Toward Peace with Justice ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE CARNEGIE COUNCIL Toward Peace with Justice Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, New York Toward Peace with Justice ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE CARNEGIE COUNCIL

Kate Hallgren

Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, New York carnegie council centennial founders

Carnegie Corporation of New York

Kathleen Cheek-Milby

Jonathan E. Colby

Dillon Fund (Phyllis D. Collins)

Richard A. Edlin

Anthony L. Faillace

Robert and Ardis James Foundation (Robert G. James)

Donald M. Kendall

Henry Luce Foundation

Charles J. Moed

Katerina and Robert Shaw

Uehiro Foundation on Ethics and Education

(As of July 30, 2014)

Copyright © 2014 Carnegie Council Published by Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs Author: Kate Hallgren Project Manager: Madeleine Lynn Editor: John Tessitore Researchers: Amanda Mosner (text), Andreas Rekdal (sidebars) Image Researcher and Editor: Gusta Johnson Designer: Steven Schoenfelder Printing: Oddi Printing, Iceland isbn: 0-87641-175-8 Contents

Foreword by Charles W. Kegley, Jr. . 7

Chapter one The Founding of the Church Peace Union . 12

Chapter two The Church Peace Union and the Great War: Embracing War to Achieve Peace . 18

Chapter three “Slackers and Cranks”: Pursuing Peace in the First Red Scare . 26

Chapter four Facing the “Question of Aggression”: Work for Peace and Justice in the 1930s . 34

Chapter five “Win the War—Win the Peace”: The CPU Mobilizes to Defeat War and Fascism at Home and Abroad . 42

Chapter six A New Approach for a New World: Promoting an Ethical Frame- work for Policymakers, 1945–1961 . 52

Chapter seven CRIA’s Changing Place in a Divided Nation: Civil Disobedience, Vietnam, and Religious Leadership, 1962–1974 . 60

Chapter eight Rebuilding for the Late Twentieth Century . 68

Chapter nine A Global Reach: Embracing Technology and Expanding Audiences in the Twenty-First Century . 78

Afterword by Joel H. Rosenthal . 86

Notes . 91

Index . 99 6 Foreword

ndrew Carnegie was a visionary, obsessed with the future of mankind. A Scot Presbyterian of humble origins, he invested his time, energy, and A unequaled financial resources to leaving the world a better place than it had been before him. Carnegie made an ethical commitment to eliminate the curse of barbarous warfare. In his second Rector’s Address at Scotland’s St. Andrews University, he lamented the persistence of “the foulest blot that has ever disgraced the earth, the killing of civilized men by men like wild beasts as a permissible mode of settling disputes.” Carnegie’s war against war has, a century later, culminated in trends that attest to the potential of his quest. True, he could not foresee the future that would ultimately unfold. And, indeed, he was psychologically traumatized and momentar- ily mentally paralyzed by the outbreak of the First World War. That disaster disrupted his most treasured expectations about the prospects for world peace. Nonetheless, his hopes and commitments remained steadfast, and these have since been picked up and carried forth by many subsequent leaders. Changes in global norms have occurred since Carnegie’s lifetime. Carnegie held tenaciously to the conviction that war was a human invention—one that could be terminated by controlling destructive practices and by rejecting then-prevailing cultural mores that empowered war’s prevalence. In particular, he recognized that the eradication of war required the eradication of global values that rationalized the use of military force. Therefore, to change the course of history, our thinking about the ethical acceptance of military force had to change. Today, Carnegie’s worldview has found a receptive global audience. There is little doubt that his vision has incrementally gained traction in the values of leaders worldwide. What is more, transformations in moral norms have resulted in changes in the ways states now behave toward one another. Evidence demonstrates that ideas can, and often do, have consequences. Changes in norms for behavior exert, over time, potent changes in the norms of behavior, in what statistically becomes the “new normal.” Since the end of the Cold War, armed conflict between sovereign states has dramatically decreased. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, between 1989 and 2014 (exactly a century since the founding

7 of the Church Peace Union—known today as Carnegie Council for Ethics in Inter- national Affairs) only eight wars between sovereign countries have erupted; nearly all armed conflict involving independent states (94 percent) have been wars within countries, not between them. A man of multiple motivations, Andrew Carnegie remains a man of mystery. He read from Scripture that one cannot serve both God and money, but he did: the first half of his life was dedicated to acquiring wealth, and the second to giving it away. “The man who dies rich,” he wrote in June 1889, “dies disgraced.” However, he also discovered that it is harder to wisely give than to receive. Carnegie reached the conclusion that politically activated religious move- ments, and the ethical values that all the major religions espouse, such as the injunc- tion against the taking of human life unjustly, could serve as the best barrier against militarism. This rationale seems on the surface reasonable. But was it? Were orga- nized religious institutions really reliable allies in efforts to mobilize public opin- ion against war? Andrew Carnegie was a self-avowed Christian. He was attracted to those Scriptural tenets of early or primitive Christianity as interpreted by pacifist Amish, Brethren, Mennonite, and Quaker sects. In embracing these prescriptions, did Carnegie unwittingly misread the sorry practices of most other religious tra- ditions? Should he have taken into consideration the views of his atheist-pacifist friend Mark Twain, who sarcastically said that “Christianity was a great religion which someone should try sometime”? It is worth keeping in mind that the Church Peace Union (CPU) was com- prised of a fringe faction, hardly representative of the traditions from which it arose. Did Carnegie’s trust in, and admirable support of, ecumenical cooperation rest on expectations about ethically inspired collective religious activism that were unlikely to be fulfilled? Organized religious institutions throughout history expediently and routinely have backed nations’ use of force. From this proclivity emerges another concern. Ever since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 the independent territorial nation-state has been rendered a sacred object of loyalty. At issue is how Carnegie’s pioneering vision for peace can be reconciled with the reality of state sovereignty unrestrained by ethical boundaries of state action. Where did Carnegie’s worldview draw the line between chauvinistic patriotism and a universal code of interstate conduct? If the expansionist state addicted to aggres- sion is a big part of the problem, what, in Carnegie’s calculus, was the solution? Should the state be made subservient to supranational institutions empowered to regulate their interactions, or even superseded altogether?

8 Linked to this query is another curiosity: Did Carnegie subscribe to the preva- lent view that there must exist two separate realms of morality—private and public? Did the ethical norms posed by almost all religious movements on how individuals ought to treat other individuals apply to relations between collectivities? In the lat- ter case, were relations between and among entire nations to be ethically judged by the same principles prescribed to govern interactions between and among people? It is very likely that Carnegie thought so. He was acutely aware, and ahead of his time, in recommending that, to the extent that ethical principles define the limits of moral behavior (in compliance with Kantian philosophical reasoning), those ethical con- straints must be universal—that is, applicable to all actors’ interactions, both those of people and countries. This was imperative. How else to close the gap between norms regarding how people should treat other people and how states should treat other countries? War—the slaughter of the many as authorized by the few—was to be condemned, just as civilized society condemns the murder of innocent citizens victimized by criminals. The pressing challenge, then, was (and continues to be) how to convert ideas and ideals. They require collective action. For that, pressure must be organized and exerted. But so-called “political action groups” have a checkered history and blemished reputation. Was this strategy misplaced? Every organized movement to change public opinion and public policies generates a counter-reaction: counter- vailing powers always generate opposition to changes that threaten their interests. So was Carnegie’s approach, in the last analysis, practical? The evidence suggests that this tactical approach was, indeed, pragmatic. Change in ethical thinking has demonstrably unfolded throughout the globe—not simply on the problem of inter- national peace but on all other issues on the global agenda, from the “high politics” of international security to the “low politics” of geo-economics and ecological issues. Hallgren’s vivid account of the birth and evolution of the Church Peace Union clearly demonstrates how precedent-setting Carnegie’s endeavors through mobilized col- lective action were. Andrew Carnegie maintained an abiding faith in scientific discovery and the technology that science creates. He recognized that scientific discovery was the motor of progress, and he harbored no fears about the alleged incompatibilities of science with religious faith and ethical values. Indeed, Carnegie—like the Renais- sance scientists during the Protestant Reformation in Europe—perceived a sym- biotic relationship between science and religious ethical norms, each enriching the other. It was this conviction that led him to endow scientific research in order to

9 enable science to lead to a more valid understanding of the causes of war, the paths to its prevention, and the preconditions of peace. History has made much fun criticizing the ascribed naïveté of Carnegie and other so-called “idealists,” ever since World War I shattered overnight such utopian dreams of a world without war. On the eve of that war, eminent scholars such as Nor- man Angell, author of the famous book The Great Illusion, had advanced the predic- tion that the prohibitive costs of warfare had rendered this wasteful habit obsolete. These liberal-idealists had powerful reasons for their prophecies of the end of war between states. Recall that during Carnegie’s formative years the great powers had been at peace since the 1871 Franco-Prussian War and that technological discoveries had steadily stimulated rapid economic growth alongside unprecedented strides in the expansion of trade. These were halcyon days when the prospects for interna- tional peace appeared to Carnegie and many others to be more promising than ever. That period was populated by high expectations, fueled by the 1899 Hague Peace Conference, which had endorsed new legal restraints on the use of force, including important new treaties for disarmament agreements. As Hallgren elucidates, the onset of the First World War threw Carnegie into a deep and debilitating depression. Yet, as Benjamin Franklin eloquently noted, “the things that hurt instruct.” Did Carnegie learn from this painfully surprising and dev- astating development? Certainly, and Hallgren shows precisely how and why he did.

......

The final years of Carnegie’s life were invested in striking a balance between his “ide- alistic” ideology and a “realpolitik” worldview that accepted the necessity of power politics for the promotion of universal ethical values of international interaction. To that end, Carnegie sought to substitute the power of principle for the principle of power. But in pursuing this goal did he clearly confront the obstacles to such a timeless solution? This volume, produced to commemorate the Centennial of Andrew Carnegie’s last great accomplishment, will compel every reader to question his or her own values, and to question inherited conventional wisdoms surrounding the competing theories of international relations—realism and liberal idealism. It will also require us to reassess Carnegie’s capacity to integrate the two theoretical approaches without abandoning the wisdom contained in each. Did he succeed? As with any adaptive organization, the CPU trustees faced the challenge of deciding how to apply and adjust its core principles and practices to the emergent issues that were rising to the top of the global agenda. Hallgren demonstrates how

10 “in some ways CPU trustees were exceptionally well-informed and insightful, antic- ipating the major historical developments of their own time.” Yet changing course always risks losing sight of an organization’s original mission and tactics in the effort to accommodate new international realities. Understandably, this challenge invited some measure of division and discord with the Church Peace Union, as illustrated when the trustees, in Hallgren’s words, “compromised their principles to support U.S. intervention in the First World War.” But, as she also notes, on the whole the trustees exercised sound judgment. The cataclysmic convulsions in world affairs over the past century arguably begged for new responses to new global realities. How could the Church Peace Union and those re-organized entities that followed in its aftermath not have shifted course? How else to respond to such unforeseeable dangers and innovations as the rise of Nazism/Fascism and Communism; the Second World War; the advent of atomic weapons and the global arms race; the emergence of the Cold War, and its termination; the growth of such international organizations as the United Nations, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, NATO, and the European Union; and the threat arising from such newly recognized global issues as climate change, human rights, and the revolution in military technologies? Indeed, in the absence of re-adaptations, the whole Council endeavor would have become a nonparticipant in international dialogue and discourse. So, as we look both back and forward on the occasion of the Council’s Centen- nial, the key questions to be asked are whether any ethically motivated organization could have done better, and whether Andrew Carnegie would have approved of the changes in course that the trustees inaugurated over a century of such cataclysmic transformations. In response, I submit that, for all in the imperfections in this most imperfect of worlds, the answer to the first question is an unqualified “no,” and to the second a resounding “yes”!

Charles W. Kegley

Pearce Distinguished Professor of International Relations Emeritus, University of South Carolina

11 Chapter One The Founding of the Church Peace Union

Women’s Suffrage cartoon, 1915

It was the era of Esperanto, women’s suffrage campaigns, tenement reform, and, thanks to Andrew Carnegie, a lending library for every town, or at least every town that requested one. It was the start of the twentieth century, and advanced travel and communications—rail- roads, transatlantic shipping, the telegraph—had made the world much smaller. Reformers in Europe and the United States traveled back and forth, trading ideas on methods to improve the lives of ordinary people. Who could doubt that a new and improved world was dawning? Historians call this time the Progressive own rise from child worker to indus- Carnegie created what became known Era, and they note that faith in progress, trialist to his penchant for reading). as simply the Carnegie Corporation modernity, and science was the one He funded a variety of educational of New York to give away money on thread uniting very different reformers endeavors, ranging from universities his behalf. The Carnegie Corporation of the 1880s to 1910s. Of course, each to the retirement funds of university received the bulk of his fortune, and idealist had his or her own vision of the professors; and he established a Car- over time took shape as a grant-mak- perfected world to come. Their fertile negie Hero Fund to reward heroism ing institution charged with promot- political imaginations created or refined in ordinary life, especially to provide ing education, knowledge, peace, and the philosophies that would shape the support for those disabled by their democracy.3 twentieth century, including socialism, valiant acts. Familiar with the plight of The most important cause of Carne- feminism, and pacifism.1 the poor in Scotland, he created trusts gie’s later years was international peace, It may seem strange to place Andrew charged with improving the lives of which he believed would be achieved Carnegie (1835–1919) in the company of social theorists and utopian ideologues. Carnegie was no starry-eyed dreamer. He’d become the world’s wealthiest man through not only hard work but also a keen eye for opportunity—and rapacious labor practices. But this self-educated former errand boy turned steel magnate was, like his contempo- raries in radical movements and uni- versities, a man who loved ideas and believed in Progress. And he invested heavily in it. After his retirement from business, Carnegie endowed numer- ous charitable corporations, annually dispensing some $10–$20 million of his approximately $250 million fortune. Andrew Carnegie through arbitration treaties, an inter- It was his intention to give away this national court, and disarmament. He fortune during his lifetime, as promised At heart both a wanted national militaries downsized in his essays on the “Gospel of Wealth.” businessman and until they could serve as part of an Through the nonprofit corporations he international police force. At heart created, and the men he hand-picked an intellectual, he both a businessman and an intellectual, to run them, he would create a legacy found justifications he found justifications for war illogical of social activism that has now lasted for war illogical and its casualties insufferable. As he over a century.2 noted, “The crime of war is inherent, Once, when refusing to donate to and its casualties since it decides not in favor of the right, what he admitted was a worthy cause, insufferable. but always of the strong.” Like many of Carnegie explained that he could only his contemporaries, he believed that give to those causes that truly inspired those in his hometown of Dunfermline, peace was an achievable if not inexo- him. These included the gifts of librar- as well as the United Kingdom more rable outgrowth of human social evo- ies to over 2,500 towns across the broadly. Finally, after he realized that lution; after all, nations were governed United States, the United Kingdom, and he could not give away his money internally by laws based on principles of even Central Europe (he credited his quickly enough during his own lifetime, justice. Just as individuals had learned

