The Military in Lesotho
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Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
Lesotho | Freedom House
Lesotho | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/lesotho A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 10 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 3 / 4 Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy. King Letsie III serves as the ceremonial head of state. The prime minister is head of government; the head of the majority party or coalition automatically becomes prime minister following elections, making the prime minister’s legitimacy largely dependent on the conduct of the polls. Thomas Thabane became prime minister after his All Basotho Convention (ABC) won snap elections in 2017. Thabane, a fixture in the country’s politics, had previously served as prime minister from 2012–14, but spent two years in exile in South Africa amid instability that followed a failed 2014 coup. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The lower house of Parliament, the National Assembly, has 120 seats; 80 are filled through first-past-the-post constituency votes, and the remaining 40 through proportional representation. The Senate—the upper house of Parliament—consists of 22 principal chiefs who wield considerable authority in rural areas and whose membership is hereditary, along with 11 other members appointed by the king and acting on the advice of the Council of State. Members of both chambers serve five- year terms. In 2017, the coalition government of Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili—head of the Democratic Congress (DC)—lost a no-confidence vote. The development triggered the third round of legislative elections held since 2012. -
World Air Forces Flight 2011/2012 International
SPECIAL REPORT WORLD AIR FORCES FLIGHT 2011/2012 INTERNATIONAL IN ASSOCIATION WITH Secure your availability. Rely on our performance. Aircraft availability on the flight line is more than ever essential for the Air Force mission fulfilment. Cooperating with the right industrial partner is of strategic importance and key to improving Air Force logistics and supply chain management. RUAG provides you with new options to resource your mission. More than 40 years of flight line management make us the experienced and capable partner we are – a partner you can rely on. RUAG Aviation Military Aviation · Seetalstrasse 175 · P.O. Box 301 · 6032 Emmen · Switzerland Legal domicile: RUAG Switzerland Ltd · Seetalstrasse 175 · P.O. Box 301 · 6032 Emmen Tel. +41 41 268 41 11 · Fax +41 41 260 25 88 · [email protected] · www.ruag.com WORLD AIR FORCES 2011/2012 CONTENT ANALYSIS 4 Worldwide active fleet per region 5 Worldwide active fleet share per country 6 Worldwide top 10 active aircraft types 8 WORLD AIR FORCES World Air Forces directory 9 TO FIND OUT MORE ABOUT FLIGHTGLOBAL INSIGHT AND REPORT SPONSORSHIP OPPORTUNITIES, CONTACT: Flightglobal Insight Quadrant House, The Quadrant Sutton, Surrey, SM2 5AS, UK Tel: + 44 208 652 8724 Email:LQVLJKW#ÁLJKWJOREDOFRP Website: ZZZÁLJKWJOREDOFRPLQVLJKt World Air Forces 2011/2012 | Flightglobal Insight | 3 WORLD AIR FORCES 2011/2012 The French and Qatari air forces deployed Mirage 2000-5s for the fight over Libya JOINT RESPONSE Air arms around the world reacted to multiple challenges during 2011, despite fleet and budget cuts. We list the current inventories and procurement plans of 160 nations. -
Black Power, Black Consciousness, and South Africa's Armed Struggle
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) Graduate Dissertations and Theses Dissertations, Theses and Capstones 6-2018 UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson Asheeke Binghamton University--SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Asheeke, Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson, "UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985" (2018). Graduate Dissertations and Theses. 78. https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses/78 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations, Theses and Capstones at The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 BY TOIVO TUKONGENI PAUL WILSON ASHEEKE BA, Earlham College, 2010 MA, Binghamton University, 2014 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New -
Frontline States of Southern Africa: the Case for Closer Co-Operation', Atlantic Quarterly (1984), II, 67-87
