The Use of Children As Soldiers in Africa Report
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Dodannualreport20042005.Pdf
chapter 7 All enquiries with respect to this report can be forwarded to Brigadier General A. Fakir at telephone number +27-12 355 5800 or Fax +27-12 355 5021 Col R.C. Brand at telephone number +27-12 355 5967 or Fax +27-12 355 5613 email: [email protected] All enquiries with respect to the Annual Financial Statements can be forwarded to Mr H.J. Fourie at telephone number +27-12 392 2735 or Fax +27-12 392 2748 ISBN 0-621-36083-X RP 159/2005 Printed by 1 MILITARY PRINTING REGIMENT, PRETORIA DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE ANNUAL REPORT FY 2004 - 2005 chapter 7 D E P A R T M E N T O F D E F E N C E A N N U A L R E P O R T 2 0 0 4 / 2 0 0 5 Mr M.G.P. Lekota Minister of Defence Report of the Department of Defence: 1 April 2004 to 31 March 2005. I have the honour to submit the Annual Report of the Department of Defence. J.B. MASILELA SECRETARY FOR DEFENCE: DIRECTOR GENERAL DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE ANNUAL REPORT FY 2004 - 2005 i contents T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S PAGE List of Tables vi List of Figures viii Foreword by the Minister of Defence ix Foreword by the Deputy Minister of Defence xi Strategic overview by the Secretary for Defence xiii The Year in Review by the Chief of the SA National Defence Force xv PART1: STRATEGIC DIRECTION Chapter 1 Strategic Direction Introduction 1 Aim 1 Scope of the Annual Report 1 Strategic Profile 2 Alignment with Cabinet and Cluster Priorities 2 Minister of Defence's Priorities for FY2004/05 2 Strategic Focus 2 Functions of the Secretary for Defence 3 Functions of the Chief of the SANDF 3 Parys Resolutions 3 Chapter -
United States of America–Namibia Relations William a Lindeke*
From confrontation to pragmatic cooperation: United States of America–Namibia relations William A Lindeke* Introduction The United States of America (USA) and the territory and people of present-day Namibia have been in contact for centuries, but not always in a balanced or cooperative fashion. Early contact involved American1 businesses exploiting the natural resources off the Namibian coast, while the 20th Century was dominated by the global interplay of colonial and mandatory business activities and Cold War politics on the one hand, and resistance diplomacy on the other. America was seen by Namibian leaders as the reviled imperialist superpower somehow pulling strings from behind the scenes. Only after Namibia’s independence from South Africa in 1990 did the relationship change to a more balanced one emphasising development, democracy, and sovereign equality. This chapter focuses primarily on the US’s contributions to the relationship. Early history of relations The US has interacted with the territory and population of Namibia for centuries – indeed, since the time of the American Revolution.2 Even before the beginning of the German colonial occupation of German South West Africa, American whaling ships were sailing the waters off Walvis Bay and trading with people at the coast. Later, major US companies were active investors in the fishing (Del Monte and Starkist in pilchards at Walvis Bay) and mining industries (e.g. AMAX and Newmont Mining at Tsumeb Copper, the largest copper mine in Africa at the time). The US was a minor trading and investment partner during German colonial times,3 accounting for perhaps 7% of exports. -
The Case of the U.S.-Based Liberian Diaspora Osman
THE PROMISE AND PERILS OF DIASPORA PARTNERSHIPS FOR PEACE: THE CASE OF THE U.S-BASED LIBERIAN DIASPORA OSMAN ANTWI-BOATENG, PH.D. United Arab Emirates University Department of Political Science Al Ain, UAE ABSTRACT In seeking to contribute towards peace-building in Liberia, the U.S-based Liberian Diaspora is building international partnerships with its liberal minded host country, liberal institutions such as the United Nations and Non-Governmental Organizations and private and corporate entities in the host land. There is a convergence of interests between moderate diaspora groups interested in post- conflict peace-building and liberal minded countries and international institutions seeking to promote the liberal peace. The convergence of such multiple actors offers better prospects for effective building in the homeland because collectively, they serve as counter-weights to the parochial foreign policy impulses of each peace-building stakeholder that might be inimical to peace-building. While there are opportunities for the U.S-based Liberian diaspora to forge international partnerships for peace-building, there are challenges that can undermine well intentioned collaborations. These include: logistical challenges in executing transnational projects; self-seeking Diaspora members, divided leadership and poor coordination, and lack of sustainability of international partnerships. KEYWORDS: Liberia, Diaspora, peace-building, Civil War, Africa, Conflict. _______ INTRODUCTION The dominant discourse about the link between Diasporas and conflict has been overwhelmingly negative and this is not without foundation. A seminal work by Collier et al. (1999) at the World Bank made two conclusions. First, the external resources provided by the Diaspora can generate conflict. Second, the Diaspora poses a greater risk for renewed conflict even when conflict has abated. -