13 to pursue justice through police and between colonizers and colonized in day. His white-bearded face was imme- the courts, so would nations.4 empires around the world, and growing diately recognizable and his activism so To achieve these goals, Carnegie disorder in Russia and the Austro-Hun- widely known that his visage regularly realized that both cultural and political garian Empire, the industrialist cam- appeared in editorial cartoons. transformation would be necessary. paigned tirelessly with political leaders However, until 1906, Carnegie had Even as an eighteen-year-old, Carnegie and the press. In his earliest significant steered clear of the messy organiza- had criticized a religious periodical’s gift toward peacemaking, in 1903 Carn- tional politics of the peace movement glorification of war heroes and battles. egie gave $1.5 million for the building of itself. That year, a young acquaintance If young people could be made to look the Peace Palace at The Hague, which of Carnegie’s, an ambitious and ideal- on war and weaponry with repugnance, houses the Permanent Court of Arbitra- istic young Congregationalist minister he argued, it would bring mankind tion. He was a major donor to the U.S. named Frederick Lynch, asked the closer to achieving peace. He believed Republican Party, and a frequent cor- former steel magnate if he would take that the clergy should lead the way to respondent with U.S. presidents The- over the presidency of the New York this change and later in life he publicly odore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, Peace Society. Busy with commitments rebuked ministers who praised military and later Democrat Woodrow Wilson. to his own charities, Carnegie initially heroism.5 Carnegie met with Kaiser Wilhelm II of refused. But then, as he told Lynch: Politically, Carnegie was already cam- Germany and kept close contact with “Every night when I would lie down paigning for international arbitration as British prime ministers and members to sleep I would hear this voice within a route to peace as early as 1887—on of parliament. In essence, the wealthy me saying, “Andrew, Andrew, aren’t his honeymoon. In conversation with Scotsman spent the last decades of his you ashamed of yourself? Here for William Gladstone, the former prime life and a considerable portion of his years you have been advocating arbi- minister of Great Britain, Carnegie immense fortune on a peace campaign tration in place of war, world courts, offered Gladstone a significant sum of aimed at the world’s most powerful leagues of peace, and parliaments of money for either himself or his political men.7 nations, and then when the chance party for a re-election fund. Then Carn- To advance his cause, Carnegie also comes really to render the cause some egie turned the conversation to peace. cultivated a strong relationship with the practical help, and to lead a group Counting on the U.S. presidential vic- press. His sense of humor and fondness existing to put your ideals into prac- tory of his favorite Republican, Senator for dramatic statements, as well as his tice, you refuse. Shame on you! ”8 James G. Blaine and then Gladstone’s stature as the world’s richest man and eventual return to office, Carnegie pre- greatest philanthropist, made him a After three sleepless nights, Carnegie dicted that the United States and Great press favorite. He was among the most agreed to take over the presidency of Britain would sign a treaty agreeing to written-about characters of his own what he then began to call “his society,” international arbitration. Lynch recalled. What followed This step would “make War was an immersion in the some- impossible between English times frustrating organizational speaking men. It is coming,” politics of peace activism.9 he said, his faith in Progress In order to move the group unshakeable and infectious.6 forward, Carnegie had to unite By the early 1900s, Carne- two factions—those who gie had grown increasingly wanted immediate disarma- committed to promoting ment and those who believed international peace. In the that disarmament should fol- midst of an international low significant international arms race led by Ger- treaties. This split divided the many and Britain, conflicts early twentieth-­century peace

14 1904–14 movement as a whole, and the fac- tions’ inability to compromise often Frederick Lynch (1867–1934) prevented them from undertaking significant antiwar work. Carnegie’s credentials impressed both factions, however, and this enabled them to cooperate. His vigorous efforts on behalf of disarmament and his condem- nations of war as barbaric appealed to the first roup,g even as his work with politicians pushed him to accept the perspective of the second group, the realists. Carnegie recognized that pres- idents, prime ministers, and autocrats alike faced domestic and international political constraints; they were unlikely to trade present-day security for the promise of future peace. In Carnegie’s view, the United States, Great Britain, and Germany—steeped in Western cul- ture—would have to take the first steps “He was characterized by generosity of spirit and depth of loyalty, while in toward international arbitration before the expression of his convictions he was fearless.” the rest of the world would follow.10 —CPU trustee Charles Macfarland describing Frederick Lynch It seems likely that Carnegie’s sudden immersion into the nitty-gritty details of ev. Frederick Lynch was a Congregationalist minister, a prolific leading a peace society helped inspire author, and a leading American voice for peace and tolerance. the founding of his own charitable cor- He first met Andrew Carnegie on a visit to Tuskegee University porations over the next few years; surely in 1906. Carnegie noticed that Lynch was the youngest man in a had the New York Peace Society realized Rdistinguished company going to visit Booker T. Washington’s center for Af- all of his ambitions, and been truly “his rican-American vocational and scientific education, and the two men had a society,” he would not have created the Carnegie Endowment for International spirited discussion on the merits of Washington’s preferences for practical Peace a few years later, with an endow- education in trades versus W. E. B. DuBois’ argument that African-Ameri- ment of $10 million. can youth needed access to a liberal arts education. In 1910, energized by a summer at Later that year, Lynch insisted that Carnegie become president of the his Scotland estate and hoping to do New York Peace Society, of which Lynch was an executive committee mem- more for the cause, he created the ber. From then on, the two men were close associates. Indeed, the concept Carnegie Endowment and appointed of the Church Peace Union grew out of a series of conversations between his close advisor and the former secre- the two men. At Carnegie’s request, Lynch was appointed secretary of the tary of war, Senator Elihu Root of New CPU, a position he held until 1918. He was education secretary until 1926 York, as its first president. It was Carn- and remained a trustee until 1929. Following World War I, Lynch became a egie’s practice to actively manage the member of the Committee on the League of Nations and spent much of his selection of founding trustees of his remaining life promoting the League, both at home and abroad. charitable corporations, and their lead- ers met with him frequently. With the

15 disarmament. But the ideas he pro- moted, and the arbitration treaties with France and Britain that Taft signed at his urging, were rejected in the U.S. Senate. The Carnegie Endowment for Interna- tional Peace, directed by Elihu Root, refused to campaign for the treaties for fear of becoming identified with one faction in a partisan battle. Carnegie could see the need for an organiza- tion that would cultivate broad public support for the types of legislation necessary to create a new international order.12 Following the defeat of the arbi- tration treaties, one afternoon in the summer of 1912, Carnegie’s advisor and friend Frederick Lynch suggested that the churches were a natural ally for the peace movement. Lynch had become the executive secretary of a peace committee established by the Federal Council of Churches, the largest national interdenominational organi- zation of Protestant churches in the United States. Carnegie considered the exception of the Carnegie Corporation matter aloud, as Lynch recalled, saying, of New York, he refused to sit on these “They have audiences already made, boards because he wanted them to and that is a great thing. They are set policies themselves. In the case of there every Sunday.” He suggested that the Carnegie Endowment, the board Lynch ask the Carnegie Endowment for brought together a variety of promi- International Peace for a “handsome nent businessmen, lawyers, and college annual appropriation” for the Federal presidents, ranging from the president Council for its church peace work. of Harvard University, Charles William Lynch replied that the Endowment had Eliot, to the former U.S. Representative already rejected such an appeal, and from Mississippi, and future U.S. Senator, the two men began a series of con- John Sharp Williams.11 versations about the churches and the As his endowments pursued their peace movement that would culminate ambitious goals, Carnegie maintained two years later in the creation of the his personal one-man campaign to Church Peace Union.13 stop war, pressuring President Taft and Lynch and Carnegie agreed that to using his speeches and press confer- have the greatest impact, their group ences around the world to publicize should focus on cultivating interna- his faith in international arbitration and Andrew Carnegie at Skibo Castle, his Scottish estate tional friendship and providing peace

16 1904–14 education for young people. The fol- list of possible trustees then and there. Macfarland described his peers as lowing summer, Carnegie’s enthusiasm The list contained Catholics and Prot- ranging from a “socially minded con- grew when he met in Europe with estants, including personal friends and servative” to a “constructive radical in a British member of parliament and advisors of Carnegie, and later the list the Peace Movement”; from professors an Anglican bishop. In England, too, was expanded to include two Jewish and writers of the Baptist, Quaker, Con- churchmen and political leaders were leaders.15 gregationalist, and Methodist Episcopal attempting to promote international Serving as Carnegie’s emissary, Lynch faiths, to the then-president of the bor- ties through the pulpit; hearing echoes asked each of the twenty-nine men ough of Manhattan, the Hon. Marcus M. of Lynch’s program, Carnegie imagined on the list to serve as trustees; none Marks, who represented liberal Judaism. the strength that an international, Chris- refused. Carnegie was pleased, asking Absent, but named as trustees, were tian, grassroots movement could give Lynch a few times each week to repeat the Roman Catholic archbishops of St. to politicians promoting arbitration and the same fact: that no other board Louis and of Baltimore.17 disarmament treaties.14 working among the churches included Carnegie told the clergy assembled Immediately after his return from Catholics, Protestants, and Jews.16 in his home that theirs was an historic Europe, Carnegie asked Lynch for a On February 10, 1914, the trustees meeting, bringing together the leaders systematic proposal of the program for met at the Ninety-First Street Carnegie of twelve religious sects. Theirs was a a church peace group with a substantial mansion for lunch and the inaugural “divine mission” to end war.18 endowment. Carnegie reviewed the meeting of what was to be known Carnegie had come to believe, as he proposal and asked Lynch if he believed as the Church Peace Union (CPU). A told the assembled religious leaders, that men of all denominations—Roman founding trustee of the CPU, author that “the strongest appeal that can be Catholic as well as Protestant—would Charles S. Macfarland, noted that the made is to the members of the religious agree to serve as trustees. Lynch group assembled that day was diverse bodies.” He granted the foundation thought they would, and wrote out a in political as well as social orientation. $2 million in bonds, “the income to be used as in your judgment will most successfully appeal to the people in the cause of peace through arbitration of international disputes; that as man in civilized lands is compelled by law to submit personal disputes to courts of law or through other channels, this trust shall have fulfilled its mission.” Expect- ing this day to come soon, he asked them to distribute the remaining funds to the deserving poor.19 After the meeting concluded, Car- negie hugged Frederick Lynch—now secretary of the new Church Peace Union—and was, Lynch said, “as happy as a child.” Carnegie remained secure in his belief that Germany, Britain, and the United States would soon form treaties of arbitration, and that the rest of the world would then quickly follow. It was February 1914. Andrew Carnegie’s New York mansion, now Cooper-Hewitt Museum

17 Chapter Two The Church Peace Union and the Great War: Embracing War to Achieve Peace

The peace treaty signing, Versailles, 1919

It was the first major initiative of the Church Peace Union, and partic- ipants had laid plans months in advance. Protestant leaders from Bul- garia, Denmark, England, France, Germany, and the United States were meeting on the shores of Lake Constance to inaugurate the new World Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches. A beloved spot for travelers, the lake stands at the foot of the Alps at the conver- gence of Austria, Germany, and Switzerland, its very location symbolizing the internationalism that the World Alliance was designed to promote. The CPU believed that by sponsoring the World Alliance it would be reaching new groups of Protestants, cultivating a grassroots movement for peace, friendship, and international arbitration. The meeting convened on August 1, for an hour at a time. It had been only A politically astute position, it was 1914, and Germany would invade Bel- five months since the inaugural meet- embraced by President Woodrow Wil- gium three days later, drawing Europe ing and founding of the Church Peace son and former president William How- and its colonies into the First World War.1 Union—and since Carnegie’s optimistic ard Taft; each man cooperated with Though well-meaning ministers from prediction that after the attainment of the CPU in these years, with Taft even the belligerent nations sought to reach peace the organization would disperse joining as a trustee in 1918. Faced with one another at the designated spot on its funds to the poor.3 world war, the CPU threw itself into two the German side of the lake, German From 1914 to 1919 the European major new arenas of notable impor- mobilization complicated their plans. At war would split Americans across tance: first, peace education for U.S. best, churchmen from outside Germany ethnic and ideological lines, breaking churchgoers; and, second, the design faced simple snarls in transportation; at up political alliances, friendships, and and promotion of a new organization worst, they faced weeks of detention. even marriages. So it is not surprising designed to prevent war, the League of The first major international effort of that the war also led to splits in CPU Nations. the CPU had failed, and it had failed leadership and policy. Ultimately, the The war in Europe created confusion spectacularly. World War led the CPU to reject abso- in the United States in late 1914 and In 1914, trustee and then-vice pres- lute pacifism and embrace a measured early 1915. Given slow communication ident of the CPU William P. Merrill realism. Its leadership committed even and travel, as well as the security mea- remembered the ministers’ despair. more thoroughly to internationalism sures taken by the warring countries, it He recognized that before they had even begun their work, “The delicate fabric of international law, woven so slowly and with such infinite pains, was shattered in a moment.” One of Mer- rill’s colleagues observed bitterly that “apparently war could stop a peace conference far more easily than a peace conference could stop war.” On the trains out of Germany the churchmen faced mockery from soldiers, and once at home, from cynics.2 In New York, the start of the war led to a mental and physical break- down for Andrew Carnegie. Though he and his wife attempted to hide his condition from the press, and little is known about its exact medical causes and symptoms, Carnegie stopped his rounds of public appearances, retreated from public view, and even ceased his Battle of the Somme, 1916 decades-long correspondence with his was several months before U.S. corre- closest friends. His wife, Louise, worried and to “peace with preparedness,” a spondents could even get to the front as he grew very thin, and the man who position that accepted that militaries lines to see conditions for themselves. had spent decades holding press con- and armaments would remain neces- They were immediately confronted by ferences and meeting with presidents sities until adequate international law the horrors of modern warfare, includ- and kings stared vacantly into space and its enforcement became realities. ing the scale of the violence enabled

19 by advancing weapons technologies, broader public grew increasingly con- among the trustees and their congrega- such as machine guns, mustard gas, vinced that Germany’s kultur of milita- tions. Neither the “extreme pacifists” nor and mortars. rism had caused the war and could only the “more militant” of the trustees was The long-time political and cultural be stopped if the nation were utterly completely satisfied with it, but it man- relationship between the United States defeated. aged to keep the CPU united during the and Great Britain helped shape news In 1915 and 1916 the CPU turned rocky early years of the war.5 coverage in the United States, even as its attention to peace education in The CPU went far beyond distribut- ing literature, however, also organizing a countrywide speaking tour and rallies in major cities such as New York and Philadelphia in the fall of 1915. The New York Times said that CPU plans included recruiting several thousand ministers from “all the promi- nent pulpits in the country” to emphasize peace education through the churches and circulate an antiwar petition. The ministers called for the study of the causes of war and methods to prevent it, a world court to resolve inter-

British troops blinded by mustard gas, 1918 national disputes, an inter- the churches and Sunday Schools, a national league for the promotion and Wilson called on the country to remain program praised for its innovation by maintenance of peace, and the reduc- neutral in thought as well as deed. trustee Charles S. Macfarland, who tion of armaments internationally, as Germany’s invasion of Belgium and its pointed out that peace had not been a U-boat campaign killed women, chil- significant thread in church-sponsored The CPU was wary dren, and the elderly; and British pro- education before. The CPU organized of creating a culture paganda accused the German military panels of experts to address seminaries, command of a campaign of violence printed handbooks for Sunday Schools, that glorified war . . . against civilians in Belgium, includ- distributed peace songs, and even held for this reason the ing rape, the murder and mutilation an essay contest distributing $5,000 in trustees voted to op- of infants, and even the crucifixion of prizes. Reinhold Niebuhr won the top prisoners—all gruesomely depicted prize for seminary students. Though pose military training in war posters in the United Kingdom Macfarland said that the peace educa- for boys in school and United States alike. U.S. journal- tion pamphlets led to “many a sermon” ists did not or would not counter such on peace, he also noted that, “The ques- rapidly as possible, to the point where propaganda, which postwar investi- tion is always raised as to how much of militaries were suited only for police gations have since found to be greatly the results of such labor reached any actions. However, the petition explicitly exaggerated or unverifiable. During the further than the wastebasket.”4 stated that this last step should take first two years of war in Europe, many Peace education was a program place only when adequate provisions U.S. political leaders and a swath of the designed to satisfy diverse opinions had been made for the strengthening

20 1914–20 of international law; the CPU did not unrestricted submarine warfare, and in reconsidered its plans and methods and expect national leaders to disarm in the April he asked Congress for a declara- issued a report on its new goals and midst of war.6 tion of war against Germany. Andrew priorities.9 Like their peers in the women’s pac- Carnegie mustered the energy to con- The CPU allied itself wholeheartedly ifist movement, the ministers of the gratulate Wilson on the declaration of with the Wilson administration and CPU’s leadership were wary of creating war. Though he had once held high the war effort. The organization put a culture that glorified war or military hopes that Kaiser Wilhelm II would one board member on the advisory leaders. For this reason, the CPU trust- cooperate in his plans for peace, in the committee for the federal govern- ees voted to oppose the institution of spring of 1917 he accepted the view ment’s pro-war propaganda bureau, military training for boys in schools, that only the complete military defeat the Committee on Public Information, a measure New York and other states of Germany would bring an end to the and advertised this alliance on the CPU were considering in order to compete war. He assured Wilson, “You will give stationery. The move was no doubt with professionalizing European militar- the world peace and rank the greatest designed to assuage doubts about ies. Further, CPU officers participated in hero of all.”8 the loyalty of peace groups during the a mass meeting held in Carnegie Hall to The trustees and officers of the CPU war, a time when just the word “peace” oppose increasing U.S. military budgets faced difficult internal divisions over smacked of disloyalty and even treason and armaments.7 the declaration of war. The CPU, like to hyper-patriotic Americans.10 These were the last major actions many contemporary peace groups, had In the CPU’s most significant wartime taken by the CPU before the United become paralyzed to the point that it policy move, and in a commitment States joined the war. In January 1917, could not issue policy messages. The that would shape the group’s work President Wilson broke off diplomatic internal stalemate broke by December for decades, the board agreed to pro- relations with Germany after it resumed 1917, when the organization’s leadership mote a “world organization for lasting