Zambezia (1984/5), XII. THE FRONT-LINE STATES, SOUTH AFRICA AND SOUTHERN AFRICAN SECURITY: MILITARY PROSPECTS AND PERSPECTIVES* M. EVANS Department of History, University of Zimbabwe SINCE 1980 THE central strategic feature of Southern Africa has been the existence of two diametrically opposed political, economic and security groupings in the subcontinent. On one hand, there is South Africa and its Homeland satellite system which Pretoria has hoped, and continues to hope, will be the foundation stone for the much publicized, but as yet unfulfilled, Constellation of Southern African States (CONSAS) - first outlined in 1979 and subsequently reaffirmed by the South African Minister of Defence, General Magnus Malan, in November 1983.1 On the other hand, there is the diplomatic coalition of independent Southern African Front-line States consisting of Angola, Botswana, Mozambi- que, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This grouping, originally containing the first five states mentioned, emerged in 1976 in order to crisis-manage the Rhodesia- Zimbabwe war, and it was considerably strengthened when the resolution of the conflict resulted in an independent Zimbabwe becoming the sixth Front-line State in 1980.2 Subsequently, the coalition of Front-line States was the driving force behind the creation of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) and was primarily responsible for blunting South Africa's CONSAS strategy in 1979-80. The momentous rolling back of Pretoria's CONSAS scheme can, in retrospect, be seen as the opening phase in an ongoing struggle between the Front-line States and South Africa for diplomatic supremacy in Southern Africa in the 1980s. Increasingly, this struggle has become ominously militarized for the Front Line; therefore, it is pertinent to begin this assessment by attempting to define the regional conflictuai framework which evolved from the initial confrontation of 1979-80 between the Front-line States and South Africa. -
The Media and the Military: Allies Or Adversaries?
The media and the military: Allies or adversaries? DR LEOPOLD SCHOLTZ1 Department of History, University of Stellenbosch Introduction Military commanders like Alexander the Great or Richard the Lionheart did not have to take public opinion greatly into account when they planned their campaigns in their day. Today it is a very different situation. In the light of the above this article starts with two somewhat startling quotes by the futurologists Alvin and Heidi Toffler: "The people thinking hardest about warfare in the future know that some of the most important combat of tomorrow will take place on the media battlefield." They also state: "[TJhe media, including channels and technologies unimagined today, will be a prime weapon for Third Wave combatants in both the wars and anti-wars of the future, a key component of knowledge strategy.',2 In recent years, much has been made of the adversarial relations between journalists and the military. The media have, for instance, been blamed for the US defeat in Vietnam, for unthinkingly blabbing about tactical decisions in advance in the Falklands, etc. From their side, journalists have been blaming the military for not trying to understand the nature of their job, of covering up a number of bad things, etc. It will probably have to be accepted that in modem, democratic countries there will always be a structural tension between the media and the military - and, for that matter, between the media and the whole government apparatus. All too frequently the media wants to open up, to uncover scandals, while the government apparatus, of which the military forms a part, wants publicity, but only on their terms. -
The Security Sector in Southern Africa
ISS MONOGRAPH 174 Th is monograph is a study of the security sector in six Southern African countries, namely Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Mozambique, South Africa and Zimbabwe. It highlights the strengths and challenges of the various institutions that make Th e security sector up the security sector, including defence, police, Cette monographie est une étude portant sur le prisons, intelligence, private security, oversight secteur de sécurité dans six pays d’Afrique australe, bodies and the policy and legal frameworks in Southern Africa à savoir le Botswana, la République Démocratique under which they operate. Th e monograph THE SECURITY SECTOR IN SOUTHERN AFRICA du Congo, le Lesotho, le Mozambique, l’Afrique represents an attempt to provide baseline data du Sud et le Zimbabwe. Elle