letters of a third candidate. It concluded, much more attention than in the There is no The Great War and the Liberal ‘What is clearly wanted is a policy recent past to strengthening local Party (1) of accommodation between Liberal organisations. Lib Dems should, future for a Michael Steed in his very inter- and Labour which will reproduce however, keep in mind the pros- esting article, ‘Did the Great War in the constituencies the coopera- pect of eventually participating in a party which really kill the Liberal Party?’ (Jour- tion which obtains at Westminster.’ major political realignment. There nal of Liberal History 87, summer It would be useful today for both are people in the Labour Party and aspires to no 2015) writes of the belief of the his- parties to consider how many con- there are people in the Conserva- toric Liberal Party ‘that reason, stituencies were won by the Con- tive Party too, who are already more than trade and moral principles could servatives in 2015 where the victory thinking on truly Liberal lines. together bring peace’ as ‘close to a could be attributed to the presence These and many other objec- junior part- raison d’être’ and as ‘an important of a ‘no-hope’ candidate – Lib Dem tives are suggested by the actions nership in constituent in the glue that held in some cases, Labour in others. and policies of Liberals in the his- together the disparate elements A few conclusions seem to toric past. Whether Lib Dems have a coalition making up the party’. Two let- emerge. There is no future for a any future will depend on how well ters in the Manchester Guardian in party which aspires to no more they learn from the past. dominated August 1916 seem to provide sharp than junior partnership in a coali- confirmation of this analysis. tion dominated by others, though Dr Roy Douglas is Emeritus Reader by others. Mary Toulmin, wife of Sir tactical arrangements in some con- at the University of Surrey, a former George Toulmin, Liberal MP for stituencies may well be useful. The Liberal parliamentary candidate, and Bury, wrote to the Manchester job of Lib Dems today is to decide the author of fifteen books, including Guardian on 5 August 1916: on policies aimed not just at deal- The History of the Liberal Party ing with short-term problems but 1895–1970 (1971) and Liberals: The It is difficult for a life-long Lib- at producing a long-term Liberal History of the Liberal and Liberal eral like myself – and one grow- future. It will be necessary to give Democrat Parties (2005). ing more Radical with years – to write with moderation of the present position of Liberal poli- tics. The members of the Liberal Party in the House of Com- mons, with a few noble excep- tions, have slavishly obeyed the dictum of the Prime Minis- ter – ‘Wait and See’. They have waited and they have seen! They Letters see a unity of parties indeed but how achieved? By the con- Labour and the Liberals; tinuous surrender by the Liberal questions for readers Ayrshire Northern at the 1906 gen- Party of all those things it held Anent James Owen’s article ‘The eral election. most dear – a voluntary army, struggle for representation: Labour Anent the report of the meet- right of asylum, respect for con- candidates and the Liberals, 1886– ing on ‘The Liberal-Tory coali- science, education, Home Rule, 1895’ ( Journal of Liberal History tion of 1915’, why did Bonar Law, and international law as touch- 86, spring 2015), Keir Hardie was the Tory leader, who joined the ing the rights of neutrals. refused the Liberal nomination for Cabinet in May 1915, not have to the Mid-Lanarkshire by-election submit himself to a ministerial by- The President of the Yorkshire in 1888. He then left the Liberals election? Such were not suspended Council of Women’s Liberal Asso- and unsuccessfully contested the during the war, as Harold Tennant, ciations, Mary Isabel Salt, wrote on by-election as Independent Labour. Asquith’s brother-in-law, had to 10 August 1916: John Sinclair, a protégé of (Sir) submit himself to an unopposed Henry Campbell-Bannerman and ministerial by-election in Berwick- The letters appearing in your a future Secretary for Scotland, shire when appointed Secretary for columns from Lady Toulmin, was offered the Liberal nomination Scotland in July 1916. Sir William Byles, and oth- but refused, as he did not want to And one more question for your ers, undoubtedly express the oppose Hardie. readers. Some biographers of Wil- opinion of thousands of sincere In 1901, Sinclair, then Scottish liam E. Gladstone state that his rank-and-file Liberals who have Liberal Whip, supported, with Sir brother, Robertson (born 1805) hitherto remained dumb under Henry’s approval, the unsuccess- was educated at Eton and Glas- the impotence of the