President Woodrow Wilson asking congress to declare war on Germany, April 1917

21 statement, the CPU agreed to cooperate with the League to Enforce Peace, a group that was decidedly realist in its methods and orientation. Led by former president William Howard Taft, the League to Enforce Peace accepted the need for military strength under current world conditions, even as it promoted inter- national arbitration and eventual steps to reduce arms. Taft was a significant force in the Republican party, and the CPU and League to Enforce Peace represented a bipartisan effort toward stronger inter- national law that would

Women factory workers, Nicetown, Pennsylvania, 1918 culminate in the struggle to pass the League of Nations.12 peace” to American ministers and the peace”; this new international organiza- The changes in policy and orien- general public through the churches, tion would be central to that effort.11 tation finally led to a reorganization cooperating with Wilson through work Finally, in their December 1917 policy of leadership. Trustee and Secretary with his personal aide Frederick Lynch spent part of 1917 and and trusted confidant, much of 1918 writing a report that rec- Col. Edward M. House. ommended “a rather complete change In this way, the orga- in administration,” and the board dis- nization was able to cussed this move in its December 1918 seize the opportunity to annual meeting. Dr. Henry Atkinson was help shape the design installed as general secretary in 1918; of the new League of under the reorganization, this position Nations, an opportu- functioned as the chief executive. The nity that a more passive World Alliance installed Atkinson as its prowar or actively anti- executive at the same time, allowing war stance would have the two organizations to cooperate made impossible. Like so more efficiently. Dr. Frederick Lynch many other Americans, became the CPU’s education secretary. the CPU’s leadership That year William P. Merrill also replaced accepted that Wilson’s Episcopal Bishop David H. Greer as goal in the war was to president; Greer was seventy-five­ and create democracy and was in failing health. Finally, filling a “just and permanent President William H. Taft vacancies, four new trustees joined the

22 1914–20 organization, including former presi- every man and woman in the country. exactly how women, who were for the dent Taft and Atkinson.13 Through the ministry of diverse Protes- most part less well-educated than their The CPU’s most active element tant denominations, they reached out male counterparts, would vote. Educat- during the remainder of the war for the first time to diverse audiences, ing women in international affairs was was the National Committee on the including women and African-Amer- important work—undertaken by the Churches and the Moral Aims of the icans. In this, the CPU leadership was CPU and women’s groups—both during War. Echoing Wilson’s famous Fourteen both prescient and progressive. Women and after the war.15 Points, its goals included the spread of and African-Americans were essential to In reaching out to African-Americans, democracy, a guarantee for the rights the war effort in the United States; lead- the CPU leadership recognized this and liberties of small nations, and the ers of both groups worked to promote group’s importance to the war effort and promotion of international coopera- war industry and pro-war sentiment in the peace, even if African-Americans tion to “achieve peace and safety to all populations that had at first been reluc- were largely disenfranchised in the nations, and make the world itself at tant to join the war. For women, this South. The CPU had no African-American last free.”14 work would result in winning suffrage officers or trustees, nor did it make For this purpose, the CPU launched a after the war, doubling the number of an effort to ally itself with ministers of speaking campaign designed to reach eligible voters after 1919. No one knew the predominantly African-American

African-American troops, World War I

23 Protestant groups. In the 1910s and William Pierson Merrill 1920s, some peace and policy-oriented (1867–1954) organizations, such as the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, were beginning to create advisory positions for African-American leaders. The rights of racial minorities “Respectable men and were a key area for contemporary inter- women content with the national discussion. By seeking to work good and easy living are with African-Americans during the war, missing some of the most the CPU leadership was showing at important things in life. least some effort to live up to the ideals Unless you give yourself of democracy and self-determination to some great cause you that it promoted in its literature.16 haven’t even begun to live.” The late U.S. entry to the war turned the tide against an exhausted Germany —William P. Merrill in the spring and summer of 1918, and after the Armistice in November the battle to win the peace began in ear- ev. William P. Merrill was a Presbyterian minister, author, and nest. As a delegate of the League to renowned composer of hymns, some of which are still sung Enforce Peace, the CPU’s education today. In 1911 he became pastor of New York’s Brick Presbyte- secretary, Frederick Lynch, attended rian Church, attended by Andrew Carnegie. Along with Fred- the January 25, 1919, proceedings of the Rerick Lynch, Carnegie personally chose Merrill to be one of the original Versailles Peace Conference, in which Church Peace Union trustees, a post he held until 1953. He was also the members voted to create the League of Nations. There were no opposing votes, CPU’s first president. and Lynch viewed the conference pro- One of the CPU’s immediate concerns in 1914 was the increasing dan- ceedings with great optimism.17 ger of war between the United States and Mexico. In May of that year, The Peace Conference created a Carnegie heard Merrill’s sermon on this topic, “The Making of Peace,” and fifteen-member committee to draft a pronounced it one of the best sermons on peace that he had ever heard. Covenant for the League of Nations, Merrill was a forceful advocate of disarmament, believing that “prepa- and the committee members con- ration for war inevitably leads to war.” In a noteworthy 1933 sermon, he sulted regularly with the delegates argued that the international community’s failure to disarm after WWI had of the U.S. League to Enforce Peace. given Germany an excuse to rebuild its military. He was also critical of arms Lynch was part of an informal working dealers, whom he accused of choosing greed over righteousness and of pro- group formulating “the things which moting “war-like thoughts.” However, Merrill was no isolationist. Observ- the Americans would like to see written ing the rise of fascism in Europe in 1938, he proclaimed that “Unless we into the Covenant.” Lynch noted that wrestle mightily for the liberty of others, we shall not preserve our own.” their working group regularly included three members of the Versailles Confer- Merrill believed that the key to winning the struggle for peace and ence’s official fifteen-member Covenant dignity lay with the world’s religious communities. By the time of his death, committee, including the radical French Merrill was one of America’s best-known clergymen. Today, one of Carne- politician Léon Bourgeois, Britain’s Lord gie Council’s twin buildings — Merrill House — is named after him. Robert Cecil, and Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos. Bourgeois and

24 1914–20 Cecil would both win Nobel Prizes for At home, the CPU’s Committee on might have attempted to perform such their work with the League of Nations in the Moral Aims of the War fought vigor- a miracle, but his health was failing the following decades.18 ously for the League. They sent 80,000 and he died at the end of the summer On one memorable evening in Paris, letters to ministers urging them to sup- of 1919. He had lived to celebrate the Lynch and his working group met with port the League of Nations; more than end of the war and to see his daughter, President Wilson, and “to our delight, he 17,000 ministers signed a pro-League his only child, get married. He died still outlined for us the plan of the League petition, which was then sent to the hoping that a vigorous League would of Nations which he personally pre- Senate. CPU representatives cooperated prevent needless deaths in future ferred. He kept us for a considerable with leading educators, women’s club wars.22 time . . . .” ​Lynch reported to the CPU leaders, labor leaders, and prominent The Republican effort to defeat trustees that Wilson had been im­ politicians to testify on behalf of the the League finally triumphed in 1920. pressed by the League’s support among League before Congress and to rally Though some public opinion polls American churches. When Lynch pro- public opinion through publicity cam- showed widespread support for the ceeded to London with other members paigns. At one point during their lobby- League, the Senate was unwilling to of the working group, they continued ing efforts, Senator Gilbert Hitchcock of relinquish any of its power over U.S. to refine the proposed Covenant, and Nebraska, the Democratic chair of the foreign affairs. Looking back on these Lynch was gratified by the amount of Foreign Relations Committee, said to debates nearly twenty-five years later, British and French press attention the CPU trustee Charles A. Macfarland, “You during the Second World War, Mac- working group was farland passionately denounced the getting.19 opponents of the League—some But Lynch, within the CPU itself—for succumbing immersed in dreams to partisan politics.23 of world peace while It was only six years after the found- in Paris and London, ing of the CPU, but the world had was shocked by the been transformed. Educated men and mood of American women no longer believed that civi- politicians when he lized Western culture had evolved past returned to the making war; few believed a new era of United States: peace was within their grasp. Indeed, “One can only say, Frederick Lynch warned in 1919 that ‘They know not what if the United States did not join the they do.’ To desert League of Nations, another two million Europe now would American boys would be sent to fight be every whit as and die in Europe.24 Yet CPU trustees, disastrous to her as to aware of the economic difficulties and have withdrawn our nationalism rife in postwar Europe, did troops a year ago and not descend into cynicism or apathy. to have left England For the next twenty years they pro- and France to bear the brunt alone. . . . Cartoon of Woodrow Wilson moted the League of Nations to the The English and French see, what some American public and politicians, while here in America apparently do not see, are a minister of the Gospel. Convert simultaneously turning their attention namely, that to make of any value the Henry Cabot Lodge so that he will stop to the plight of minorities and the poor victory the Allies have won, the Allies hating Woodrow Wilson and the Cove- at home and abroad. must stand fast together for many nant of the League will be accepted.”21 years.”20 Carnegie was the one man who

25 Chapter Three “Slackers and Cranks”: Pursuing Peace in the First Red Scare

The failure of the United States to join the League of Nations was not only a significant setback for internationalism, it was also an indication of the rising power of American isolationism and conservatism—twin ide- ologies that would shape U.S. politics throughout the 1920s. As Church Peace Union trustee Charles S. Macfarland observed, the devastation of the war in Europe created a deep disillusionment that undermined many people’s faith in human nature, religion, and social progress. None- theless, the trustees as a group kept faith with their internationalist ide- als of the pre-war years, weathering the attacks of a resurgent American right-wing during the 1920s.1 Throughout the 1920s the ministers warring nation, including the United by naturalizing citizens, and even at the helm of the Church Peace Union States, had participated in promoting expressed outrage at the creation of consistently advocated greater inter- pro-war, nationalist propaganda. In the military preparedness holidays, which national cooperation, mutual disar- CPU’s work with the Universal Christian they condemned as an attempt by the mament, and a culture of peace. As Conference on Life and Work in 1925, “military faction of our Government” to the country entered its first Red Scare, participants joined Eastern Orthodox “stir up war spirit.” Only a few years after these ideas became more controversial, and Protestant churches from all over their wartime cooperation with the fed- and CPU trustees found themselves at the center of a heated culture war. Opponents argued that disarmament was weakening the United States, pre- paring it for a communist takeover. In their eyes, pacifists, reformers, and pro- ponents of disarmament were either communist dupes or actively allied with Moscow. Despite vicious ideological attacks, CPU officers and trustees took an assertive role in national politics, testifying before Congress, circulating newsletters and petitions, and attempt- ing to influence both legislators and church congregations around the country.2

An “Educational Agency”: Soldiers’ mass in a bombed chapel, France, World War I eral government, and their praise of the The CPU’s Day-to-Day Work Europe in professing “repentance” U.S. military as a democratizing force, The 1920s was the CPU’s first decade of for their “sins and failures for lack of the CPU trustees had become deeply peacetime existence, and during this love and sympathetic understanding,” suspicious of the War Department time General Secretary Henry Atkinson and promised to help heal divisions and any attempts it made to influence saw the Union’s work as that of an between nations in the future.4 Atkin- peacetime politics.6 “educational agency.” Hoping to win son condemned war and realpolitik in Hoping to influence the very young, public support for greater international the CPU’s annual report that year, say- the CPU continued to fund programs cooperation to prevent war, he focused ing “War and war theory is inhuman, for peace education through art for the organization on lobbying for polit- un-Christian, opposed to every human young children. In the realm of interna- ical change and educating the public, instinct, and is a dismal and ghastly fail- tional relations, CPU trustees celebrated especially church congregations.3 ure as a means of settling international the U.S. sponsorship and signing of the As they assessed the consequences disputes.”5 Kellogg-Briand pact to outlaw war, even of the Great War, the CPU’s officers With the consequences of the dev- as they noted that it lacked adequate became even more passionately com- astation still fresh in their minds, the enforcement. To that end, they saw mitted to peace; their discussions of trustees opposed any measures they their own disarmament work as a nec- the war were tinged with a sense of considered militaristic or contributing essary counterpart to the pact.7 regret that they had not done more to to a “war culture.” They opposed mil- To promote greater international prevent the tragedy. Journalists and itary training in schools and pledges understanding, in 1924 the CPU activists noted that churches in each of military service in the oath taken founded an “Information Service,” which

27 created a newsletter issued eight times Henry A. Atkinson per year. Staff mailed the newsletter to (1877–1960) 15,000 recipients, focusing especially on members of the daily, weekly, and reli- gious press that might want to reprint the stories. One trustee called it “one of “The issues of war and peace the most valuable publications in the rest finally upon the judgment country at the present time.” Deeply and action of the individual. suspicious of the “jingo” press, especially Democratic government has the newspapers of isolationist William failed because people have been Randolph Hearst, trustees saw the need interested in other things and for news stories that would promote not primarily in their the League of Nations, the World Court, own government.” and disarmament. In addition to the newsletter, the CPU operated a research —Henry Atkinson, 1937 department, which responded to inqui- ries on international affairs from the press, the ministry, debating societies, ev. Henry Atkinson was an academic, minister, author, and peace and students.8 activist. Trained in economics and sociology, he was the general Print was a powerful way to reach secretary of the Church Peace Union for almost four decades, literate audiences, but the ministers at from 1918 to 1955. Atkinson traveled extensively on behalf of the the helm of the CPU believed that per- RCPU. He spent much time in Europe setting up the framework for the World sonal contact could be even more pow- Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches, and in the erful. Many of the trustees and officers 1920s he visited India, China, and Japan to survey religions in Asia. There were accomplished public speakers, familiar with the then-popular lecture he interviewed Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore, among others. circuits that crisscrossed the country. But Atkinson was also deeply concerned with issues closer to home, In the 1920s radio and film were still and never afraid to speak his mind. In a scathing report on the oppression developing, and the older pastime of of workers in the Colorado coal industry, Atkinson deplored mine owners attending educational and entertaining as “un-American and un-Christian” for resisting workers’ efforts to bargain lectures was still popular. CPU speak- collectively for their wages. ers traveled widely, both in the United Atkinson’s prophetic 1937 book, Prelude to Peace: A Realistic View States and internationally, to meet local of International Relations (quoted above), was described by a reviewer as leaders and speak to club meetings “both an incisive diagnosis of the modern world’s war mania and a first- and congregations. Convinced that aid manual for treatment of the disease.” In it, he argued that armaments change could not be enacted from “a constituted “the greatest single menace to world peace” and laid out a dis- swivel chair in New York,” CPU trustees armament program, which, while idealistic, was well-informed and per- and a few full-time staff used connec- suasive. Unfortunately it was not heeded. Atkinson served on the boards tions with local ministers and activists to attempt to foster “disciples” in every of numerous organizations that worked to promote the rights of religious community.9 minorities, and denounced the rise of anti-Semitism in Germany early on In its New York offices, “unsung in the 1930s. Following World War II, he was a strong advocate for, and sub- women at the typewriter” performed sequently a supporter of, the state of Israel. the day-to-day work of the nonprofit, according to trustee and author

28 1921–29 Macfarland. Though the CPU was still 1924 speaking “almost constantly,” and as Carnegie himself had wished, the decades away from its first female Atkinson reported that “almost every trustees hoped to influence foreign trustee, its Information Service was run man who has been available has been policy directly through work with key by a woman, Miss G. S. Barker, whose used for every day that his services decision-makers, including congress- official title in 1921 was assistant to the could be obtained.” One CPU staff men and presidents. In May of 1924, four general secretary. Miss Barker ran the member planned logistics CPU office’s day-to-day operations, for trustees to lecture in responsible for overseeing the staff as states as far away as Idaho, well as for hiring, creating the budget, Oregon, Washington, and Montana—states that Print was a powerful were generally consid- way to reach literate ered part of an isolationist West. Around the country, audiences, but the speakers worked to con- ministers at the CPU vince “ministerial associa- believed that person- tions, businessmen’s clubs, women’s clubs, educa- al contact could be tional leaders, editors, even more powerful YMCAs and other organi- zations” that the Interna- and keeping records. In her role as the tional Court would help head of publications, she was also in prevent future wars with- charge of editing, layout, and proof- out compromising U.S. reading “all printed matter,” and she sovereignty. In some cases, maintained the mailing list of approx- trustees spoke alongside imately 12,000 people. Miss Barker Carrie Chapman Catt, worked for the CPU for over twenty-five one of the nation’s most years, retiring after the Second World famous former women’s Carrie Chapman Catt War.10 suffrage leaders, who had since turned The CPU’s attempts in 1924–1925 to to antiwar activism.11 Church Peace Union trustees presented gain official U.S. membership in, and Through its publications, the CPU to a Sub-Committee of the Senate recognition of, the League of Nations’ sought to reach a grassroots audi- Committee on Foreign Affairs a strong International Court of Justice illus- ence by mailing tens of thousands of appeal urging the United States to join trate not only the dedication of the pamphlets to ministers all over the the Court. In November, three trustees trustees and staff but also their multi- country, who were urged to express met with President Calvin Coolidge to pronged approach in attempting to their support for the Court to their get his support for the measure. Finally, create change. CPU Education Secretary congregations. Atkinson reported that the following year trustees proceeded Frederick Lynch, the long-time peace CPU activities resulted in thousands of to testify before the House Committee activist and friend of Andrew Carnegie, pro-Court telegrams and letters sent to on Foreign Affairs, where one canny supported U.S. membership by speak- Washington.12 congressmen asked a CPU representa- ing around the country, sending the tive if he was trying to use the House text of his speeches to local newspa- A Two-Pronged Approach Committee to “set a little fire” under the pers, and presenting radio addresses. Senate.13 Nehemiah Boynton, an ally from the The CPU was never entirely devoted to The CPU’s tremendous efforts, how- Federal Council of Churches, spent grassroots campaigns, however. Just ever, did not yield immediate results.

