Italienischer Faschismus Als ‚Export’-Artikel (1927-1935)

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Italienischer Faschismus Als ‚Export’-Artikel (1927-1935) Italienischer Faschismus als ‚Export’-Artikel (1927-1935) Ideologische und organisatorische Ansätze zur Verbreitung des Faschismus im Ausland von Beate Scholz Trier 2001 I Vorwort Diese Untersuchung ist die überarbeitete Druckfassung meiner Dissertation, die ich am 9. August 1996 im Fachbereich III der Universität Trier eingereicht habe. Erster Berichterstatter und Doktorvater war Professor Dr. Wolfgang Schieder, Köln, zweiter Berichterstatter Professor Dr. Lutz Raphael, Trier. Das Promotionsverfahren wurde am 13. Februar 1997 abgeschlossen. Für alle Doktoranden stellt sich mit Abschluß der Promotion die Frage: Was nun? Ich hatte das große Glück, unmittelbar nach Beendigung des Promotionsverfahrens einen ebenso interessanten wie arbeitsintensiven Berufseinstieg im Bereich Wissenschaftsmanagement zu finden. Daraus ergab sich im wesentlichen die verhältnismäßig lange Zeitspanne, die zwischen Promotion und Veröffentlichung lag. Es erfordert einen besonderen Kraftaufwand, sich einem eigentlich abgeschlossenen Werk noch einmal vertiefend anzunehmen. Gleichwohl profitierte die Überarbeitung ungemein von dem entspannteren Blick auf die eigene Untersuchung, den vornehmlich die wachsende zeitliche Distanz ermöglichte. Das Vorwort zu einer solchen Untersuchung ist immer auch der Ort, um Danke zu sagen. Auch wenn dies die Gefahr in sich birgt, jemanden, der es verdient hätte, nicht namentlich zu erwähnen, danke ich an dieser Stelle stellvertretend für alle, die mich in meiner Promotionszeit und bei der nachfolgenden Überarbeitung unterstützt haben, folgenden Personen: meinem Doktorvater Wolfgang Schieder für die gemeinsame Auswahl eines spannenden Themas, seine Hilfe bei der Überwindung administrativer Hürden, die Vermittlung wichtiger Kontakte und eine gelungene Kombination aus gutem Rat und Freiheit des Arbeitens, die für die eigenständige wissenschaftliche Entfaltung so wichtig sind; Lutz Raphael dafür, daß er die Aufgabe des zweiten Berichterstatters übernommen, bei der Vorbereitung der Veröffentlichung administrativ beschleunigend und durch wertvolle inhaltliche Hinweise hilfreich gewirkt hat; meinen Freunden Peter Heil, Christoph Nonn und Detlev Mares für interessante und weiterführende Fachdiskussionen und die Mühe des Korrekturlesens; darüber hinaus danke ich ihnen ebenso wie Kathrin Hofmeister, Sabine Albersmeier, Gerlinde Großschupff, Susanne Schiering-Rosch, Kirsten Baumann, Adzlin Azhar, Christof Mandry, Christian Wieland und Dirk Honold für alle Anregungen, intellektuellen und emotionalen Unterstützungen während meiner Promotion und der Vorbereitung der Veröffentlichung. Aus fachlicher Sicht gilt mein besonderer Dank Viviana Bottai Doerfel für die Erlaubnis, den Nachlaß ihres Vaters auswerten zu dürfen, für ihre fesselnden II Erinnerungsberichte und ihre herzliche Gastfreundschaft. Stellvertretend für alle Kollegen, die die bisweilen für mich sehr anstrengende Zeit der Veröffentlichung unmittelbar miterlebt haben, danke ich Axel Hubertus Zienicke für sein fachliches Interesse, vor allem aber für seine zuversichtlich und optimistisch stimmenden Ermutigungen besonders in Zeiten, in denen die beruflichen Anforderungen am intensivsten waren. Besonders danken möchte ich auch einer Person, die durch ihre Begeisterung für das Fach und ihre hervorragende Fähigkeit, sowohl historische Inhalte interessant zu vermitteln als auch kompetent in die Methoden wissenschaftlichen Arbeitens einzuführen, meine Entscheidung zum Studium der Geschichte wesentlich mitgeprägt hat: meinem ehemaligen Lehrer Hans-Josef Metzdorf. Nicht zuletzt danke ich dem Referenten des Fachbereichs III der Universität Trier, Werner Grasediek, für seine Flexibilität und Geduld. Ebenso gibt es Institutionen, denen ich an dieser Stelle herzlich Dank sagen möchte: dem Cusanuswerk für alle ideelle und finanzielle Förderung meiner Biographie, die ich in der Grund- und Graduiertenförderung genossen habe; der Universität Trier für ihre ausgezeichneten Studienbedingungen, ihr Dienstleistungsverständnis und dafür, daß sie die Internet-Publikation dieser Arbeit übernimmt; dem Archivio Centrale dello Stato, dem Archivio Storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri, der Fondazione Ugo Spirito sowie dem Deutschen Historischen Institut in Rom, dem Österreichischen Staatsarchiv in Wien und dem Institut für Zeitgeschichte in München, dort besonders Hans Woller, für alle Beratung sowie die Benutzung ihrer Archiv- und Bibliotheksbestände. Es gibt zwei Menschen, ohne die diese Arbeit nie entstanden wäre: meinen Mann, Matthias Scholz, und meine Mutter, Elfriede Dils. Ihnen widme ich sie daher in Liebe und großer Dankbarkeit. Bonn, 29. Juni 2001 Beate Scholz III Inhalt I. Einleitung 1 II. Faschistischer Universalismus - eine Ideologie