present sit- ful Scottish Workers Representa- gow Academy. However, Glas- uation, but who are none the less tion Committee (SWRC) candidate gow Academy was not founded eagerly awaiting the first oppor- at a by-election in North-Eastern until 1845. Can any of your readers tunity to battle effectively for Lanarkshire, rather than the Lib- advise where in Glasgow he was the old principles which formed eral Imperialist candidate who was educated? Incidentally, one of the the bedrock of their political also unsuccessful. The interven- original directors of the Academy faith. Some of us are asking our- tion of SWRC candidates resulted was Sir Henry Campbell-Banner- selves whether we can honestly in the defeat of Liberal candidates man’s uncle, William Campbell. remain associated any longer in North-Western Lanarkshire and Dr Alexander S. Waugh with a party whose official

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 25 letters

sanction is given to active As indicated, there were other When I was looking at a she should take whatever work against Liberal princi- letters along these lines. different problem, I encoun- action was possible to avert the ples and to the repudiation Duncan Marlor tered memoranda sent to Grey catastrophe. of Liberal principles one by by the two most senior For- This set me wondering. To one … Could not a Radical eign Office officials, Sir Arthur what extent had Foreign Office party be formed even now The Great War and the Nicolson and Sir Eyre Crowe, officials, unknown to the pub- which would pledge itself to Liberal Party (2) shortly before Britain became lic and probably to most MPs, adhere to Liberal principles? Professor Otte’s excellent arti- committed to action which gradually manoeuvred Brit- If the leaders would come cle on Sir Edward Grey (‘The made involvement in the 1914 ain into policies which led to forward the members would long shadow of war;, Journal of war inevitable. Both were war? Were there perhaps simi- roll up in their thousands. Liberal History 87, summer 2015) obviously trying to stiffen lar people in the background One feels the tragedy of the throws light on a puzzle which Grey, urging that – as Crowe in Vienna, Berlin, Paris and present situation, insomuch has vexed many historians. put it – ‘in a just quarrel Eng- St Petersburg who played a as it is so infinitely easier to How did it happen that a man land (sic) would stand by her major part in impelling sover- lose our hard-won liberties of high intelligence, complete friends’. [FO800/94, fo.522] eigns and statesmen who did than to regain them, and if probity and a deep love of peace At a time when Belgium had not want war into that avoid- the consolidation of a really nevertheless played an impor- not yet been invaded, or even able conflict? And may it be that liberal party is left until tant part in involving Britain in directly threatened, both similar people still lurk in the after the war it may be too a war which most people would were much more concerned various Foreign Offices of the late to achieve much in our now consider unnecessary and that Britain should support world? own generation. almost wholly destructive? France and Russia than that Roy Douglas Liberal history quiz 2015 The 2015 Liberal history quiz was a feature of the History Group’s exhibition stand at the Liberal Democrat conference in Bournemouth last September; the questions were drawn from our new book, British Liberal Leaders. The winners, each with 19 marks out of 20, were David Hughes and Richard Sanderson. We also included anyone answering at least five questions correctly in a draw for a second prize: the winner was James Sanderson. Below we reprint the questions – the answers are on page 39. 1. On hearing that Nick Clegg was going to join the Liberal Democrats who said: ‘Oh, for heaven’s sake, joining the Liberal Democrats is like joining an NGO!’ 2. From which city’s Town Hall in 1901 did David Lloyd George have to flee a pro-Boer War mob disguised as a policeman? 3. Which Liberal leader fell foul of the man who devised the rules of boxing and was consequently mentioned in the trial of a famous playwright? 4. CB acquired his surname well after his birth; why and when did he do it? 5. Which Liberal leader became the first ever British High Commissioner for Palestine? 6. What was the name of the baronetcy inherited from his grandfather by Sir Archibald Sinclair in 1912? 7. Which seat did Roy Jenkins fight unsuccessfully at the 1945 general election? 8. In what year was David Owen first elected as an MP for a Plymouth constituency? 9. Which leader defeated a sitting Liberal MP when he entered Parliament and later sat together with that opponent in the House of Lords? 