29 No amount of campaigning would bring of more traditional diplomacy, interna- possessions in East Asia. In what would strongly isolationist members of the U.S. tional cooperation did result in import- become known as the Five-Power Senate to support membership in the ant victories, especially in the area of Treaty, from 1921 to 1922 Great Britain, League of Nations or its International naval warfare. In the early twentieth the United States, Japan, Italy, and France agreed to maintain a set ratio of naval tonnage. The United States and Great Britain were to maintain 500,000 tons; Japan, 300,000 tons; and Italy and France, 175,000 tons each. The partici- pating nations agreed to stop building large warships and to scrap old ships. Because older ships could be re-out- fitted and used in war, as they had been during the Great War, this was a meaningful agreement to limit both naval size and spending.14 In support of this initiative, the CPU sent postcards to priests, ministers, and rabbis, asking them to sign and for- ward them to the U.S. Senate,

HMS Dreadnought, 1906 and some 14,000 religious century, an ongoing Court of Justice. Throughout the inter- naval arms race both war years, the CPU and its allies steadily expressed international presented the public with a positive tensions and exacer- view of the League and Court, a neces- bated them. Before the sary antidote to the caricatures circu- war, Germany and Great lated by their opponents, who ranged Britain had competed to from tradition-minded isolationists pub- create technologically lishing editorials in mainstream newspa- advanced battleships, pers to highly vitriolic anticommunists known by the apt term speaking to clubs and associations, “dreadnoughts.” After and self-publishing books. Yet, it seems the war, Great Britain likely that the CPU’s work helped lay the was again an unrivalled groundwork for American membership naval power, but the in the United Nations years later—after increasingly aggressive another world war persuaded politicians and well-armed Japan and the public that international coop- had the potential to eration was not a choice, but a necessity. challenge American Away from the League, in the realm trade routes and colonial

30 1921–29 leaders did so. The Federal Council of Lynch attempted to use Americans’ by Japan and Great Britain and argued Churches, the United Synagogue of fear of communism to gain support for that the United States would be help- America, the Central Conference of the League of Nations, saying that only less to protect itself or its international American Rabbis, and the National a strong international alliance could interests without such ships. The CPU’s Catholic Welfare Council (a group rep- prevent postwar disorder, a Bolshevik trustees opposed the measure, though resenting all American bishops) all or anarchist Germany and Austria, and they held different opinions on the supported the treaty. Little controversy another war in Europe.17 size of the U.S. Navy. Dr. William I. Hull surrounded its passage, a fact that Most who feared historians attribute to the nation’s anti- communism’s war feeling so soon after the Armistice. spread were not It should also be seen as a product of as sophisticated as the popularity of the British as close Lynch; they lacked wartime allies and of fears of the Jap- his education, his anese as a “Yellow Peril” who might experience, and someday attack the United States from perhaps his sense the Pacific.­ of ethics. Arguing After the initial naval limitation treaty, that communist however, disarmament became bitterly sympathies lay contentious, and in the mid-1920s anti- behind every effort communist organizations turned their to promote interna- attention to America’s “preparedness” for tionalism and dis- war. During the First World War federal armament, various officials and pro-war citizens had used group leaders and journalism, advertising, and public rela- politicians gained tions tools to whip the population into popularity and a “white hot” patriotism remarkable for national stature. its conformity, fear, and anger toward Two organizations Germans, as well as its ability to unite key to the rise of communities behind war bond cam- anticommunism paigns, one of the main purposes of the were the American Legion, created was an officer in the World Alliance for flood of publicity. For some politicians for veterans of the Great War, and the Friendship Through the Churches and and members of the public, the fear of Daughters of the American Revolution a professor of history and international enemies within did not disappear once (DAR), a self-consciously elite group relations at Swarthmore College, in the war was over. Instead, they shifted that coordinated the “antiradical” activ- addition to serving as a CPU trustee. their focus from German militarists to ities of other, larger women’s clubs. He was a Quaker, a true pacifist, and he Russian Bolsheviks.16 Officers of both the Legion and the opposed all naval spending. Two col- Indeed, even the well-traveled and DAR attacked the CPU and its efforts leagues who proceeded with him to highly educated leadership of the at disarmament in a battle over a naval Washington—Dr. Linley V. Gordon and CPU was vulnerable to Red Scare fears. spending bill in 1928.18 Dr. Arthur J. Brown—supported main- Returning from Europe in 1919, Fred- The bill was to provide the U.S. Navy taining the Navy in the proper ratio erick Lynch warned readers that Bol- with approximately $800 million over allowed by the treaty of 1921–1922, but shevism was aimed at world conquest eight years to build cruisers, a class of they opposed expanding it.19 “as much as Prussia ever was, and has ship that was not limited under previ- Dr. Hull, who had testified before more persuasive arguments than Prus- ous treaties. Its supporters pointed to Congress on previous occasions, seems sia ever had to back the force of arms.” the sophisticated cruisers being built to have been caught by surprise when

31 Britten and other the political fiasco that his testimony hostile committee had become. She wrote a colleague, members took his explaining that WILPF had decided not admission that he to present testimony on the cruiser bill was not an expert because they had deemed the “atmo- on the current size sphere of the committee unfavorable,” and needs of the surely a reference to Britten’s hostility Navy as a sign that to pacifists. She explained further: “This he should not be Congress business takes delicacy and teaching history technique. It is a job needing trained and international people. But to our surprise here comes relations at Swarth- this hearing too late for us to stop it. more College. It was terrible and finally degenerated Hull’s response, a into an attack on Peace groups.”21 discussion of the After Hull’s testimony, the hearings U.S. Navy in 1812, changed focus from naval spending to only angered his peace groups and their suspect alle- opponents, who giances. WILPF was asked to turn over accused him of financial ecords,r including salaries, seeking to dodge to the committee. Negative publicity their questions. spread into the press. The New York Her- Britten later twisted ald-Tribune called Dr. Hull “a confirmed his words, saying international anarchist,” and outraged first in a speech to members of the public called for the constituents and trustees of Swarthmore to force his then to the House resignation.22 of Representatives Before the Naval Affairs Committee, the vice pres- the chairman of the Naval Affairs Com- that Hull had said he ident of the mittee, Frederick Britten (R-IL), imme- saw no reason for the Daughters of the diately attacked him by saying that Americans to have American Revo- “every copperhead, crank, and slacker fought the British in the lution, Mrs. Sher- in the country is opposed to this patri- Revolutionary War.20 man D. Walker, otic measure.” The more moderate CPU Hull’s wife Hannah and the national trustees tried to intervene, saying they was an officer in the commander would be happy to answer questions Women’s International of the Amer- the congressmen posed to Hull, but League for Peace and ican Legion, this effort was ignored by both Hull Freedom (WILPF), a Mr. Edward E. and the chairman, who proceeded to more radical peace Spafford, testi- lock horns. Britten attempted to cor- organization than the fied in favor of ner Hull into admitting his opposition CPU, and the general increased spend- to all armed forces. When Hull insisted secretary of WILPF ing for naval that he came to testify only against was astonished at the cruisers. Encour- the bill in front of them, and so was rudeness Hull had been aged by the opposing only increased expenditures, subjected to—and Frederick A. Britten same committee

32 1921–29 chair who had led the attack on Hull, Council of Churches, and World Alliance us.” Because people around the world their testimony presented little informa- for International Friendship Through were “inured” to war, he said, it would tion about the Navy, but focused on the the Churches were corrupt organiza- take slow, steady work to create the threat of U.S. pacifists due to their pre- tions—out of touch with the American conditions for peace.25 sumed links to subversive organizations. public and serving as dupes for sub- Atkinson and his colleagues could Mrs. Walker suggested that Hull should versives who wanted to undermine not know just how quickly the world’s be deported—if any other country U.S. power. This attack and others like it leading economies and governments would have him. Mr. Spafford said of hurt the stature and organizing efforts would crumble in the 1930s, and how those opposing the expanded Navy: “It of reform-oriented leaders from the deeply these conditions would chal- pre-war years, and lenge the pacifism of the founding they contributed to a generation of trustees. narrowing of political dialogue in the 1920s. The naval spend- ing bill passed, though it was smaller than originally pro- posed, allowing for the creation of fifteen new cruisers rather than twenty-five, as originally requested. Japan had four cut- ting-edge cruisers in its fleet. ccordingA to CPU trustee Arthur J. Brown, Japan saw U.S. naval spending as a direct threat to its security, and factions in the United States and Japan, makes no difference how high may be especially those urging greater naval their standing in the field of education spending, saw war between the two or of law, they are viewing the situation countries as inevitable.24 with a hyphen in their system.” During At the close of the 1920s, after their the Great War, the term “hyphenated first decade of peacetime existence, Americans” was a pejorative code for the trustees could review a record of immigrants suspected of disloyalty.23 hard work resulting in both triumphs Perhaps more seriously, the hos- and defeats. They showed little desire tile testimony of these leaders and to change their methods or agenda. the attendant newspaper publicity In 1929, General Secretary Atkinson provided a national platform for anti- reported: “Our program has become in radicals, many of whom suggested a large measure standardized and we that the Church Peace Union, Federal are simply carrying on the work before

33 Chapter Four Facing the “Question of Aggression”: Work for Peace and Justice in the 1930s

Unemployed men outside a soup kitchen, Great Depression, 1931

The Church Peace Union’s annual report of 1929 did not mention that year’s stock market crash, or the looming threat of economic disaster that it created. By 1932, however, General Secretary Henry Atkinson warned trustees that “World-wide want, misery and hopeless despair are driving humanity to the brink of the bottomless abyss of anarchy.” From 1930 to 1941 the Great Depression—and the political destabilization it caused— would transform not only the work of the CPU but also the way an entire generation of internationalists would look at issues of war and peace.1 In some ways, CPU trustees were some difficult truths. Critics of the war, national relations. Trustees expressed exceptionally well-informed and including veterans themselves, said both compassion and pragmatism as insightful, anticipating the major his- that nationalism and greed were the they worked to blunt the effects of the torical developments of their own true reasons that millions had died; economic collapse—and the political time. Attuned to international politics and some alleged that stories of Ger- dangers created by widespread poverty through travel, correspondence, and man atrocities against Belgian civilians and unemployment. their extensive worldwide contacts, had been exaggerated. In any event, Within a year of the stock market the trustees understood that the Great it was increasingly clear that neither crash, while Herbert Hoover was pres- Depression in the United States had democracy nor international peace had ident, CPU trustees began to promote its counterpart in Europe, and they resulted from the cataclysm. a greater federal role in the depressed watched the rise of fascism in Germany In the 1930s, CPU General Secretary economy. General Secretary Atkinson with concern and repugnance. In Asia, Henry Atkinson led they had paid close attention to Japan’s the organization in imperial adventures in the 1920s, condemning war and and over the following decade they militarism, a stance attempted to promote policies to curb that led the CPU to its aggression. ally itself with isola- Nonetheless, the organization con- tionists in many leg- tinued to promote U.S. disarmament islative battles. This until early 1940—after Nazi Germa- coalition was power- ny’s takeover of Czechoslovakia; and ful and overwhelm- through 1941 the CPU trustees were ing to opponents reluctant not only to consider military of disarmament, intervention against Hitler’s Germany including the rabid but even to advocate accepting Ger- anticommunists man refugees into the United States. the CPU had faced Committed to peace, the trust- in the 1920s. By the ees were nonetheless part of a tragic end of the decade, generation that would live through however, the con- two of the most destructive wars the tinued aggression of world has ever known. They had com- Germany and Japan promised their principles to support would split antiwar U.S. intervention in the First World forces along isola-

War, joining many internationalists in tionist–interventionist lines. The CPU President Herbert Hoover convincing themselves that through embraced American intervention in the its military the United States would form of aid to France, Great Britain, and testified that summer before a con- be able to spread democracy, protect China, but until the bombing of Pearl gressional committee holding hear- vulnerable civilians from the German Harbor it continued to oppose active ings on “Unemployment in the United military, and create a more peaceful U.S. military involvement. After Pearl States.” Representing a loose coalition world order. Like so many of their peers, Harbor, the organization, and interna- of church groups, Atkinson supported they wanted to believe in the “war tionalism as a whole, would never be three bills before the Senate. The first, to end all wars.” Then, over the 1920s the same again. and most important, would create fed- and especially the 1930s, CPU trustees erally-funded public works programs and the wider public began to realize In the early 1930s the CPU focused on to build up infrastructure and provide that in 1917 a “war fever” had obscured domestic politics as much as inter- wages for the unemployed. The second

35 provided for the creation of federal– 20 percent, Atkinson rushed to reas- war, which they saw as arising from a state employment bureaus that would sure trustees that the budget was at senseless nationalist striving for territory help workers find jobs more quickly. its “lowest possible point” in terms of and prestige.5 And the third would expand the capac- cost-cutting. Investigating measures In response to international ten- ity of the Bureau of Labor Statistics to to economize, he declined to cut back sions, the CPU saw both the need and gather timely unemployment data.2 on staff, saying the office operated as the opportunity to inspire grassroots Through a voluntary committee of efficiently as a private business. But the antiwar activism, but for many Amer- CPU trustees, Atkinson had created 1930s would result in a variety of other icans antiwar feeling was inseparable and mailed a petition supporting these cost-cutting measures; for example, from isolationism. The CPU’s attempts measures to 1,800 people. When he Miss Barker noted cutbacks affecting to strengthen the U.S. commitment to testified before the committee only publication of the newsletter during the World Court and League of Nations a week after the mailing, he said that the “lean” year of 1934. Yet even as it would be defeated again in the 1930s. 1,000 people had signed the petition, attempted to trim costs, the CPU rec- Miss Barker, asked to critique the CPU’s and that he had received no negative ognized the worldwide political tur- work, concluded that the organization responses. Atkinson pointed out the moil, and trustees regarded their work had failed in arousing church congrega- irony of a country with plenty of food as more important than ever before. tions to support new international insti- and supplies that nonetheless had such Indeed, the trustees were so dedicated tutions. Noting the CPU’s exceptional high unemployment and poverty that to the principles of the CPU that they financial and intellectual resources, it threatened “our moral and economic drew upon the organization’s own Miss Barker concluded that a change system.” In short but powerful testi- funds to provide donations to allied of direction was necessary. She found a mony, he argued that it would be “inex- nonprofits that needed financial help receptive audience among the trustees cusable” for the country to go through to keep operating.4 when she questioned whether holding another winter without providing for Just as U.S. unemployment reached conferences resulted in “preaching to the poor. Unfortunately, effective and its height in 1932 and 1933, turmoil in the converted” rather than building a well-funded federal efforts on behalf of Germany began to create headlines. stronger movement with greater pop- the unemployed were not put in place With Hitler’s seizure of power in 1933, ular support. She suggested putting until the summer of 1933, after Hoover’s France and Germany began to re-arm more effort into engaging the grass- failures to respond to the Depression along their shared border. Though the roots, asking that CPU speakers go into cost him the White House. When Pres- Kellogg-Briand pact outlawing war was rural areas and the West. As the head ident Franklin D. Roosevelt embraced only five years old, it was obvious that of the Information Service, she had similar proposals for direct aid through Europe was in a renewed arms race, found that many people in remote employment programs, they became possibly heading toward another war. areas were curious about world affairs central to the successes of the New That year, even as the U.S. government and the CPU program.6 Deal.3 sent mothers of fallen soldiers to visit More committed to grassroots The Depression also affected the their sons’ gravesites in France, the Chi- organizing than ever before, the CPU CPU more intimately. It was never in cago Tribune reported that the French cooperated with the Federal Council the danger other nonprofits and char- were creating new gun turrets and a of Churches (FCC)—still the largest ities faced during this period; many chain of underground frontier forts Protestant ecumenical organization simply failed when donations dried up. along the shared border with Germany. in the country—to start a movement In contrast, the CPU could rely on its A Frenchman quoted in the Tribune to create a peace committee in every endowment. The tremendous drop in said the Armistice of 1918 had been a church. As a start, each committee was stock prices likely affected its operating mistake: “We just let them up to come to learn about its own denomination’s budget, however, with one trustee call- at us again.” A similar cynicism infected official stance on questions of interna- ing it “inadequate” in 1932. That year, as many Americans. Most wanted nothing tional affairs. In this way, the ministers unemployment reached approximately to do with another possible European of the CPU and FCC—often leaders