zur Verbreitung des Faschismus in der Welt 13 1. Das faschistische Regime und seine cultura 13 1.1 Ideologische Orientierungen des faschistischen Regimes: zwischen „qualunquismo“ und „religione politica“ 14 1.2 Enciclopedia Italiana, Istituto Nazionale Fascista di Cultura und Reale Accademie d’Italia im Dienste einer cultura des faschistischen Regimes 26 2. Conciliazione und conciliazione: Katholizismus und faschistischer Universalismus 37 2.1 Die Conciliazione von 1929 37 2.2 Vordenker der conciliazione: Don Giuseppe De Luca und Egilberto Martire 51 2.3 Faschistischer Universalismus katholischer Prägung aus faschisti- scher Perspektive 68 3. Der korporativistische Universalismus 79 3.1 Eckdaten zur Entwicklung des faschistischen Korporativismus 80 3.2 Der „kritische“ Faschist Giuseppe Bottai 86 3.3 Korporativistisch geprägter faschistischer Universalismus 101 4. Faschistischer Universalismus in der Interpretation eines elitären fascismo di sinistra 114 4.1 Camillo Pellizzis Theorie einer aristocrazia fascista 115 4.2 ‚Elite’ im Diskurs faschistischer Intellektueller 125 4.3 Der faschistische Universalismus einer selbst-ernannten jungen Elite 132 5. Verso l’internazionale fascista: der ‚synthetische’ faschistische Uni- versalismus 148 5.1 Asvero Gravelli - eine Karriere im Ventennio 149 5.2 Antieuropa - Zeitschrift und Ideologie 156 5.3 Der Pionier: James Strachey Barnes und der Universal Fascism 178 5.4 Wesen und Entwicklung des ‚synthetischen’ faschistischen Univer- salismus 183 6. Faschistischer Universalismus als zeitweiliger Topos des Stato totali- tario 207 6.1 Benito Mussolinis Version eines faschistischen Universalismus 207 6.2 Die Dezennalien des Regimes 212 IV III. ‚Auslandspropaganda-Agenturen’ des italienischen Fa- schismus 225 1. Das Centre international d’études sur le fascisme: Propaganda für Intellektuelle 225 1.1 Prolog: Von der Idee zur Realisierung 226 1.2 Das Centre international d’études sur le fascisme in Aktion 236 1.3 Das Ende - plötzlich, aber nicht unerwartet 246 2. Die Società Nazionale Dante Alighieri 257 2.1 Ein „wandlungsfähiges“ Produkt des Risorgimento 257 2.2 Die Transformation der Dante Alighieri in der Frühphase des faschistischen Regimes 261 2.3 Die Dante Alighieri als Propaganda-Instrument des Duce 271 3. Römische Universalität in Aktion: die Comitati d’azione per l’Universalità di Roma 287 3.1 Eugenio Coselschi und die Vorläufer der CAUR: Associazione Nazionale Volontari di Guerra und Comitati d’Azione Dalmatica 288 3.2 Struktur und Aktivitäten der Comitati d’azione per l’Universalità di Roma 304 3.3 Die Konferenzen von Montreux als Anfang vom Ende der CAUR 327 4. Italienische Emigranten als Multiplikatoren des Faschismus im Aus- land: Die Fasci all’estero 347 4.1 Die faschistische Partei im Wandel des Ventennio 347 4.2 Die Auslandspropaganda-Organisation der Partei: die Fasci all’estero 354 4.3 Blüte und Bedeutungsverlust der F.a.e. 368 4.4 Die Geschichte einzelner Auslands-Fasci als Partes pro toto 378 5. Auslandspropaganda und Außendarstellung des faschistischen Staates 392 5.1 Italienische Kultur als faschistisches Propagandainstrument 392 5.2 Die „Verstaatlichung“ der Propaganda: Vom Ufficio stampa zum Ministero della Cultura Popolare 407 5.3 „Früchte“ der Propaganda: Außendarstellung und außenpoliti- sches Selbstbild des faschistischen Italiens 421 IV. Schlußbetrachtung 437 Anhang Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis 447 Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen 483 1 I. Einleitung "[D]er Faszismus, der mitten in [einem] Gedränge unvereinbarer und unassimilierbarer geistiger Strömungen steht, versucht sich in schönschillernden Redensarten, in Galakostümen und Gelegenheitsmasken, so da sind `Der Faszismus als Anti-Risorgimento', `Der Faszismus als Gegenreformation', `Der Faszismus als Aristokratie', `Der Faszismus als Zukunftsform der Gesellschaft', `Buch und Flinte, und der perfekte Faszist ist fertig', `Der Faszismus als Romanitas'."1 So wie der deutsche Faschismus-Kritiker Alois Dempf die Vielgestaltigkeit des italienischen Faschismus als dessen Manko verstand, so begriff sie der französische Schriftsteller Anatole France als dessen wesentlicher Vorzug. In seiner Wahrnehmung besaß der Faschismus das "génie de la juxtaposition". 2 Ob negativ oder positiv akzentuiert, in beiden Stellungnahmen ist folgende Grundüberzeugung enthalten: Der italienische Faschismus war kein in sich geschlossenes System von Ideen, Organisationen oder Zielsetzungen. Er war vielmehr ein Synkretismus, der den Bestand unterschiedlicher "Glaubensrichtungen" erlaubte, von denen sich allerdings keine als allein gültige und einzig richtige Interpretation des faschistischen "Glaubens" verstehen konnte.3 Damit deutet sich an, warum die unterschiedlichen ideologischen und organisatorischen Ansätze, die darauf abzielten, ihre je eigene Variante des italienischen
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