majority party; 1968 Presidential .6660 .4486 the majority party has been the Democratic party continuously since 1955. Seniority in SOURCES: Votes for president and governor to 1968 from Ralph Eisenberg, Virginia Votes 1924-1968 the chamber is also a factor in determining (Charlottesville: Institute of Government, University of Virginia, 1971). Votes for U.S. House of who is assigned to particular committees. Representatives and governor, 1969, from results provided by the State Board of Elections. This is another crucial point since, obvious NOTE: Figures represent the Pearson correlation coefficient (r) of the Republican vote for the pairs of ly, some committees are more important offices by cities and counties. This statistic can range from -1.0 (perfect negative correlation) through 0.0 than others. (no correlation) to ] 0 (perfecLposillile-correlatLon). Has the high rate of turnover affected Virginia .representatives'opportunities-to gain seats on the more important commit presidential, gubernatorial, and midterm Representative Richard Poff had given up tees? To answer that question, we can draw congressional elections between 1954 and his seat to accept a federal judgeship and upon a ranking of congressional committees 1970. A correlation is a statistical measure of was succeeded by Representative Caldwell developed by H. Douglas Price, a Harvard how well one can predict the variation in one Butler, a fellow Republican. political scientist. In the House the most variable by the variation of another. In this The net effect of all of this movement back important committees (Rank I) are those case, it is the measure of how well one can and forth between 1970 and 1976 has been having to do with taxing and spending predict variations in Republican congres to reinforce the trend toward congressmen (Appropriations, Ways and Means) and the sional voting from variations in Republican with less seniority. Table 2 presents a broad flow of legislation to the floor (the Rules presidential voting (see note to Table 1). In picture of how the rank in seniority has Committee). The second most important states with stable party systems, the declined for the ten Virginia seats in the group (Rank II) includes those which correlations between congressional and House since 1965. The first column of Table specialize in certain prestigious areas, presidential voting are high-atleast.7or .8. 2 shows the sum of years of continuous typically involving large scale federal activity In Virginia between 1954 and 1966, as Table service for all ten congressmen. If all of the (Armed Services, Judiciary, Agricultur~, 1 shows, there was no correlation between ten incumbents remain in office, this figure Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Foreign the county or city vote for a Republican should increase by twenty years for each Affairs, Government Operations).