36 1930–41 within their own faith groups—hoped on Minorities closely monitored the with more danger to the peace of the that internationalist views would gain situation of Jews in Germany. General world than almost anything that has wider circulation. The church peace Secretary Atkinson attempted to alert transpired in recent years.” He warned committees were meant to serve as the Americans to Nazi abuses of German the U.S. public that reports of abuses center for education and activism that Jews immediately after Hitler became against Jews had not been exagger- would energize local communities. In chancellor. Ahead of many contempo- ated, whether attacks included physical a similar effort, working with the World raries, Atkinson understood that the violence or more “insidious” economic Alliance, the CPU created “cooperating physical assaults on Jews and the eco- boycotts that hurt Jewish people’s centers” around the country. Most often nomic boycott of Jewish businesses ability to make a living. The resolution based in churches, these groups met to were not isolated incidents, but were asked that the U.S. government express study and discuss international its “strong disapproval” of the affairs, distribute peace literature, new regime’s abuses of human contact their local newspapers, rights.9 and lobby local political officials. The CPU was alert to the dan- There were 844 such units in gers, but in retrospect it is clear 1932. Whether they were called that “strong disapproval” was not “cooperating centers” or “peace enough. The organization did not committees,” the groups showed go as far as the American League the CPU leadership embracing for Human Rights, led by the new methods of creating change president of New York’s City Col- in order to face the exceptional lege, Dr. Frederick B. Robinson. disturbances caused by the That organization responded to Depression at home and rise of the violence in 1933 by asking the fascism abroad.7 United States to open immigra- One vital question, perplexing tion for German Jewish refugees. both church peace committees This was an extremely unpopular and the CPU’s leaders, was how political position, as high unem- to protect minority rights in a ployment had increased com- world of strong national sover- petition for jobs and enflamed eignty. Wilson’s Fourteen Points, anti-immigrant sentiment. Fur- widely circulated in 1918, had thermore, anti-Semitism in the promoted self-rule for linguistic Rabbi Stephen S. Wise United States was beginning and cultural groups, but in practice to emerge as a potent political force. such nationalism was fraught with dangerous manifestations of a new In the late 1930s especially, isolationist problems. Since the end of the Great movement. Atkinson was in Germany groups and their political leaders made War, CPU trustees in a special Commit- when Hitler seized power, and as he openly anti-Semitic statements in politi- tee on Minority Rights had discussed traveled the country visiting friends cal rallies and even Congress itself.10 the problems of religious and ethnic and associates, he understood that the The United States never opened minorities around the world—in Roma- “insidious” boycotts and discrimination immigration for German Jewish ref- nia and across Eastern Europe, as well as had serious consequences—taking ugees, and the CPU seems to have in Belgium, Germany, and even Mexico.8 from people the ability to earn a living. been reluctant to push the issue. At Cooperating with Jewish leaders In a resolution passed by the CPU exec- the end of the 1930s, the organization such as Rabbi Stephen Wise, an Aus- utive committee and sent to President promoted a bill that would allow over tro-Hungarian-born American Reform Roosevelt, Atkinson declared that “This 10,000 refugee children from Germany, rabbi and Zionist leader, the Committee situation is the most cruel and filled Austria, and Czechoslovakia to enter the

37 United States, but Congress rejected Sidney L. Gulick (1860–1945) the proposal. When it came to adult refugees from “devastated European “The true interests of America require the nations,” a CPU statement issued to the promotion of mutual friendship of Asia and America New York Times said that Canada was and the abandonment of differential race legislation.” better suited to take in such refugees; the CPU suggested that U.S. funds, —Sidney Gulick, 1914 perhaps through donations to the Red Cross, might support their resettlement r. Sidney Gulick was a well-known minister, author, missionary, there. Facing the combined forces of and scholar, whose work is still known today among scholars of anti-Semitism, isolationism, and harsh Asian-American relations. He worked closely with the Church competition for jobs, CPU trustees had little hope of budging U.S. immigration Peace Union from its very beginnings and played a crucial role in policy on behalf of Central European Dshaping its policies on Asia. refugees, and they did not try.11 The son and grandson of mission- In criticizing America’s treatment of aries, Gulick was born in the Marshall its own minorities, the CPU was more Islands and educated in the United States. outspoken. Always more popular in In 1888 he went to Japan as a missionary the Northeast and Midwest, it criticized and worked there for twenty-five years, the mistreatment of ethnic minorities becoming fluent in Japanese and writ- in the West and South, connecting the ing many well-known books on Japan. In oppressive policies of regimes abroad addition to his missionary work, he also with American violations of the rights taught in a number of Japanese schools of Asian- and African-Americans. Close and universities. affiliate Sidney Gulick campaigned for In 1913, Gulick returned to the equal rights for Japanese-Americans United States because of poor health and throughout the 1920s, and the CPU began his life-long campaign to improve helped publicize his work, exposing the 1920s booklet by Sidney L. Gulick Americans’ understanding of Japan and bigotry of the anti-Japanese movement to improve the treatment of Japanese-Americans. California, for example, in California and in U.S. immigration law. passed laws forbidding first-generation Japanese immigrants from owning Gulick argued that U.S. violations of Jap- land—the only immigrant group in U.S. history to face such a prohibition. anese-American rights were well-pub- licized in Japan and so energized a Gulick was tireless in his campaign to end such prejudices, publishing thread of anti-American militarism in numerous pamphlets and books, lecturing to American audiences, and Japanese politics.12 traveling back and forth to Asia on behalf of the Federal Council of Churches The committee also criticized dis- and the World Alliance. crimination against African-Americans. In one of his most well-remembered efforts, he instituted a program “America’s shortcomings have lent that sent thousands of American “friendship dolls” to Japanese schools. strength to the reactionary forces in Many reciprocated, and to this day one can still find Japanese friendship other nations and have nullified many dolls on display in some American libraries. Gulick hoped that even if of our own actions,” Atkinson noted. adults’ attitudes were hardened and difficult to change, children might learn He declared that the nation could to see past their supposed racial differences to understand one another’s not advocate justice for those abroad common humanity. when it did not provide justice for its own people; and he used this stance

38 1930–41 to justify the CPU’s support for a con- Influenced by this movement, the both provided essential aid to young troversial anti-lynching bill. While some trustees supported more radical policies men in need. The whole CPU board Northern liberals supported the bill than ever before, including a constitu- never supported the proposal, but soon and denounced the murders of Afri- tional amendment, commonly called thereafter the board issued an official can-American men in the South, the the Ludlow Amendment after its spon- statement that “The time has come bill was too divisive for the Roosevelt sor, Representative Louis Ludlow (D-IN), when organized religion must proclaim administration to embrace. Doing so which would have required the Amer- that never again shall war be waged would have risked the Democratic ican people to vote in a referendum under the sanction of the church”—a Party’s hold on power, as the coopera- before joining any foreign war. The only repudiation of the CPU’s decision to tion of Southern Democrats was nec- exception would be if the country were work with the federal government essary to maintain control in Congress. attacked. Peace groups, student groups, during the war in 1917. In congressional Only toward the end of World War II and many authors supported the pro- hearings on disarmament bills through- and into the 1950s would a broader posal, which was put before Congress out the decade, representatives of public begin to connect U.S. treatment several times in the 1930s. Its support- the CPU and allied peace groups dis- of African-Americans with Germany’s ers believed the measure would make agreed with military leaders asking for treatment of Jews. Here again, the foreign wars impossible, but even the increased budgets. Proponents of dis- CPU, while not always in the vanguard, most ardent isolationists in Congress armament cast doubt on whether the showed a consistently progressive rejected the measure as too restrictive, testimony of military officers should be approach to social issues.13 possibly crippling the United States in a trusted, arguing that because they had The CPU’s engagement with issues foreign policy crisis.14 been trained to wage war, not peace, of economic and social justice at home This more radical antiwar stance they would always ask for greater bud- was always meant to support the was also demonstrated by the trustees’ get appropriations.15 organization’s work for international growing distrust of the U.S. military. This distrust was only strengthened peace. And just as its domestic work One committee even proposed that by the findings of the Special Commit- took place in the midst of a political the group oppose the service of min- tee on the Investigation of the Muni- ferment created by the Depression, so isters as chaplains in the Army and tions Industry, popularly known as the its international work was profoundly Navy, a move that outraged the usually Nye Committee, from 1934 to 1936. The shaped by the more activist, radicalized staid New York Times editorial staff. The importance of this committee’s work American public of these years. The paper compared the service of chap- cannot be overstated. The Nye Commit- Depression energized populist move- lains to that of nurses, arguing that tee publicized both the significant loans ments that ranged across the made by leading U.S. banks to political spectrum, but they all Britain before the United States shared a repugnance toward entered the First World War and war. Churches, universities, and the profits of arms manufactur- women’s groups were espe- ers during the war. Senator Ger- cially active grounds for antiwar ald Nye (R-ND) concluded that demonstrations and organizing. the United States entered the Until the late 1930s, measures war in 1917 to protect its com- promoting disarmament and mercial interests. Congressman neutrality drew on the com- Frank Kloeb (D-OH) summa- bined energies of both isola- rized the committee’s find- tionists and internationalists; ings: “The war cost us 100,000 each side was distrustful of the killed, 190,000 wounded, and military and eager to avoid any $22,625,000,000 directly. The repetition of the Great War. Senator Gerald Nye postwar cost to us has been

39 estimated as high as $200,000,000,000. from trading directly with any nation Kirk, representing forty organizations All that to save an extension of credit involved in war, excepting civil wars. including the CPU, the Young Wom- of approximately $2 billion, which we With the sinking of the Lusitania in en’s Christian Association, and the were trying to pull out of the fire prior mind, congressmen also included a National Student Federation, opposed to our entry into the World War.” These provision in the law that warned U.S. an increased budget and new naval and similar ideas blaming “merchants nationals that they proceeded at their base in Guam. As it had in the 1920s, the of death” for U.S. intervention provided own risk if they traveled on board the CPU presented spending on the mili- the American people with an outlet for ships of warring nations.18 tary as a provocation to other nations their anger and disappointment at the Reflecting the complexity of inter- and as a detriment to spending on outcome of the war.16 national affairs in the 1930s, Congress more constructive domestic programs. In direct response to the Nye Com- amended the Neutrality Acts four times Not only were these organizations mittee’s findings, the CPU joined other over the rest of the decade to adjust to united in opposing Roosevelt’s desire peace organizations in calling for a changing circumstances in Europe and to strengthen the navy, but as their nationalization of munitions manufac- Asia. President Roosevelt, an interna- representative Van Kirk also accused the turing. The CPU’s trustees explained tionalist who believed in a more active president of taking too much power their position on the issue: “We must role for the United States in the world, in foreign policy and asked Congress attack the institutions which breed feared that the Neutrality Acts would to take a stronger role in international war. One of these is private armament tie his hands, but while he supported relations—though Congress was more firms. They make big profits for their amending them, he never vetoed them. isolationist than Roosevelt.21 stockholders and are able to subsidize One amendment in 1937 included a In only a few more months events newspapers of the baser sort. Some “cash-and-carry” provision, whereby would shock Americans out of their manufacture war scares and throw the warring nations that could pay cash isolationist “complacency,” as trustee multitude into panic. We can never and ship their own goods were allowed Charles Macfarland called it. In Septem- have a warless world so long as power- to trade with U.S. companies. Roosevelt ber, Hitler’s tanks rolled into Poland, ful syndicates and an incendiary press supported this change in the hope that drawing France and Britain into war. are allowed to coin gold out of the France or Great Britain could use it, if In October, Germany began its air war people’s sfears and hatreds. If guns and necessary.19 against Britain. The merciless efficiency warships are to be manufactured at all, In the spring of 1939, after the inva- and great range of German tanks and their manufacture must be lodged in sion of Chinese Manchuria by Japan bombers shocked the world; journalists the hands of governments.” In Octo- and the takeover of Czechoslovakia by coined the term blitzkrieg, or lightning ber 1935, CPU President William Mer- Germany, internationalist organizations war, to describe their power and speed. rill preached a sermon to his wealthy including the CPU argued that the Neu- Over the next year, Germany would Upper East Side congregation, present- trality Acts should be amended again invade the Netherlands and overrun ing a choice between “God and Mam- to allow the United States to trade with Belgium into France, quickly gaining mon,” in which selling arms represented “victim” nations on a cash-and-carry direct control of most of the coun- sinful greed. One of the decade’s more basis. The acts were finally amended in try. General Secretary Henry Atkinson radical antiwar measures, the national- late 1938 to allow the trade of weapons responded by urging trustees to face ization of munitions manufacture never with any nation on a cash-and-carry “the question of aggression.”22 passed into law.17 basis, a move designed to aid tradi- The European agents of the World Another measure inspired by the Nye tional U.S. allies against Nazi Germany.20 Alliance, reporting on their activities to Committee was remarkably success- Also in early 1939, the CPU’s trustees the CPU in 1940, communicated their ful, however. In 1935, with the support opposed expansion of the U.S. Navy, sense of disorientation and disaster. of church groups including the CPU, which represented America’s only Henry Louis Henriod, general secretary Congress passed the first Neutrality means of military intervention in the of the international office of the World Act, which forbade munitions makers wars in Europe or Asia. Dr. Walter Van Alliance, reported that his organization

40 1930–41 had ceased its usual work, as meetings, ahead to the postwar world, the trustees with hope for the future. Following the speaking tours, and correspondence said that no peace would be possible Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor in had become difficult or impossible. without justice, and they argued for a December 1941, the CPU did not hesitate Instead, World Alliance agents had “supranational law” and institutions with to support the U.S. entry to the war. Yet turned their attention to the needs enforcement powers through sanctions trustee Charles Macfarland, looking back of those in refugee and internment and an international police force. Such a from 1945, shared his sense of despair camps. In Switzerland, Scandinavia, the new, international government should as the United States entered its second Baltic, occupied France, Vichy France, be created only with the consent of the world war in just over two decades: and Great Britain, internment camps governed, they explained, and offices “Many of us, who had spent the best held refugees and captured soldiers. would be filled through elections. The years of our lives trying to build peace Henriod and the World Alliance worked trustees recognized the failure of the on a firm foundation of cooperation, with international charities and local League of Nations as they looked ahead had been defeated.”26 groups to provide them with chap- to an improved forum for international Though Macfarland blamed isolation- laincy services. They organized sports cooperation. ism for creating the conditions that led and book-lending programs for prison- ers in Switzerland, for example, while turning their attention to the more seri- ous issues of food shortages and over- crowding for the estimated one million refugees in Vichy France who had fled before the German army.23 Finally, in June 1940 the CPU’s trust- ees changed course in a move the press called “radical” for the group. The trust- ees urged America to give all aid pos- sible to France and Great Britain, short of entering the war, and they called on Americans to resist war hysteria, respect the rights of minorities, and be gener- ous in aid to refugees. Yet the trustees presented a united front in their insis- tence that entering the war would not Attack on Pearl Harbor, December 7, 1941 to the Second World War, he also took help the Allies, nor achieve other “desir- some responsibility for the CPU’s on-and- “People will sacrifice national sover- able objectives.”24 off alliance with isolationists in legislation eignty only in proportion to the success But events proceeded swiftly. The fol- designed to prevent war. He criticized of joint efforts to secure for all a practical, lowing summer the group had moved the United States for neglecting the powerful, and, at the same time, flexible from accepting intervention to promot- security of its far-off Asian protectorates, supranational sovereignty which will be ing it, circulating a pamphlet entitled such as Guam and the Philippines, and trustworthy and show promise of achiev- “Peace Aims.” The pamphlet, reflecting for refusing to use force. “While our des- ing what their disparate and conflicting the official view of trustees as adopted tinies became involved in a world order, national sovereignties have failed to at their semi-annual meeting, declared we sought security by hiding our heads achieve.” 25 that neutrality was impossible as the in the sand,” he said of the American peo- war in Europe represented a struggle Just as they had in 1917, the trust- ple—and, to some extent, of the between “organization by conquest ees faced the new war with conflicting CPU trustees.27 and organization by consent.” Looking feelings: a sense of bitter failure mixed