fait le point sur les on the security institutions in the region so that forces et les faiblesses des diverses institutions formant le secteur de sécurité à savoir la défense, la we can better determine where security sector police, les prisons, les renseignements, la sécurité reform measures are needed. Th e functioning privée, les agences de surveillance de même que of national security institutions is enhanced by les cadres politiques et légaux qui les régissent. the their harmonization at a regional level. Th e La monographie constitue une tentative de monograph therefore begins with an overview fournir des données de base sur les institutions of SADC’s Organ of Politics, Defence and de sécurité de la région afi n de nous permettre Security Cooperation. de mieux déterminer les domaines dans lesquels la réforme est nécessaire. -
Mono 112.Indd
DIASPORAS, REMITTANCES AND AFRICA SOUTH OF THE SAHARA A STRATEGIC ASSESSMENT MARC-ANTOINE PÉROUSE DE MONTCLOS ISS MONOGRAPH SERIES • NO 112, MARCH 2005 CONTENTS ABOUT THE AUTHOR iv GLOSSARY AND ABBREVIATIONS v EXECUTIVE SUMMARY vii INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1 5 African diasporas and homeland politics CHAPTER 2 27 The political value of remittances: Cape Verde, Comores and Lesotho CHAPTER 3 43 The dark side of diaspora networking: Organised crime and terrorism CONCLUSION 65 iv ABOUT THE AUTHOR Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos is a political scientist with the Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (IRD). He works on forced migrations and has published various books on the issue, especially on Somali refugees (Diaspora et terrorisme, 2003). He lived for several years in Nigeria, South Africa, and Kenya, and conducted field investigations in the Comores, Cape Verde and Lesotho in 2002 and 2003. This study is the result of long-term research on the subject. v GLOSSARY AND ABBREVIATIONS ANC: African National Congress BCP: Basotho Congress Party BNP: Basotho National Party COSATU: Congress of South African Trade Unions ECOWAS: Economic Community of West African States FRELIMO: Frente de Libertação de Moçambique GDP: Gross Domestic Product GNP: Gross National Product INAME: Instituto Nacional de Apoio ao Emigrante Moçambicano no Exterior IOM: International Organisation for Migration IRA: Irish Republican Army LCD: Lesotho Congress for Democracy LLA: Lesotho Liberation Army LTTE: Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam MASSOB: Movement for the Actualisation -
List of Participants Nov 3
GLOBAL ATM FORUM ON CIVIL/MILITARY COOPERATION Montreal, Quebec, Canada, 19 to 21 October 2009 List of participants STATES Last Name First Name Organization Afghanistan ATA ATA MOHAMMAD DELEGATION Argentina AYERDI MARCELO AIR FORCE ESQUIVEL PABLO CAA GONZALEZ SILVIA DELEGATION IERACHE JORGE SALVADOR AIR FORCE JANER JUAN JOSE AIR FORCE MOVSESSIAN DANIEL HORACIO CAA PALERMO JOSE A. AIR FORCE PRADO SERGIO DELEGATION SINGH ALBERTO MIGUEL DELEGATION Australia BRECKENRIDGE FORSTER ROYAL AUSTRALIAN AIR FORCE EVANS PETER DELEGATION HOLTFRETER ALAN ROYAL AUSTRALIAN AIR FORCE MACFARLANE RICHARD DELEGATION SPARROW ANDREW AIRSERVICES AUSTRALIA Austria FUERST MANFRED MINISTRY OF TRANSPORT SCHLEIFER CHRISTIAN DELEGATION UNGER JOSEF MINISTRY OF DEFENCE Bahrain ALMANNAI ALI HAMAD BAHRAIN DEFENCE FORCE ALMUHANNA NEZAR ALI BAHRAIN DEFENCE FORCE Belgium MOINEAU ROLAND CIVIL AVIATION AUTHORITY VANHEYSTE PATRICK CAA/AIR FORCE Brazil BORGES CARDOSO RAMON DECEA NASCIMENTO LUIZ DELEGATION SABOYA GILBERTO ANTONIO COMGAR Brunei Darussalam BIN AMPUAN HJ DAMIT AMPUAN HJ HAMDZAH CAA BIN HAJI RADIN PENGIRAN KAMARUDDIN CAA 2 Last Name First Name Organization Cameroon ESSIMI LEOPOLDINE CCAA MANDENG SAMUEL CCAA ZOA ETUNDI ENGLEBERT DELEGATION Canada COTE JEAN-PIERRE DOD GRANT BOB TRANSPORT CANADA GUIMOND BRIAN NAV CANADA LACHANCE LARRY NAV CANADA PAYN BILL TRANSPORT CANADA PITRE R.R. DOD SCHOPF HANS DOD WUENNENBERG MARK CANADIAN AIR FORCE Chile COSTA FRANCISCO DELEGATION FERNANDEZ VILCHES JULIO DGCA GONZALEZ SILVA JUAN DGCA MERINO ARTURO AIR FORCE ROJAS JUAN DELEGATION -
A History of the Botswana Defence Force, C. 1977-2007