10. What was the name of the quarterly journal, founded in 1993 and edited by Charles Kennedy, which advocated preparation for a Lib-Lab coalition? 11. Which Liberal leader introduced the targeting strategy known as the Winnable Seats scheme? 12. Criticised as ready at ten minutes’ notice to assume the roles of a surgeon, an architect or an admiral, which leader was compared to a Venetian magistrate by a later leader in a mock obituary? 13. Which prolific leader, better known for a cuppa than his policies, fathered an illegitimate child by an aristocratic canvasser for Fox? 14. Who was Home Secretary at the time of the Tolpuddle Martyrs? 15. He held the offices of Secretary for War, Foreign Secretary (three times) and Home Secretary and was the MP who waited longest to become Prime Minister; who was he? 16. Whose maiden speech in the first reformed parliament professed a qualified opposition to the abolition of slavery? 17. Which leader had four children, three of whom died at the age of 23, all in unrelated incidents? 18. Which Liberal Prime Minister earned the nickname ‘the last of the Romans’? 19. As a young man he was bowled over by Skittles; later he created a double duchess, led the Liberals and turned down the top job three times. Who was he? 20. Who were Menzies Campbell’s two opponents in the leadership contest of 2006?

26 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 letters

Coalition and the Liberal analysing the difference the to be associated with their Coalition and the Liberal Democrats (1) Liberal Democrats really made undoubted liberalism. Nor was Democrats (4) The last edition of the Journal of to government policy across there a mention, as there might Undoubtedly the electoral Liberal History (issue 88, autumn a range of key policy areas – a have been, that Peter Hain – catastrophe of May 2015 was 2015) was excellent, the first topic we couldn’t cover for lack rightly praised in that debate compounded by fabricated serious look at the coalition of space in issue 88. – was then an active Liberal, panic that a Labour-SNP alli- from a Lib Dem point of view. although Menzies Campbell, ance would ravage England’s Comprehensive though it Simon Hughes and Martin green and pleasant land; but the was, however, it did miss some- Coalition and the Liberal Horwood, all with a far better fatal damage was done in 2010, thing essential in my opinion: Democrats (2) grasp of party history, did so in not by the fact of the coalition the ideological convergence The Coalition and the Liberal their speeches. but by the hasty vote to raise between the Liberal Democrats Democrats issue (Journal of Lib- Instead, we learned merely tuition fees. Time did not heal and the Conservative parties eral History 88, autumn 2015) that ‘As a student, I was one of this wound. In summer 2014 I driven by the leadership of both contained much fascinating the thousands of people who marked an A-level paper that parties. David Laws, for exam- detail that will be pored over flooded into Wembley stadium included a question about how ple, is on record as saying that by historians, and others, for a for the “Free Nelson Mandela” political parties engage with the coalition would not have long time to come. While read- concert to mark his 70th birth- the public; the one thing that been possible without the con- ing through it, I was struck by day.’ If ever there was an appro- every candidate knew was that tribution made to the ideology one particular comment, in the priate time for a leader of the the Lib Dems – often personi- of the party by the Orange Book. highly critical assessment by Liberal Democrats to recall the fied as Nick Clegg – break their There were policies that the John Pugh (‘Coalition history – Liberal role in the opposition to promises. Liberal Democrats agreed to in our follies and our fortune’). apartheid, this Parliamentary Once Lib Dem candidates coalition with the Tories that He noted that ‘The blunders occasion was it. pledged themselves to vote it is hard to imagine that any we made were utterly de trop Was this failure to make this against in the 2010 campaign, other previous leader of the and born of political inexperi- point, too, born of ‘political that had to be a red line in coali- party would have agreed. Out ence and hubris’, going on to inexperience and hubris’? And tion negotiations; anyone who of a long list of policies where note that ‘people with previ- of a lack of knowledge of, and thought this little promise was that applies, one that sticks in ous experience of coalitions interest in, the history of Lib- trumped by the bigger com- my mind was the bedroom tax and pacts and experience in a erals and liberalism? Perhaps. mitment to work construc- (albeit the other benefit cuts British context … were either In any case, a politely-worded tively with the largest party were perhaps even more dev- ignored or kept on the margins note of regret and complaint I deceived themselves. Nor could astating to those who had to and advice sought instead from sent at the time to the relevant the raising of fees be justified by endure them). References were selected continental sources and address failed to receive even impending financial crisis. In made to how George Osborne special advisers.’ the most perfunctory reply. the short run it made no differ- pushed through the worst ben- A lack of knowledge of Peter Hellyer (former YL Vice ence whether student fees were efit cuts, but surely these were other aspects of the party’s his- Chairman and former member of granted or loaned. agreed by the Quad? If so, not tory was apparent at times, the AAM Executive) Returned unopposed as a only did Nick Clegg and Danny too. I recall the important Lib Dem district councillor in Alexander fail to say no, they Parliamentary occasion, on 9 May 2015, I was fortunate to actively supported the policies December 2013, when tributes Coalition and the Liberal avoid the pain inflicted on so afterwards. were paid to Nelson Mandela. Democrats (3) many fine, talented people. But I will assume that they gen- While regretting the fact that There is an, in my view serious, the moral of the disaster is clear: uinely believed the policies he ‘never had the privilege of historical inaccuracy on p. 10 of (1) don’t make promises unless would not increase poverty and meeting Nelson Mandela,’ Nick Journal of Liberal History 88. you are sure you can keep them; increase misery. But for them Clegg praised ‘the British cam- Before 2010, there were (2) don’t make a long-term alli- to believe that they would have paigners in the Anti-Apartheid many other referendums under ance in a tearing hurry. to disbelieve organisations like Movement in London who the Blair government beside Andy Connell CPAG who campaigned against showed unfailing loyalty to and the two mentioned by Adrian the policy, and who were later support for Nelson Mandela Slade. There was the referen- to have been proved right to during his bleakest days,’ add- dum on establishing the Lon- Asquith and the Lords do so. So the question is: when ing ‘ I, too, pay tribute to Mr don mayor, the referendum on It’s interesting how often his- did we as Lib Dems stop believ- (Peter) Hain and all his fellow the Good Friday agreement and torians chance on a ‘nugget’ ing in CPAG, and agree with campaigners for what they did the referendum on North-East whilst looking for something the Tories instead? As I write, at that time.’ devolution. There were also else. with apparently no debate the There was no mention in many referendums on the estab- I was recently research- party seems to have returned to Clegg’s speech – as perhaps lishment or removal of local ing the National Liberal Club where it was before, supporting there should have been – of mayors, far more than on any archives to answer a query and radical anti-poverty policies. the determined opposition to other issue in the whole of Brit- in the minutes for the Gen- Maybe this is something the apartheid of two of his pre- ish history eral Committee of 4 March Journal of Liberal History should decessors, Jeremy Thorpe I think the implication that 1925 it was recorded that the look at? and David Steel, both associ- referendums became common Committee’s Chairman, Lord Geoff Payne ated with the Anti-Apartheid during the coalition is just inac- Beauchamp, had asked for the Movement, the latter as its curate; it was Blair who estab- Committee’s starting time Editor’s note: we plan a second President for a while, dur- lished them as a regular part of to be varied to accommo- special edition of the Journal on ing a period when their stance the British political system. date his duties in the House of the coalition, in autumn 2016, required real political courage Richard Gadsden Lords, as ‘Lord Oxford would

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 27 letters not assume the daily duties of a last being to make them available, the Scottish Liberal Democrats, Leader.’ including an initial programme of Gordon commended the section There is a great deal of valu- digitisation. that declares that political able historical material in the Michael Meadowcroft (Hon. thought is not just something that Club’s archives and efforts are at ­Archivist, National Liberal Club) happens in universities, think tanks or party policy committees but that everyone thinks about fairness, responsibility, power or how they want their lives to go. Politics has become disengaged from this vibrant, everyday way of thinking and it is the job of liberal community politicians to re-establish the link between Reports political theory and the everyday thinking about politics that people do without really realising it. Another big area of context for Community Politics and the Liberal Revival the birth of community politics was the massive spread of all sorts Conference fringe meeting held jointly with the of grassroots community action – Association of Liberal Democrat Councillors, 13 March 2015, sometimes associated with political organisations, but often not – that with Gordon Lishman and Paul Clark; chair: Sarah Boad built on the work of people like Report by Graham Lippiatt George Clark of the Notting Hill Community Workshop who were he famous community conference after the 2015 general interested in helping a community politics resolution, adopted election, more than ever since to find its own voice and to Tby the Liberal Party at its 1970. And it was also important campaign to bring about the things 1970 Assembly, helped to lay the now to revisit other aspects of the it wanted. It was the job of the foundations for revival after the amendment passed at Eastbourne politician to add their own views party’s loss of half its seats in the in 1970, such as how to put into to a debate with the wider public 1970 general election. This fringe practice the dual approach of (usually on a local level) about meeting explored the community working inside and outside The famous how to bring about change and politics approach, what it meant parliament and about how to build commu- take charge of their own lives and and how might be of help to a base in big industrial cities. communities. Liberal Democrats in the future. One of the issues which Gordon nity politics But this era of grassroots Leading the discussion were and the co-author of The Theory action did not last; the election Gordon Lishman (co-author of The and Practice of Community Politics, resolution, of Margaret Thatcher signalled Theory and Practice of Community Bernard Greaves, debated at the that change was coming. Partly Politics) and, substituting for time of writing was whether or adopted by it was because those who had Mike Storey, former leader of not include in the book a chapter been employed to facilitate the Liverpool Council, who was at linking the idea of community the Liberal work were no longer paid to do the last moment unable to attend, politics to the wider history so, but there was also a gradual Paul Clarke who was a Liverpool of Liberalism; the notion that Party at its disengagement perhaps aided councillor for thirty-four years. approaches to political action and by the spread of television and Gordon introduced his talk by political ideas are indivisibly part 1970 Assem- other socio-cultural factors. We referring to the context in which of the same thing. Gordon then realised that there was a disconnect the idea of community politics quoted from Bernard Greaves bly, helped between the issues that we were came to be born and looking – ‘community politics is not campaigning about at university, forward to a debate on how that a technique for winning local to lay the such as anti-apartheid or UDI idea should be developed and elections’ – and went on to place in Rhodesia, and the topics used politically in the future. community politics in the context foundations that people were raising on the Community politics was adopted of the idea of ‘positive liberty’ or doorstep as we canvassed for by the Liberal Party because there the use of freedom. This is an idea for revival Michael Winstanley or Richard was a big gap to fill. After the originating in J. S. Mill’s thought, after the Wainwright. The challenge 1970 general election the party and Gordon next quoted from therefore became one of how you did not have much of an answer Considerations on Representative party’s loss started from where the electorate to the question, ‘What do we Government, where Mill says that was and turned that into a wider do next?’ Neither did the party people are not just allowed to of half its political debate. The thing that have an answer to the question participate in politics but that it is Liberals got wrong was not in from individual members, ‘What good that they should do so, for seats in the starting where people were but can I do next?’ This question, themselves and for wider society. in stopping at that point. So we Gordon suggested, was likely to Now turning to the Little Yellow 1970 general never got beyond those everyday be on the lips of party delegates Book, a recent publication by Nigel issues to the point where we could in Bournemouth, the first federal Lindsay and Robert Brown for election. engage people in a wider political

28 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16