41 Chapter Five “Win the War— Win the Peace”: The CPU Mobilizes to Defeat War and Fascism at Home and Abroad

The signing of the UN Charter, San Francisco, June 26, 1945

After the attack on Pearl Harbor and following the U.S. declaration of war on Japan, a friend asked CPU General Secretary Henry Atkinson how he could find the courage to continue, given that his twenty-five years of peace activism had apparently come to nothing. Atkinson answered, “The men and women with whom I am working are the men and women who believe that no cause is lost as long as there is one person left who believes in it, and is willing to give his time, his best intelligence, and his life for that cause.”1 The passionate engagement and devoted work of the CPU’s staff, trust- ees, and allies—evident from the organization’s founding—bore fruit in the 1940s, as the organization suc- cessfully campaigned for the creation of the United Nations and engaged with issues of minority rights at home and abroad. It was a pivotal decade, a unique opportunity for international- ists and progressives to shape U.S. and world politics. Atkinson, already in the employ of the CPU for over two decades, emerged from the pressures of these years as a bold, even visionary leader, ready to fight for his chosen causes. More out- spoken, more determined, and less palatable to some trustees than he had been in previous decades, Atkin- son was the primary figure of the CPU throughout the 1940s. To Atkinson, two key victories were necessary to win the peace: first, the creation of international structures to prevent future wars; and, second, the defeat of the intellectual Postwar reconstruction with Marshall Plan funding, West Berlin, Germany. theories and social practices of racial hierarchy that had been the basis for organizing faith leaders, congrega- Judaism, Catholicism, and Protestant- Nazism. Afraid to repeat the failures of tions, and civic organizations to a “Win ism, the CPU was uniquely situated to the interwar years, he embraced com- the War—Win the Peace” campaign lead when it came to divisive issues.2 promise when necessary to achieve centered on the creation of interna- To Atkinson, the creation of a new real-world results. If his victories were tional institutions to promote postwar world order was the “overall strategic flawed, they were victories nonetheless. cooperation. Historian Andrew Preston concept” driving the CPU and its off- has credited the leadership of American shoot, the World Alliance, during the The Triumph of Internation- ministers with a significant boost to U.S. Second World War, and he maintained internationalism during and after World a tight focus on this goal in all of his alism: The Founding of the War II, as their support for the Atlantic activities. As one contemporary remem- United Nations Charter, Dumbarton Oaks agreements, bered, Atkinson “frequently had testi- The CPU’s greatest contribution of and the United Nations gave a moral mony from Washington and all parts the 1940s lay in its strong support for legitimacy to the push for institutions of the country that the World Alliance U.S. leadership and commitment to of world government. And the CPU was played its part in the change in public the formation of a United Nations. As an integral part of this campaign. As an opinion in the United States from isola- soon as the United States joined the organization separate from denomina- tion to cooperation.” 3 war, the Church Peace Union turned tional and congregational politics yet Though a nationwide campaign its long experience in educating and connected to key faith leaders across for greater international cooperation

43 and a “world government” began as necessary, advocates argued, to realize post-war plans. Republican Sena- early as 1941, no one knew how this President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s vision tor Gerald Nye, whose findings on proposal would take shape. Historians of the Four Freedoms: freedom from armament manufacture had once have highlighted key thinkers, most fear, freedom from want, freedom to so inspired CPU leadership, satirized notably John Foster Dulles in the Com- worship, and freedom of speech. Inter- proposed antipoverty programs, mittee for a Just and Durable Peace of describing the imagined scenario the Federal Council of Churches, of Vice President Henry Wallace who worked behind the scenes to pouring milk down the throats of create a blueprint for the United Chinese people—none of whom Nations and to cultivate support for wanted milk. Atkinson saw the the organization in the White House dangers of latent isolationism in and the State Department. Atkin- Congress and the public, and he son was another of these thought acted to rally religious leaders of leaders. He was a member of the the three largest American faith Commission to Study the Organiza- groups behind new structures of tion of Peace (CSOP), formed from a international cooperation.6 variety of internationalist leaders from Built on Carnegie’s original academia, politics, and the ministry. vision of interfaith cooperation, During the war CSOP sent its reports the CPU had access to lead- to the Roosevelt administration, and ers of each group as well as a one committee member met with long tradition of cooperation. Roosevelt eight times. Eleanor Roo- Though other faith-based sevelt followed CSOP’s activities so organizations, such as the closely that she finally joined the roupg Federal Council of Churches herself, and Dulles acknowledged the (a purely Protestant group), organization’s contributions. No doubt represented a much greater Atkinson’s deep understanding of the membership than did the League of Nations, based on the CPU’s CPU, they were more limited role in its creation and campaigns for in reach. U.S. membership, proved valuable to Innovative interfaith 4 the committee. Later edition of “Pattern for Peace” cooperation was the key to the most The CSOP and similar committees significant CPU accomplishment in called for the creation of institutions for nationalists translated the Four Free- the battle for what would become the international cooperation to prevent doms into key goals that they believed United Nations. In 1943 the CPU spon- war and promote world prosperity. By only a strengthened world government sored and published “Pattern for Peace,” 1942 and 1943 internationalist speakers could realize: maintaining the peace, a two-page pamphlet promoting post- connected to the CPU declared that promoting trade and international war international cooperation. Rep- this new world order would be com- labor standards, and spreading princi- resentatives of Catholicism, Judaism, prised of an executive-legislative unit ples of democratic government.5 and Protestantism shared authorship with representatives from member Of course, the U.S. Senate had and issued separate introductions to nations, an international police force, rejected the League of Nations, with the document, which argued that the strengthened international laws, and a its similar structure and high-minded “moral laws of the universe” supported Bill of Rights for nations—all of which goals, after the First World War, and world organization. Its publication would freely join the new interna- in 1942 Republicans in Congress were changed the terms of debate, in effect tional league. A new world order was already mocking these nebulous saying that to oppose U.S. membership

44 1940–50 in post-war international institutions printed almost 300,000 copies of the permanent form for the Church Peace was to oppose a united front of reli- document in 1944, twice the run of its Union, leading to the formation of its gious authorities, a touchy prospect ordinary publications.9 first regional office in San Francisco and during a war in which godlessness was Though “Pattern” had succeeded in the hiring of a “Pacific Coast Secretary” frequently identified as the foundation shaping political debate at the highest to manage its initial budget of $8,000 of Nazism.7 levels, Atkinson knew the campaign donated by the Carnegie Endowment The interfaith cooperation behind also needed popular support. The and $5,000 from local sources. A small the “Pattern” was trailblazing. While League of Nations had been defeated staff of volunteers coordinated efforts today such cooperation among reli- as much by domestic apathy as by iso- to promote internationalism up and gious groups might seem common- lationist opposition in the Senate, and down the West Coast.10 place, at the time it was ideologically so the CPU turned its peacetime expe- The same year that it issued “Pattern risky. Jesuit John Courtney Murray, for riences with grassroots organizing to for Peace,” the CPU also helped sponsor example, wrote a long defense of the good measure during the war. bipartisan speaking tours, in which one Catholic cooperation with “Pattern First, the CPU held “Institutes,” or Democrat and one Republican toured for Peace,” presenting it as directly in two-day conferences of traveling speak- the country to promote a new “Council line with the pope’s goal of a “people’s ers and local leaders, on how to orga- to Win the Peace,” focused on promot- peace” to follow the war. Murray reas- nize the postwar world. The meetings ing a permanent United Nations admin- sured his audience that cooperation focused on international cooperation to istration. Speakers including Missouri with Protestants and Jews meant recog- solve anticipated Congressman Harry nizing them as moral actors, but it did post-war prob- Truman (D) criss- not mean admitting the legitimacy of lems, including crossed the tradi- their religious beliefs. In 1943, when the aid to millions of tionally isolationist pamphlet was issued, the risk of alien- displaced per- Midwest. After an ating religious traditionalists seemed sons, the need to Iowa tour, Senator much less important to Murray than rebuild econom- Carl Hatch (D-NM) the risk of a retreat to nationalism and ically devastated said his Iowa audi- isolationism, sure to cause further wars areas, and how ences had agreed and aggravate world poverty.8 to help prevent that the return to The publication of “Pattern for Peace” future wars. Insti- isolationism after prompted a burst of publicity, with tutes held in New the First World War major daily papers running editorials on York, New Jersey, had been a “tragic it and U.S. Representatives and Senators Dallas, Kansas, mistake,” and they reading it into the Congressional Record and California saw that—like no fewer than four times. Its immediate were considered it or not—the policy impact was clear: when Sena- great successes, United States had tor Tom Connally (D-TX) proposed an especially after a responsibility in internationalist measure that fell short the State Depart- world affairs. During of the pamphlet’s “clarity and strength,” ment began to one congressional his opponents used the “Pattern” to send represen- recess, nine sepa- defeat his proposal and call for some- tatives to speak rate pairs of con- thing more definitive. Finally, Secretary about the Atlantic gressmen traveled of State Cordell Hull’s spring 1944 state- Charter and prin- the country on such ment on “Bases of Foreign Policy” bore ciples of collective speaking tours.11 a “striking similarity” to the “Pattern for security. One such The movement Peace,” according to Murray. The CPU conference took to establish the

45 United Nations, supported by Roos- empires, not dismantle them. With- in his condemnations of U.S. racism evelt at the highest levels, proceeded out resolving the question of minority during and after the war. from such initial agreements as the rights, it was clear that the UN Charter Since the 1910s and 1920s, CPU Atlantic Charter of 1941 to more con- would perpetuate inequality, and so trustees had taken progressive views crete planning at the Yalta Conference any post-war peace it promoted would on race. They had condemned lynch- and Dumbarton Oaks toward the end be short-lived.13 ing, the most violent manifestation of the war. Finally, in the spring of 1945 of white power and hatred toward some 3,500 representatives and staff The CPU Fights for the “Dou- minorities, chiefly committed by white from over fifty nations came together in mobs against African-American men ble V”: Victory over Nazism San Francisco for two months of meet- in the South. In addition, close affiliate ings to create the charter for the new Abroad and Racism at Home Sidney Gulick had studied the state world organization. Issues such as the The war against Nazi Germany had and national laws that kept Japanese powers of the Security Council and the brought the problem of race in the and Chinese immigrants separate and independence and self-government United States to the forefront of unequal, and he had condemned anti- of colonies created conflict, but world domestic and international politics. Asian prejudices in speaking tours and leaders, as well as American interna- Disgust over the Nazi treatment of Jews publications. But in the 1940s, for the tionalists, were determined to make deepened the commitment of many first time, CPU General Secretary Henry any necessary compromises to ensure Atkinson lent his name and stature the United Nations would include key as the organization’s most senior staff member states and satisfy enough member to the issues of racial discrim- Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. ination in America. As in his campaigns Senate to be ratified. Keen to capital- against Nazism, Atkinson showed a ize on the good feelings generated by sensitivity to the economic impact of the wartime alliance, they adopted the discrimination as well as an abhorrence philosophy that something was better of segregation and racial violence. than nothing, and hoped that an imper- Atkinson did not himself take a leading fect mechanism for international coop- role in the fight against racism, but by eration could be improved upon later. acting behind the scenes to try to influ- Their strategy paid off, as the Senate ence policymakers, and by sponsoring approved UN membership by a vote of conferences and committees against eighty-nine to two in July 1945.12 racism, he provided a platform for oth- Not everyone, however, approved ers who took a much more aggressive of the vague language and loopholes Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. ideological stance. In doing so he allied built into the UN Charter. Richard Dier, himself with cutting-edge groups such in San Francisco for the Baltimore Northern liberals to defending the as the NAACP and the civil rights cru- newspaper the Afro-American, criti- rights of minorities domestically; and sader and prominent African-American cized white Americans’ defense of the the National Association for the Ad- politician Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.14 trusteeship provisions in the charter. vancement of Colored People (NAACP) Atkinson began his World War II-era “Despite listening to optimistic speakers promoted a “Double V” campaign for civil rights activism with a letter to for over eight hours, I still came away the defeat of racism both in Germany President Roosevelt on race relations. unconvinced,” he told readers. Why and at home. Although African-Amer- As always, he was concerned with hadn’t all “dependent peoples” been ican equality was an explosive issue, pragmatic politics as well as ethical placed under UN trusteeship and given capable of alienating politicians, philan- considerations, and particularly with the a path to self-government? To Dier, the thropists, and broad swathes of the potential for racial conflict during the UN appeared to be set up to defend public, Atkinson grew more outspoken country’s intense wartime mobilization

46 1940–50 against the seemingly invincible Axis integrated temporarily, though even position he shared with congressmen, powers. As such, he pointed out that this limited success should be seen as a Catholic bishop, judges, and leading there existed “discrimination against the significant and as contributing to the academics. In this capacity, Atkinson Negroes in the service of their country” later integration of the military during served as chair for a talk by Walter in defense work, wartime housing, and the Korean War.16 White, president of the NAACP, during the military.15 This was a time when many Amer- an interracial conference on the “grave In highlighting work and housing, icans were still in thrall to the same racial tensions” in New York and around Atkinson was focusing on economic types of racial theory that had given rise the country, a reference to outbreaks of concerns that affected hundreds of to Nazi eugenics. For example, though violence and race riots.18 thousands of African-Americans who had flocked to Northern cities booming with war work only to find discrim- inatory hiring, artificially depressed wages, and substandard housing. As in the First World War, during the Second World War economic competition over housing and jobs ignited race riots and racial violence in communities that had expanded too quickly for the existing infrastructure. Atkinson suggested that President Roosevelt, who had already created a Fair Employment Practices Commission to address inequalities in war work, go further by ordering the army to form a racially integrated division. The plan originated with the NAACP, and Atkinson supported it as proof to African-Americans at home and critics abroad that the United States was living up to its democratic ideals, and in no way fighting the Nazis in Europe while practicing “the principle African-American Soldiers from the 332nd Fighter Group, a.k.a. the “Tuskegee Airman,” 1945 of Nazi race discrimination at home.” A man steeped in political and social the African-American physician Charles Soon after the end of the war, Atkin- activism, Atkinson surely understood Drew had developed the blood bank son moved from a sponsor to a speaker that the success of such an interracial system, he could not persuade the Red at anti-discrimination rallies, lending division could be used as a wedge to Cross to quit separating blood dona- fiery oratory to controversial topics, campaign against segregation in other tions by racial categories. Indeed, his including criticism of the Allies. “We will institutions and to prove African-Amer- attempt to end such a system resulted have no peace throughout the world ican equality. Roosevelt’s reply is not in his dismissal. Even school textbooks unless we have a law guaranteeing preserved, but Atkinson and the NAACP and children’s stories reinforced mes- equal rights for all peoples everywhere did not succeed in winning a perma- sages of racial hierarchy.17 in the world,” Atkinson told a racially nently integrated division. Only during In the following year, Atkinson diverse crowd in December 1945 at a the Battle of the Bulge (December 1944 became the co-chair of the Coun- conference of the American Associa- to January 1945) were army divisions cil Against Intolerance in America, a tion for the United Nations. Atkinson

47 many of their concerns—and were equally blind to some others.