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2021-01-11 Thebe ya Sechaba: A History of the Botswana Defence Force, c. 1977-2007 Mocheregwa, Bafumiki Mocheregwa, B. (2021). Thebe ya Sechaba: A History of the Botswana Defence Force, c. 1977-2007 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/112986 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Thebe ya Sechaba: A History of the Botswana Defence Force, c. 1977 – 2007 by Bafumiki Mocheregwa A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA JANUARY, 2021 © Bafumiki Mocheregwa 2021 Abstract The protracted liberation struggles of Southern Africa that began in the 1960s, particularly in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe today) eventually prompted the Botswana government to establish its own defence force in 1977. Due to budgetary constraints and relative internal political stability, Botswana had relied on a small paramilitary force called the Police Mobile Unit (PMU) since the early 1960s for all defence – related issues. By the late 1970s, the sharp escalation of the struggle for Zimbabwe resulted in cross – border incursions by Rhodesian security forces who were pursuing armed freedom fighters. -
The Assassination of Military Commanders In
117 Mokete Pherudi THE ASSASSINATION OF MILITARY Head of the Early Warning Unit at CISSA, Addis COMMANDERS IN LESOTHO: Ababa, Ethiopia. Email: TRIGGERS AND REACTIONS [email protected] Head, Regional Early Warning Centre, Directorate for DOI: https://dx.doi. Politics, Defence and Security Affairs, Southern African org/10.18820/24150509/ Development Community JCH43.v2.7 ISSN 0258-2422 (Print) ISSN 2415-0509 (Online) Abstract Journal for Contemporary This article investigates civil-military relations (CMR) in History Lesotho and its impact on political and security stability. 2018 43(2):117-133 The nature of CMR is unmasked by tracing the evolution of the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) and the history of its © Creative Commons With politicisation. The assassinations of LDF commanders, Attribution (CC-BY) Lt-Gen Maaparankoe Mahao in 2015 and Lt-Gen Khoantle Motšomotšo in 2017, respectively, by members from within their ranks, are explored to illustrate how the undue involvement of the military in politics has contributed to instability in Lesotho. Other triggers contributing to the unstable situation are highlighted. The enquiry of this article is not only about the nature of CMR but how the regional body, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has sought to intervene in Lesotho with the aim of firstly stabilising the politics and security of the country. SADC’s other aim has been the facilitating of security sector reforms that will, amongst other things, configure CMR such that the armed forces are accountable to civilian authority and they do not meddle in political contest. Keywords: Civil-military relations (CMR), Security Sector Reform (SSR), Lesotho Defence Force (LDF), Southern African Development Community (SADC). -
Towards an Explanation of the Recurrence of Military Coups in Lesotho
ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 3rd Quarter 2017 Towards an Explanation of the Recurrence of Military Coups in Lesotho EVERISTO BENYERA, PHD* esotho’s history is littered with military coups, with the latest one—with questionable authenticity—complicating the already complicated role of the military in the South African country’s politics. This article un- packs what it terms a dangerous mix in Lesotho’s politics which pits the military against the monarch.1 This will be achieved by first exploring the history of monarch–military relations using the coloniality of power as the theoretical L 2 framework. This relationship is here cast as one of legitimisation, delegitimisa- tion, and relegitimisation.3 Some authors characterise the relationship as perpetu- ally antagonistic and maintain that it was never meant to work.4 Accordingly, the two institutions tend to have a love–hate relationship, at times opposing each other while also reinforcing one another on another level. In this relationship, tensions occur when the military delegitimises the monarch and the state, leading in turn to the monarchy seeking to relegitimise itself. The extent of these tensions is expressed—among other things—through the various military coup d’états that have rocked the kingdom in the clouds for decades. In Lesotho, the latest version of military coups occurred on 1 September 2014 and was the sixth successful coup in the country since 1970. Unlike other coups before it, this one was very different because it was disputed by many, in- cluding Lesotho’s powerful and influential only neighbour, South Africa, and the *Dr Everisto Benyera is a senior lecturer in the Department of Political Sciences at the University of South Africa in Pretoria, South Africa.