INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI film s the text directly &om the original or co^y submitted. Tbus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in Qpewriter face, while others may be from ai^ type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandardmargins, and in^)roper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note wiü indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overly. F-ach original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for ai^ photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell information Company 300 North Z eeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313.-761-4700 800.521-0600 POLITICAL PROGRAM AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY IN CICERO’S PRO MILONE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Summer Haskins Stevens, B.A., M.A. The Ohio State University 1995 Dissertation Committee: Approved by William W. Batstone Charles L. Babcock Adviser Department of Classics Kirk Freudenburg UNI Number: 9544696 Copyright 1995 by Stevensr Summer Haskins All rights reserved. UMI Microform 9544696 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Copyright by Summer Haskins Stevens 1995 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express sincere appreciation to Professor William W. Batstone for his guidance and insight throughout the research and writing process. Thanks go also to the other members of my advisory committee, Professors Charles L. Babcock and Kirk Freudenburg, for their helpful suggestions and comments. I would also like to thank Professor Christopher P. Craig who, as a real member of the dissertation committee, provided careful and insightful readings of each chapter, but as an outside reader was disqualified by graduate school regulations from signing the completed dissertation. 11 VITA 1987.................. B.A., University of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tennessee 1989.................. M.A., University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia Major Field of Study: Classics 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...................................................................................................ii VITA..................................................................................................................................... iii CHAPTER PAGE I. PUBLICATION AND LITERATURE........................................... 1 II. LOGOS AND THE PROSECUTION OF CLODIUS.................................. 53 III. ETHOS AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY................................................................ 86 IV. PATHOS AND CONSOLATIO.................................................................... 141 V. CONCLUSION................................................................................................ 179 VI. BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................................................ 188 IV CHAPTER I Publication and Literature Before beginning an analysis of the Pro Milone. it will be useful to examine the issue with which much of the scholarly discussion about the speech has been preoccupied, namely the relationship between the extant text (the version of the speech which Cicero himself published) and the oration delivered by the orator at the trial of Milo. It is my intention in this first chapter to sort through the questions raised by this issue and to consider its influence on the present state of scholarship on the Pro Milone. This chapter will not represent an attempt to resolve this insoluble issue, however, so much as it will serve as a background against which to introduce my reader-targeted approach to the speech as a work of literature aimed at a variety of audiences. The question of the extent of the revisions which were made between the delivery and publication of the speeches of the ancient orators is a subject which has been addressed by scholars since the time of Quintilian (Inst. Orat. 12.10.49-561. The Pro Milone is especially susceptible to scrutiny in this area since it arose out of extraordinary and unprecedented circumstances, which will be discussed later in this chapter and has been dogged by rumors and reports of an alternate "original" version since ancient times. Before considering the Pro Milone specifically, however, a brief overview of the publication practices of the ancient orators will help to place Cicero’s practice of speech publication in the context of the tradition within which he was operating. The Greek Practice In the publication of his speeches, Cicero followed the practice begun among the Attic orators as early as the late fifth century B.C. The logographoi. or speech writers, composed orations for their clients to deliver on their own behalf in the Athenian law courts, and often published them, perhaps to advertise their talents to prospective clients.' Self-advertisement has been generally regarded as one of the motives for the sophist Gorgias’ writing and circulation of his speeches. One passage in particular which has been read this way occurs in the Encomium to Helen, in which the power of logos is compared to that of a drug in its influence over people.- 'George Kennedy, The Art of Persuasion in Greece (Princeton, 1963), p. 128. See also A.N.W. Saunders, Greek Political Oratory (New York, 1970), p. 13. ^This view has received a strong challenge from Thomas Cole, The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece (Baltimore, 1991), who offers this revision to the conventional reading: "His [Gorgias’] position is that of an experimenter in the use of mind-altering drugs testifying on behalf of someone (Helen) who has commmitted a crime under their influence. A fairly lengthy expatiation on the power of such drugs to make a person do things he or she would not do otherwise is perfectly appropriate in such a situation, but one would not expect a general eulogy of them, much less an attempt on the part of the speaker to impress on the audience the exceptional power of his own pharmacological expertise confers." pp. 146-7. In other words, Gorgias can attest to the powers of persuasive speech, but should not be interpreted as offering an advertisement of his own expert ability to mislead through these powers. 3 The practice of publishing political speeches likely originated also in the late fifth century among residents of Athens who were not Athenian citizens, such as Lysias and Thrasymachus, and were thus prevented by custom from addressing the Assembly, but published political speeches in order to disseminate their political views for the purpose of influencing Athenian policy.^ This practice was continued by Isocrates who, for personal reasons, was accustomed to publish political speeches rather than deliver them/ The speeches of Isocrates were, as Kennedy points out, "literary products worked out in detail at leisure."^ Unlike those orators whose speeches were delivered and/or published for political reasons, Isocrates’ reason for the publication of his political speeches is taken by Kennedy to be more like the purpose of epideixis. "He is neither a political theorist like Aristotle nor a practical politician like Demosthenes. What he is concerned with are the means of expression of political thought...how to demonstrate what ought to be done, how to marshall arguments, how to say some­ thing new on the same theme.® However, one of the goals of political rhetoric, as interpreted by Isocrates, is to provide a model of statesmanship to be followed by coming generations (Antidosis. 277). The importance which he placed on rhetoric and its role in society indicates that for Isocrates, who himself was not an active politician, the publication of speeches was more than ^Kennedy, Art of Persuasion in Greece, p. 204. ''Phil. 81; Panath. 10; Epist. 1.9, 8.7; Antid. 151. ^Kennedy, Art of Persuasion in Greece, p. 175. ®lbid. p. 198. 4 simply a means of demonstrating the rhetorical tools by means of which political ideas might be expressed, but actually was "a means to a political presence."’ It was not until the mid-fourth century that Demosthenes initiated the custom of publishing political speeches which had already been delivered in front of the Assembly, and other orators followed suit, although their speeches do not survive.* In the case of Demosthenes, we not only possess a number of extant speeches, but we also have some evidence of the type and extent of revisions which were made between the delivery and publication of his speeches, provided by the texts of the Fourth Philippic and On the Chersonese. One scholarly examination of the texts of these two speeches has