A “Haven of Refuge”: The Board Disagrees Over the Creation of Israel If any issue could be more divisive than the U.S. treatment of its African-­ American minority, it was the question of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. The trustees and administrators of the Church Peace Union generally enjoyed a harmonious relationship, and officers such as Atkinson and his assistants treated the trustees’ biannual policy statements as mandates that set the agenda for their daily work. During and after World War II, however, CPU Grandfather and grandson of Japanese ancestry at internment camp, California, 1942. support for the creation of a Jewish homeland led to the most serious rift blasted the Allies for putting down the on the issue of Japanese-American among trustees and officers in the Indonesian independence movement, internment during the war. Eager to organization’s history. comparing their actions to the Italian support the war effort, there is no evi- Since the early 1930s, Atkinson had “rape of Ethiopia.” The following year, dence that either officers or trustees been agitating against anti-Semitism at a rally for racial justice and equality, questioned the assumption that Jap- in Europe and at home. His experi- Atkinson spoke alongside fiery civil anese-Americans would have loyalty ences in Germany after Hitler took rights activists Congressman Adam to Imperial Japan, America’s wartime power—when he witnessed first-hand Clayton Powell, Jr., New York’s first enemy. While tens of thousands of the violence and discrimination against African-American representative and men, women, and children of Japanese Jews—seem to have made a deep, a lifelong advocate of racial equality descent in the western United States lifelong impression on him. In 1943, after and civil rights, and Rabbi Stephen S. lost their homes, businesses, and pos- the U.S. public learned of the Nazis’ pro- Wise, president of the American Jewish sessions, and spent years in crowded gram to exterminate the Jewish people, Congress.19 and poorly constructed camps, the the Church Peace Union joined major For the next several years, Atkinson CPU turned a blind eye, as did the vast Jewish organizations as well as the mas- would participate in talks and con- majority of the American public. Nor sive labor union, the Congress of Indus- ferences criticizing violence and dis- did the CPU protest President Truman’s trial Organizations, in a Madison Square crimination against African-Americans; later decision to drop atomic bombs Garden rally urging the Allies to pro- and by the early 1950s speakers at the on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It appears vide a haven for Jewish refugees. The CPU’s new Merrill House headquarters, that, though the CPU could be progres- rally—and a similar appeal made by the on New York’s East Sixty-Fourth Street, sive on many social issues, it was not a archbishop of Canterbury directly to the would freely condemn racial violence vanguard organization. Closely linked British Parliament—resulted in a British in the South.20 to the most powerful politicians, aca- and American conference in Bermuda. For all its support of equal rights, demics, and ministers in the country, Should either nation open immigration however, the CPU was notably silent its trustees and administrators shared to Europe’s Jews and other persecuted

48 1940–50 groups inside the Third Reich? There Carl H. Voss (1911–1995) was the possibility that Germany would begin to push unwanted peoples onto “Courage is what it takes to stand up and speak; courage is also its wartime opponents in great num- what it takes to sit down and listen.” bers, creating a refugee crisis for them to deal with in the midst of the war. Nei- —Carl H. Voss ther nation would accept the political or military risks that such a plan would ev. Carl H. Voss was a Congregational minister, author, and found­ entail, and the Bermuda conference 21 ­er of the American Christian Palestine Committee, which advo­ resulted in no action. Atkinson was appalled. He argued cated for the creation of an independent Israeli state. He became that in the face of the Nazis’ murderous extension secretary of the Church Peace Union in 1943, and trav­ program—and the Allies’ murderous Reled extensively on behalf of the CPU and the World Alliance. Although inaction—it would be immoral for he began CPU activities by campaigning for the United Nations, with CPU America’s Christians to oppose the cre- General Secretary Atkin­ ation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. son’s support he soon “Palestine is the only feasible solution to turned most of his efforts offer an immediate haven of refuge in to campaigning for the this desperate emergency,” he wrote in establishment of Israel— an article in Reinhold Niebuhr’s maga- work that brought opposi­ zine, Christianity and Crisis. But as his- tion from trustee Charles torian Andrew Preston noted, Atkinson P. Taft, II (son of President underestimated Arab resistance. He saw Taft), who later resigned. the arrival of European Jews as a boon to Palestinian Arabs, as he believed the A Pittsburgh native, Europeans would be bringing their edu- Voss held a Ph.D. from the cation, culture, and know-how to the University of Pittsburgh area.22 This position reveals a seeming and also studied at the contradiction in Atkinson’s thinking, Chicago Theological Sem­ one shared by many key liberals in his inary, Union Theological generation. Though Atkinson cam- Seminary, and Yale Divin­ paigned against racial prejudice in the ity School, as well as the United States, and supported decolo- People’s College in Den­ nization in Asia, he also maintained a mark and the University sense of European superiority. The issue of Geneva. He served the of minority rights in Palestine—a prob- Congregational Church across much of the Eastern United States, and held lem confronting the United Nations, academic positions in Israel, Switzerland, England, and the United States. the United States, and the United King- dom—would not be resolved as easily Following World War II he urged the United States to provide more aid as he had hoped. in support of the migration of Holocaust survivors to the newly founded By 1944 the CPU had hired Congre- Israeli state. He was also a proponent of a strong United Nations, and the gational minister Carl H. Voss as an author of several books on religion and Middle East policy. extension secretary. Initially, he worked to support Atkinson in campaigning for the United Nations in the “Win the

49 War—Win the Peace” campaign, but reached ever-larger audiences through and reform causes. Indeed, Taft had increasingly he began to campaign for writing and radio addresses. In his attended the San Francisco conference the establishment of the state of Israel. annual report, Atkinson was careful to that founded the United Nations in Voss and Atkinson believed this cam- explain to the trustees that this new 1945.26 paign was a matter of awakening Chris- organization acted in accordance with Taft criticized the CPU’s support for tians to their duty to the Jewish people, the trustees’ own resolutions, even as it the “Palestine movement,” saying he which translated directly to the formal was set up as a separate organization had stopped going to the group’s board creation of a Jewish homeland in Pales- from the Church Peace Union and the meetings because he had “no confi- tine. Voss became the executive secre- World Alliance.24 dence in its management.” President tary of a new committee, the Christian President Roosevelt had a contradic- Emeritus of the Trustees William Merrill, Council on Palestine, which had a mem- tory stance on the creation of Israel. To still acting as president until a replace- bership of 2,000 ministers. Its statement the British and Soviets, he said he sup- ment could be found, rushed to assure of purpose emphasized the desperation ported it; to the leader of Saudi Arabia, Taft that the secretaries of the CPU of Jewish refugees, describing its main he said he opposed it. The Department acted as individuals, not representatives goal as “finding havens of refuge for of War and Department of State both of the CPU itself, and that they were not the millions of homeless, stateless Jews advised him against alienating the actually connected with “the extreme who wander the earth without hope, Arabs in the region, who might respond Zionist platform,” though he admit- to U.S. support ted that these distinctions could be for Israel by ally- confusing to the general public. While ing themselves perhaps somewhat disingenuous in with the Sovi- distancing the CPU from its secretaries’ ets. Roosevelt’s pro-Israel statements, Merrill staunchly death in spring defended his own actions and those of 1945 brought Atkinson. “I can only say that Atkinson Harry Truman and I and others have doubtless made to office. Then, mistakes, but we have tried to be true as now, Truman to the ideals and aims of Mr. Carnegie was known as a in establishing the Union. It is not easy politician who to plan and carry on work among three acted out of a religious bodies, Protestant, Catholic,

Concentration camp prisoners, Ebensee, Austria, 1945 sense of right and Jewish.” Merrill encouraged Taft to and wrong; and resisting the staunch contact Atkinson directly with his con- exiles who have emerged from the Nazi opposition of the State Department, cerns, and to bring them up in detail at hell after Hitler’s holocaust of 5,000,000 he sponsored studies on the possible the next trustees meeting.27 Jews.”23 impact of Israel’s creation in Palestine.25 Privately, Merrill confided to Atkin- The group pledged to push the It was at the peak of this conflict in son that he considered Taft a valuable Americans, the British, and their war- 1946 that Atkinson and Voss ran afoul member of the trustees. Perhaps tired time allies to honor previous agree- of an influential trustee, Charles P. Taft, out by this controversy between his ments made to establish Israel. Voss’ II. Taft was a son of former president trusted associates, which he was try- work included cooperation with the William H. Taft—himself a CPU trustee ing to keep secret from the secretaries Federal Council of Churches’ influential during the World War I era. A lawyer and other staff, Merrill confided that Department of International Justice and and Yale graduate, Charles Taft was the the CPU needed to begin planning for Goodwill. In addition, he traveled the scion of a Republican family still active his retirement. “We need a young and country on a lecture tour that included in Ohio politics; he was also a key fund- strong man in that place,” he wrote to Texas, Missouri, and Michigan, and raiser and activist in a variety of social Atkinson.28

50 1940–50 Atkinson was stung by the attack stepped down as trustee and pro- The End of an Era from Taft, whom he addressed as a ceeded to serve as the first lay president “friend whose opinions I have valued of the Federal Council of Churches, the The generation that founded the and still value.” He responded by argu- country’s largest ecumenical Protestant Church Peace Union had lived through ing for his positions and submitting organization, and to became an officer two world wars, but they were reaching evidence that he had acted in good and influential founder of the World old age, and those who survived would faith. On Palestine, he pointed out that Council of Churches, a new organiza- soon be retiring. In their lifetimes in 1943, 1944, and 1945 the trustees had tion that Taft and many Protestant lead- they had seen peace strengthened thoroughly discussed the CPU’s position ers around the world saw as a successor and then shattered twice over. The and had agreed to the creation of the to an increasingly irrelevant World seeming solutions that many Amer- Christian Committee on Palestine and Alliance, still funded and sponsored by icans had embraced after the First the hiring of Voss as a half-time spokes- the CPU.32 World War—disarmament, isolationism, person. In addition, one of his associate This rare conflict among the trustees distrust of a nationalistic press and its secretaries wrote a memo, a copy of and officers of the organization sheds atrocity stories—had not only failed which Atkinson sent Taft, stating that light on one of the CPU’s most import- but had exacerbated the abuses of Atkinson had never asked his staff to ant post-war commitments. In line with militarist governments in the 1930s, campaign for the establishment of Israel presidents Roosevelt and Truman, as leading directly to the Second World in Palestine.29 well as with numerous voting blocks War. As they steered the CPU through But Atkinson could not resist the difficult 1940s, Atkinson and the attempting to explain his position to And at long last, they trustees embraced domestic campaigns Taft and perhaps convince him of its had achieved the aimed at convincing the public and key merits. “It seems incredible to me that decision-makers to create structures of we should feel less responsibility now mandate of founder international government. And at long than we did when we were fighting Hit- Andrew Carnegie last, they had achieved the mandate of founder Andrew Carnegie to establish ler,” he wrote. As a repudiation of Chris- to establish a world tians’ historical violence and oppression a world police force, law-making body, of Jews, Atkinson argued that modern police force, law-­ and court in order to advance the cause Christians had an obligation to emerge making body, and of peace. from a shameful history of anti-Semi- The Church Peace Union had been tism by honoring their agreements with court to advance founded at a time when supporting the Jewish people. He was likely refer- the cause of peace. peace and believing in the imminent ring to the Balfour Declaration, a 1917 end of war was mainstream. But by the document in which the British Foreign and key leaders, the CPU’s trustees were end of the Second World War, many Secretary said that his government hardly alone in supporting the creation felt that peace seemed all too close to approved of the creation of a Jew- of Israel in Palestine. Yet CPU officers’ appeasement. Over the next fifty years ish homeland in Palestine.30 Atkinson consistent public advocacy of Jewish the CPU would change its name and pleaded for his friend’s understanding, rights in Palestine, which continued strategies to fit a world in which cam- adding that “It has been my unpleasant throughout the Arab-Israeli conflicts paigning for peace meant recognizing duty over the last several years to deal of the 1950s, was significant. The CPU that war could be just, and that America with a number of serious matters on influenced church leaders and congre- might not always be the best judge of which there are strong differences of gations through its newsletters, speak- such justness. opinion,” mentioning the thorny ques- ers, conferences, and informal networks, tions of Palestine and of minority rights and as religious leaders they lent their more broadly.31 ethical authority to the positions they Soon after this exchange, Taft advocated.

51 Chapter six A New Approach for a New World: Promoting an Ethical Framework for Policymakers, 1945–1961

American soldiers, Korean War, 1950

The 1950s through early 1960s are often remembered as a golden era in the United States, marked by an expanding economy and relief from the pressures of economic depression and war. But for those who were attuned to international affairs, it was also a frightening decade. Only three years after the end of World War II, Henry Atkinson described the deterioration of international politics in his Report of the Secretaries and the Auditors for the Year 1948, as tensions mounted between the United States and the Soviet Union. Two years later the Soviet Union exploded its first atomic bomb, giving rise to the U.S.–USSR arms race, and shortly thereafter the United States was at war with the communists in northern Korea. Suddenly, another world war—this time with nuclear weapons— seemed at once both a distinct possibility and an unthinkable tragedy.1 Instead of a postwar peace, Atkinson programs by attempting to create a to take communist territory. For the noted the pervasive atmosphere of development program. He and his top CPU, the 1950s presented an opportu- “war emergency” that would soon have advisors had concluded that the CPU nity to modernize and adapt to chang- Americans building fallout shelters in would need more than its endowment ing times. their backyards. Torn between his long- to operate as an influential nonprofit time pursuit of disarmament and his in the field of international relations. To “The Free Spirit of Man”: support for anti-communism, Atkinson this end, he cut expensive projects that Fighting Communism While criticized U.S. military spending while at no longer seemed effective, including the same time admit- a variety of grassroots Reforming Capitalism ting the necessity of a efforts. Loos believed CPU leaders had spoken out against strong defense system. the CPU’s greatest Soviet communism since 1919, when At one point Atkinson opportunity to affect then-secretary and trustee Frederick compared the United policy was through Lynch had warned that another Europe- States to Rome during reaching key policy- an war could well result from the com- its decline. Overall, makers, and he began munist philosophy of world revolution. Atkinson’s annual to aim the organiza- Though 1920s anti-communists had at- addresses had become tion’s efforts at men tempted to portray the CPU as a “pink” darker and more and women of influ- organization, or one that undermined backward-looking.2 ence, especially those U.S. defenses against communism, The postwar world presented in politics and government. Finally, as the CPU was squarely allied with the new challenges and demanded new demonstrated by the change in name anti-communist movement during the approaches. “What have the churches from the Church Peace and religious minded people to con- Union to the Council on tribute?” Atkinson asked the trustees, Religion in International injecting an unusually uncertain note Affairs (CRIA) in 1961, he into his annual address. For answers, moved the organization Atkinson and his fellow board mem- toward a more inclusive bers increasingly relied on A. William international framework of Loos, a Dutch-born Congregational world religions, which he minister, who served as the CPU edu- relied on as the basis for a cation secretary from 1946 to 1955. As system of ethics that would Atkinson entered his seventies and his create the groundwork for health began to decline, Loos took on world peace. increasing responsibilities, and in 1955 Throughout the 1950s the board named him executive direc- and 1960s the staff and tor, the chief administrator for the CPU trustees of the CPU/CRIA in its daily operations and in overseeing remained devoted to its Anti-communist crusader Joseph McCarthy, 1954 programming. Loos, part of a new gen- core principles. Under both Atkinson eration of leaders who had not known and Loos, the organization promoted a 1950s and 1960s. It was not investigated Andrew Carnegie, would begin a thor- stronger United Nations, aid to impov- by the House Un-American Activities ough reorganization of the CPU in his erished people around the world, and Committee, even though Henry Atkin- first earsy in this position.3 opposition to communism based on son’s work for peace and anti-fascism in Loos’ first order of business as exec- containment and negotiation rather the years leading to the Second World utive director was to ensure the con- than “roll back”—that is, the belief that War had brought him into contact with tinuing quality and impact of CPU the United States should fight American communists.4