The Botswana Defence Force and Public Trust: the Military Dilemma in a Democracy
The Botswana Defence Force and public trust: The military dilemma in a democracy Lekoko Kenosi Introduction The level of trust that citizens have in their armed forces is paramount to good civil–military relations. In a democracy, it is the responsibility of the armed forces to gain public confidence, because a military that is not trusted by the population lacks legitimacy and will have difficulties justifying its expenses and even its existence. Botswana is the oldest democracy in Africa. A look at the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) takes one into the journey of civil–military relations. Botswana has never been through a conventional war, whereas all her neighbours have been involved in some form of war. Zimbabwe went through the war of liber- ation, Namibia had an armed struggle for independence and South Africans fought a lengthy guerrilla war to claim their freedom. Although beyond her borders, these conflicts have had a major impact on civil–military dynamics in Botswana. The political volatility of Southern Africa has had a direct effect on the trust the nation has needed to place in the BDF. The interaction between the BDF and civil society is of great interest to soldiers and broader society. The Batswana attach a high price to the behaviour of their institutions, including the armed forces and the conduct of the BDF—both in peacetime and in times of conflict—is always a matter of public interest. Experience in Africa has taught us that an irresponsible military can pro- duce untold suffering. The often healthy but inherently suspicious relation- ship between the military and civil institutions calls for constant dialogue. -
(JHSSS) Nigeria-Benin Border Closure
Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies (JHSSS) Website: www.jhsss.org ISSN: 2663-7197 Original Research Article Nigeria-Benin Border Closure: Implications for Economic Development in Nigeria Ola Abegunde1* & Fabiyi, R.2 1Ekiti State University, Department of Political Science, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria 2Research Officer, Garnet Aught Global, Lagos, Nigeria Corresponding Author: Ola Abegunde, E-mail: [email protected] ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Article History Nigeria remains the major international market for foreign earnings for many Received: June 02, 2020 countries in the word. The Republic of Benin in the sub-Sahara Africa is majorly Accepted: July 13, 2020 dependent on Nigeria for the survival of her international trade. This study Volume: 2 investigates the Nigeria-Benin border closure and its implications on Nigerian Issue: 4 economic development. Secondary data were used for the research, and content analysis was the instrument used in analysis of the data generated from the KEYWORDS study. Smuggling was confirmed to occur on the Nigeria-Benin border and was perpetrated by residents of both countries. Though legal commercial activities Nigeria-Benin, Custom service, still take place on the same border. Illegal activities on the Nigeria-Benin border border closure, smuggling, include cross-border crimes like banditry and kidnapping as well as trafficking in economic development. human beings, contraband goods, illegal arms and ammunition, illicit drugs, and diverted petroleum products. All these transactions constitute serious threat to Nigeria’s national security and affects it economy. Therefore, the illegal activities on the border led to its closure by the Nigerian federal government in August 2019. The effects of the border closure on Nigerian socio-economic includes decrease in all smuggling activities and other cross-border crimes. -
Submission by P
MAIN CONTACT PERSON: TILMAN ZUELCH Submission by P. O. Box 2024 Society for Threatened Peoples D-37010 Göttingen a non-governmental organization in special consultative status Phone: +49 (0)551 49906-0 Fax: +49 (0)551 58028 E-Mail: [email protected] Language: English only Universal Periodic Review Eleventh Session 2010-11-01 Sudan The announcement of the first national elections since 20 years, which finally began on April 11, 2010, was welcomed by the international community as a first step to ensure a broader political participation of Sudanese citizens. Elections were marred by human rights violations Nobody expected elections guaranteeing all fundamental democratic standards, but the elections were marred by massive human rights violations and an increasing political repression. Sudanese and international election observers documented hundreds of incidents of intimidation, fraud, incorrect voter lists, faulty ballots, late supply of ballot papers and insufficient registration of voters. In the weeks ahead of the elections international election observers were threatened with expulsion and national observers were intimidated. Electoral fraud in Eastern Sudan, which was documented by internet video footage, has led to the cancellation of these voting results. In Southern Sudan, some 200 incidents of harassment, intimidation or violence at the polling stations were reported by the observers. Journalists and independent candidates were the main target in this campaign of intimidation which was orchestrated by Northern and Southern Sudanese officials. On May 27, 2010, nine journalists Southern Sudanese journalists working for the state-run media were detained for more than a week after they refused to participate in the inauguration of South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir. -
Child Soldiers in Northern Uganda: an Analysis of the Challenges and Opportunities for Reintegration and Rehabilitation
Child Soldiers in Northern Uganda: An Analysis of the Challenges and Opportunities for Reintegration and Rehabilitation. Item Type Thesis Authors Bainomugisha, Arthur Rights <a rel="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/3.0/"><img alt="Creative Commons License" style="border-width:0" src="http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by- nc-nd/3.0/88x31.png" /></a><br />The University of Bradford theses are licenced under a <a rel="license" href="http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/">Creative Commons Licence</a>. Download date 01/10/2021 22:17:15 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5284 Child Soldiers in Northern Uganda: An Analysis of the Challenges and Opportunities for Reintegration and Rehabilitation PhD Thesis Arthur Bainomugisha DEPARTMENT OF PEACE STUDIES SCHOOL OF SOCIAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF BRADFORD NOVEMBER 2010 Child Soldiers in Northern Uganda: An Analysis of the Challenges and Opportunities for Reintegration and Rehabilitation Arthur Bainomugisha Abstract The level of brutality and violence against children abducted and forcefully conscripted by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in northern Uganda pricked the conscience of humanity. The suffering of the people in northern Uganda was described by Jan Egeland, the former United Nations Under- Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs, as ‘the biggest forgotten humanitarian crisis in the world’. This study is primarily concerned with the plight of child soldiers in northern Uganda and how their effective reintegration and rehabilitation (RR) could lead to successful peacebuilding. The study is premised on the hypothesis that ‘the promotion of the RR of former child soldiers by providing psychosocial support based on traditional and indigenous resources may contribute to conditions of peace and stability in northern Uganda.’ The main contribution of this research is that it explores the relevance of psychosocial support based on the traditional and indigenous resources to the RR of child soldiers and peacebuilding of war-torn societies. -
A First Step Towards Zero Down Time: the Creation of Synergy Through Equipment Acquisition Within the Constraints of a Small
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2005-06 A first step towards zero down time: the creation of synergy through equipment acquisition within the constraints of a small budget in an Army with civilian oversight - a case of the Botswana Defense Force (BDF) Mompati, Mothusi Glendon Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10017 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS A FIRST STEP TOWARDS ZERO DOWN TIME: THE CREATION OF SYNERGY THROUGH EQUIPMENT ACQUISITION WITHIN THE CONSTRAINTS OF A SMALL BUDGET IN AN ARMY WITH CIVILIAN OVERSIGHT - A CASE OF THE BOTSWANA DEFENCE FORCE (BDF). by Mothusi Glendon Mompati June 2005 Thesis Advisor: Keebom Kang Second Reader: John Dillard Approved for public release: distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202- 4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. -
Introduction
Introduction The cover image of a wire-and-bead-art radio embodies some of this book’s key themes. I purchased this radio on tourist-thronged Seventh Street in the Melville neighborhood of Johannesburg. The artist, Jonah, was an im- migrant who fled the authoritarianism and economic collapse in his home country of Zimbabwe. The technology is stripped down and simple. It is also a piece of art and, as such, a representation of radio. The wire, beadwork, and swath of a Coca-Cola can announce radio’s energy, commercialization, and global circulation in an African frame. The radio works, mechanically and aesthetically. The wire radio is whimsical. It points at itself and outward. No part of the radio is from or about Angola. But this little radio contains a regional history of decolonization, national liberation movements, people crossing borders, and white settler colonies that turned the Cold War hot in southern Africa. Powerful Frequencies focuses on radio in Angola from the first quarter of the twentieth century to the beginning of the twenty-first century. Like a radio tower or a wire-and-bead radio made in South Africa by a Zimbabwean im- migrant and then carried across the Atlantic to sit on a shelf in Bloomington, Indiana, this history exceeds those borders of space and time. While state broadcasters have national ambitions—having to do with creating a com- mon language, politics, identity, and enemy—the analysis of radio in this book alerts us to the sub- and supranational interests and communities that are almost always at play in radio broadcasting and listening. -
Lesotho | Freedom House
Lesotho | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/lesotho A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 10 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 3 / 4 Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy. King Letsie III serves as the ceremonial head of state. The prime minister is head of government; the head of the majority party or coalition automatically becomes prime minister following elections, making the prime minister’s legitimacy largely dependent on the conduct of the polls. Thomas Thabane became prime minister after his All Basotho Convention (ABC) won snap elections in 2017. Thabane, a fixture in the country’s politics, had previously served as prime minister from 2012–14, but spent two years in exile in South Africa amid instability that followed a failed 2014 coup. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The lower house of Parliament, the National Assembly, has 120 seats; 80 are filled through first-past-the-post constituency votes, and the remaining 40 through proportional representation. The Senate—the upper house of Parliament—consists of 22 principal chiefs who wield considerable authority in rural areas and whose membership is hereditary, along with 11 other members appointed by the king and acting on the advice of the Council of State. Members of both chambers serve five- year terms. In 2017, the coalition government of Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili—head of the Democratic Congress (DC)—lost a no-confidence vote. The development triggered the third round of legislative elections held since 2012. -
Africa's Child Soldiers/Suicide Children
International Journal of Law and Society 2018; 1(3): 115-124 http://www.sciencepublishinggroup.com/j/ijls doi: 10.11648/j.ijls.20180103.13 ISSN: 2640-1894 (Print); ISSN: 2640-1908 (Online) Africa’s Child Soldiers/Suicide Children: A Regulatory Framework Michèle Olivier Department of Politics, Faculty of Business, Law and Politics, University of Hull, Hull, UK Email address: To cite this article: Michèle Olivier. Africa’s Child Soldiers/Suicide Children: A Regulatory Framework. International Journal of Law and Society . Vol. 1, No. 3, 2018, pp. 115-124. doi: 10.11648/j.ijls.20180103.13 Received : October 8, 2018; Accepted : October 25, 2018; Published : November 21, 2018 Abstract: Despite the prohibition of child soldiers by international law, recent African conflicts have witnessed a persistence of this phenomenon, which is becoming ever more specialised. An example of such specialist involvement of children in African armed conflicts is the use of young children, especially girls as suicide bombers by the jihadist terrorist groups Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab. Using children in armed conflict is regarded as amongst the worst forms of child abuse under international law and African regional law. This article examines the almost unprecedented threat to the human rights of children created by child soldiers and specifically child suicide bombers with the objective of identifying major weaknesses in the responses by both general international law and African Union legal instruments. Despite the comprehensive engagement of international regulations with children in armed conflict, they are silent on the practice of using children for the specific purpose of suicide bombings. This article considers the question whether child suicide bombers can be considered to be child soldiers and as such should benefit from the regulations applicable to the latter category. -
Angola Background Paper
NATIONS UNIES UNITED NATIONS HAUT COMMISSARIAT HIGH COMMISSIONER POUR LES REFUGIES FOR REFUGEES BACKGROUND PAPER ON REFUGEES AND ASYLUM SEEKERS FROM ANGOLA UNHCR CENTRE FOR DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH GENEVA, APRIL 1999 THIS INFORMATION PAPER WAS PREPARED IN THE COUNTRY INFORMATION UNIT OF UNHCR’S CENTRE FOR DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT, IN COLLABORATION WITH THE UNHCR STATISTICAL UNIT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THIS PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT, PURPORT TO BE, FULLY EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. PREFACE Angola has been an important source country of refugees and asylum-seekers over a number of years. This paper seeks to define the scope, destination, and causes of their flight. The first and second part of the paper contains information regarding the conditions in the country of origin, which are often invoked by asylum-seekers when submitting their claim for refugee status. The Country Information Unit of UNHCR's Centre for Documentation and Research (CDR) conducts its work on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment, with all sources cited. In the third part, the paper provides a statistical overview of refugees and asylum-seekers from Angola in the main European asylum countries, describing current trends in the number and origin of asylum requests as well as the results of their status determination. The data are derived from government statistics made available to UNHCR and are compiled by its Statistical Unit. Table of Contents 1.