53 In fact, the CPU joined other religious Liberals criticized the abuses of untram- in “virtual peonage.” Careful to protect organizations in denouncing commu- meled capitalism, highlighted the dan- Israel, the CPU asked the U.S. govern- nism; and Atkinson agreed with Presi- gers of ultra-nationalism, and sought ment to refrain from arming the gov- dent Truman that communism was “an ways of working with communists to ernments of the region, and said the instrument for world conquest” that decrease international tensions.6 aid should be contingent on the Arab would destroy “the kind of world in Atkinson’s advocacy of foreign aid to nations’ acceptance of Palestinian refu- which the free spirit of man can survive.” the Middle East in 1954 demonstrated gees and a peace treaty with Israel.7 Yet, even as he conceded the need to some of the complexities of the liberal Of course, events did not turn out resist communism’s spread around the position, combining anti-communism quite as Atkinson and his allies had world, Atkinson also understood the with concern for the poor, and sensitiv- hoped. Although the United States did ideology’s attractions. He recognized ity to anti-colonialism with a commit- provide significant aid to nations in the that America itself had helped raise the ment to Israel. Atkinson joined religious 1950s, including Iran, Iraq, Egypt, Tur- expectations among colonized people and labor leaders to ask Congress key, and Pakistan, the region remained that the postwar world would bring and President Eisenhower to support volatile, with leaders such as Gamal not only freedom but prosperity. In the spending $350 million to foster regional Abdel Nasser of Egypt trying to gain cases of China, India, and advantage by dealing with South Africa, for example, he both his U.S. and Soviet told audiences that people’s allies, a strategy that exac- basic human needs were erbated tensions leading to not being met; and for what the Suez Crisis in 1957. Nor he estimated as the half of did the U.S. refusal to arm the world still in poverty, anti-Israeli governments Atkinson saw that commu- prevent ongoing strife nism offered what seemed between Israel and its Arab like a “shortcut to utopia.”5 neighbors.8 This understanding atti- Like Atkinson, A. William tude toward communist Loos took a thoughtful sympathizers and allies approach to anti-com- around the world differenti- munism. As education ated Atkinson and the CPU Damaged Egyptian tank and vehicles, Suez Crisis, 1956 director, he edited the from other anti-communists in America, CPU’s 1953 pamphlet “Communism and especially the vehemently anti-commu- development in the Middle East; the the West—the Basic Conflicts,” which nist fundamentalist Christians. Christian United Nations would administer the attempted to add greater nuance to fundamentalism was on the rise in the aid, which would include another $150 contemporary debates in the country. 1950s, and many of its fiery preachers million raised from member nations. Loos asked readers to think about how supported a military roll-back strategy. Recognizing the history of European to avoid another global war and how In their view, containment did not go colonialism in the region, the experts to alleviate conflicts with communist far enough to fight such an ungodly who designed the plan explained that Russia. Loos and author John C. Ben- ideology. Under both Atkinson and they wanted to reorient the Middle nett of Union Theological Seminary Loos, the CPU/CRIA was staunchly East from attraction to “the East and agreed with conservatives that commu- anti-communist, but it fell into what Russia” toward the West, and thus to nism represented totalitarianism and historian Andrew Preston has called the “advance the security of the free world.” atheism and so had to exist in tension “liberal” position, marked by sympathy The CPU explained that the aid would with what they described as the plu- for the attraction of communism to help the forty million people in the ralism and Christianity of the West. But former colonies and the world’s poor. region, whom they described as living after outlining the conflicts of the two

54 1945–61 different economic systems, Bennett these conferences as an important step secretary, but Atkinson could not main- and Loos pointed out that tensions toward peace because they promoted tain the pace of earlier years. A letter were aggravated by the nationalism of a “multilevel dialogue” outside official from John Inman suggests that Atkin- both Americans and Russians—a thinly state channels.10 son was losing his memory and suffer- veiled criticism of the most stridently ing from dementia. After retiring at age 9 anti-communist Americans. A New Generation seventy-eight, he spent his last years In the hope of averting a nuclear in a Baltimore hospital, and he died in of Leaders disaster and finding a common ground 1960 at age eighty-two. with Soviet leaders, in 1960 Loos helped During the controversy over the As education director under Atkin- write the proposal for an influential creation of Israel in 1946, the CPU’s pres- son, Loos had taken on a few respon- series of U.S.-Soviet conferences that ident of the board of trustees, William sibilities previously held only by the would become known as the Dart- Merrill, had said his office demanded executive director or general secretary, mouth Conferences after their first a younger man’s strength and energy. different titles for what was essentially location. Working with Norman Cousins, Entering his late seventies, and after the organization’s chief executive offi- editor of the Saturday Review, Loos pro- serving as president for over thirty cer. For example, Loos addressed the posed that the USSR’s intellectual and years, Merrill’s health was flagging. By trustees directly in memos on policy cultural leaders meet with counterparts 1950 the board had selected Ralph W. issues and also led a reassessment of from the United States to exchange Sockman for the position.11 the education program. Once Atkinson views, get to know one another, and Sockman did not immediately imple- retired, the trustees moved quickly to tour the “enemy” country. While these ment changes in the CPU’s ideology appoint Loos as his successor. Loos had were not official summits, behind the or activities, but his succession was a doctorate from Edinburgh University, scenes they had the endorsement important. He was the first president and was at once “very strict” and yet and cooperation of the State Depart- of the trustees from a new generation “accepting and supportive,” as his assis- ment. Loos took part in two such con- that had had no contact with Andrew tant Ulrike Klopfer remembered. While ferences: the first held at Dartmouth Carnegie. Born in Ohio to a farming his formal manners could be intimidat- and the second held in the Crimea. family, he moved to Manhattan, earned ing, a wit and warmth lay underneath. Author James Voorhees has praised degrees at Columbia University and Under Loos the organization’s overarch- Union Theological Seminary, and led ing goal was to stimulate dialogue, and Manhattan’s Christ Church United this meant moving away from the CPU’s Methodist on Park Avenue. A star radio historical orientation of working for preacher, his weekly show National social change through ministers influ- Radio Pulpit reached Americans across encing their congregations.13 the country, and he received some As soon as the trustees appointed 30,000 pieces of fan mail a year. Known Loos as executive director in 1955, they for connecting Christian principles with moved to reevaluate the CPU’s relation- everyday life, Sockman was also the ship with the World Alliance for Friend- author of many popular books and a ship Through the Churches (World professor at Union Theological Semi- Alliance), the organization set up and nary. His leadership helped bring the funded by the Church Peace Union six CPU into the late twentieth century, months after its own founding in 1914. most notably through the appointment The trustees suspended publication of A. William Loos as executive director.12 of the World Alliance newsletter and Sockman respected Atkinson’s role funds for its programs, with the excep- and leadership while the older man tion of payments to long-term Alliance remained the organization’s general staff. When Carnegie established the

55 CPU, he had believed that international R alph Washington Sockman exchanges and conferences among (1889–1970) religious leaders would help lead to a new era of peace, but each world war “The test of courage comes when we are in the minority. had demonstrated the vulnerabilities of The test of tolerance comes when we are in the majority.” religious leaders during nationalist and totalitarian crises. Furthermore, the cre- —Ralph W. Sockman ation of the World Council of Churches by ministers in Europe following the r. Ralph W. Sockman was a Methodist pastor, a best-selling Second World War made the World Alli- author of twenty books on religion, and a well-known radio per­­­ ance appear obsolete, and even a few sonality. In his lifetime he was widely considered one of the key World Alliance leaders had joined greatest religious leaders in America. He served on the Church the World Council and were arguing for disbanding the CPU’s World Alliance.14 DPeace Union’s board of trustees from 1935 to 1964, and was its president Atkinson had fought attempts to dis- from 1950 to 1956. band the World Alliance since the 1940s. Raised on a farm in Ohio, The older CPU leadership, including Sockman graduated from Ohio former president of the trustees William Wesleyan University and moved P. Merrill, believed the World Council to New York City, where he studied was no replacement because it was too for the ministry at Union Theolog- closely tied to the Protestant denom- ical Seminary. He became pastor inations. This limited its work in terms at the Madison Avenue Methodist of interreligious cooperation, and it Episcopal Church, and his leader- also meant its leadership would be less ship and engaging sermons revived likely to embrace cutting-edge, con- the congregation, which had been troversial reforms. By operating outside faltering prior to his arrival. In denominational frameworks, the World Alliance had been less answerable to 1929 the church changed its name hierarchies and congregations, and so to Christ Church Methodist and could provide pressure on key issues moved to Park Avenue. from outside these frameworks. Atkin- Word about the charismatic young preacher spread far and wide. In son had devoted tremendous energy 1936, Sockman took over as featured speaker on NBC’s weekly National to the World Alliance over the course of Radio Pulpit. His topical, lively sermon style translated well to the new his career; according to one estimate he medium, and Sockman gained a large national following. In addition, every had spent half of each year working in Sunday scores of visitors showed up at Christ Church to put a face to his Europe. It appears, however, that after voice. He also wrote a nationally-syndicated column, “Lift for Living,” and the Second World War the World Coun- traveled extensively on speaking engagements. Among his many positions cil of Churches had grown so quickly, and honors, in 1949 he was elected lifetime director of the Hall of Fame of and had created such enthusiasm Great Americans. among European ministers, that the 15 Upon retiring as pastor of Christ Church in 1961 after forty-four years, World Alliance had become moribund. Under Loos, the Church Peace Union Sockman received messages of appreciation from President Kennedy and reevaluated other practices it had former President Eisenhower, among many others. been following for decades. Already as education secretary, he had decided

56 1945–61 to focus on one youth conference per frustration with the increasing dis- Affairs would “reach into this interven- year; and once he became executive tance of the State Department from ing structure” to find people to partici- director the CPU ceased its 1930s and the American people in the 1950s. As pate in its seminars and read its printed 1940s-era attempts to create grassroots the U.S. government wound down its matter. Loos argued that this work was change through committees in every World War II-era campaigns for winning crucial, because many people in power church.16 This change reflected new the war and establishing the United did not recognize their own influence, realities in U.S. politics. In the early days Nations, the State Department began to and so could misuse it. Still others, of the Cold War, international affairs hold fewer meetings with nongovern- aware of their responsibility, were too had become an arena of technocratic mental organizations. Loos wanted the isolated from ideas beyond their own expertise. With the U.S. and the USSR CPU to take a role in helping the Amer- and were not using religious or ethical dividing the world into spheres of ican public understand its own govern- frameworks in their decision-making. influence, understanding the economic ment’s international policies, and he To create constructive change, the and political relationships connecting also wanted to shape policy discussions CPU should foster “authentic dialogue” nations in contested regions around the at the highest level to be sure that men among these intervening ranks of world had become very complicated. in power considered the ramifications society.18 For example, understanding the U.S. of their decisions through an ethical When Loos expressed his satisfaction military’s reach—through international and religious framework.17 that in the organization’s seminars on bases, military alliances, the navy and air Finally, as Loos gained increasing foreign policy “the level of registrants force, and nuclear weapons—became responsibility at the CPU/CRIA, he has been raised,” he implicitly accepted vastly more difficult in the 1950s than it wanted to increase the organization’s the political science division between had been in the 1930s, when lower mil- effectiveness while at the same time an informed elite and an uninformed itary budgets and strong isolationism cutting costs. To do this he sought to mass public. He celebrated the involve- meant it was relatively easy for a lay- create change among social leaders ment of “high levels of leadership.” But person to understand and debate the who would then sway their own con- Loos was by no means dismissing the size and strength of the navy, then the stituents. Loos explained his ideas to rest of the public. Rather, he hoped primary means of U.S. military engage- the board in early 1962. He disagreed that reaching out to powerful men ment around the world. with Walter Lippman, whose Essays on and women, including lawyers, busi- The government’s increasing reliance the Public Philosophy had posed mass ness people, and labor leaders, would on “soft power”—that is, foreign aid of opinion as a threat to the informed “decrease the alienation of the Ameri- various types—further complicated decision-making of an educated polit- can public from Washington.” Nonethe- Cold War relationships. More and more, ical class, but he also disagreed with less, his sense of political change was the United States sought to strengthen C. Wright Mills, who feared the con- clearly oriented more toward people in its alliances by sharing technological centrated power of what he called power than his predecessor’s, a change know-how with poorer regions of the the “power elite.” Loos explained that that reflected both new political reali- world, hoping to prevent communist he agreed with David Truman, who ties and postwar theories distrustful of revolutions by helping people to grow saw intervening structures in society mass political movements.19 better yielding crops and to develop that mediated between the elite and The two greatest endeavors of Loos’ reliable sources of energy. How could the general public. These institutions early administration—the creation of the ordinary American possibly keep up included “corporations, trade unions, Worldview magazine and the launch of with these combinations of hard and churches, and professional societies, a series of Washington “Consultations soft power, different for each region the major media of communication, on the Soviets”—were designed to and country, and reliant upon an under- the political parties, and, in a sense, the affect those with the capacity to enact standing of science, economics, and principal state and local governments.” political change, especially a circle of weaponry? What was now called the Carnegie leading religious leaders, academics, Both Atkinson and Loos expressed Council on Religion and International government employees, and politicians.

57 Deepening the Conversation and social theorist Will Herberg. Maintaining a neutral political stance Each man qualified as a major public was important for the organization. In As he looked back on his tenure as ex- intellectual.22 1960 it filed to renew its tax-exempt ecutive director, Loos cited the creation Herberg was a former Marxist who status in New York State, and as such of Worldview magazine in 1958 as one of would become an editor of the con- it had to pledge to use its funds for his greatest accomplishments. He had servative National Review in the 1960s; “exclusively charitable and religious transformed the organization’s newslet- Schlesinger, a staunch liberal Democrat, activities”—in other words, not for ter, mainly a house organ, into a journal was a close advisor to John F. Kennedy. lobbying. In fact, its representatives had of opinion with influence that could Both could support Worldview because to promise not to “attempt to influence be judged by the number of reprints of the magazine presented multiple legislation by propaganda or otherwise,” its articles and the number of people and even to refrain from urging mem- 20 quoting and discussing it. bers of the public to campaign for or The initial issue of Worldview against pending legislation. Ulrike Klop- was modest in appearance, dark fer remembered the importance of this in tone, and ambitious in intel- policy, explaining that as a nonprofit lectual goals. Looking more like the organization had to stay away from a pamphlet than a magazine, advocacy. This was a significant depar- it was twelve black-and-white ture from the more freewheeling early pages. CPU leaders felt that a years of the CPU, when trustees and yawning chasm separated the staff had regularly testified before Con- realms of religion and politics, and gress in order to influence legislation.24 this journal was one of Loos’ most Public advocacy was now off limits intensive efforts to bring the two if the organization’s nonprofit status together. First edited by Catholic was to be preserved, so Loos sought layman William Clancy, the CPU’s to change policy through broaden- new education director, its early ing the perspectives of policymakers issues presented analyses of foreign by bringing them into contact with affairs from a variety of religious as philosophers and religious scholars. well as secular points of view. The To this end, Loos launched a series magazine’s editor said its founding of high-level, off-the-record conver- was inspired by the troubled world perspectives on con- sations in Washington in 1958. Initially of jostling nation-states and thermonu- troversial issues. Worldview presented called the “Consultations on Negotia- clear weapons. “We hope it will be read,” opinions and analysis on the Vietnam tion with the Soviets” and later simply 21 he concluded simply. War, for example, but it never threw its the CRIA Consultations, these lectures In its first year of existence, World- weight behind the antiwar movement. and discussion sessions covered a view had a subscription list of 700; Loos Likewise, as it published a special issue range of current events, including the and Clancy wanted that number to on birth control in 1960, it included U.S. relationship with China and Cuba grow to 5,000. “We recognize that what opinions from the National Catholic and the Berlin Crisis of 1959.25 Loos we are looking for is a highly selective Welfare Conference, which represented created the Consultations with Ernest leadership,” Loos said; as prominent U.S. cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, Lefever, whose knowledge of Wash- supporters of the magazine, he cited as well as Protestant and Jewish think- ington politics would prove invaluable. Democratic activist and historian Arthur ers, and the former research director for Lefever, a minister with a Ph.D. from M. Schlesinger, Jr., the Catholic theolo- Planned Parenthood. Loos noted that Yale Divinity School, had spent 1945 to gian John Courtney Murray, diplomat the New York Times itself had cited the 1948 supervising YMCA welfare work Frank P. Graham, and the philosopher special issue.23 with German prisoners of war. Raised a

58 1945–61 pacifist, he later said that a visit to the for congressional relations. Specifically, Finally, just over five years after he Bergen-Belsen concentration camp the assembly included Senator Clifford became the executive director, Loos led transformed him into a supporter of P. Case (R-NJ), Representative Eugene J. the move for the Church Peace Union national self-defense. He would wrestle McCarthy (D-MN), Representative Stew- to change its name to the Council on with questions of human rights, reli- art Udall (D-AZ), former secretary of Religion in International Affairs (CRIA). gious ethics, and war for the rest of his state Dean Acheson, and CBS Moscow The name emphasized the broader life, making a career in international Bureau Chief Daniel Schorr.28 goals of the organization: to educate affairs. Lefever drew up the proposal From the start, Loos considered the key members of the public, as opposed for the first consultation, held in early Consultations a great success. “These to reaching out to church congrega- 1958.26 men are always talking to each other, tions through ministers. Furthermore, Loos and Lefever wanted to attract and it is exceedingly important to “Religion” was more inclusive than congressmen, cabinet members, and get them talking on a deep level with “Church.” While Loos would consistently high-ranking members of the press specialists from outside the govern- refer to the Judeo-Christian tradition of to conversations with academics and ment,” he reported to the trustees.29 The the West as providing an ethical frame- religious leaders. Thanks to Lefever, the records of the discussion held in March work for international affairs, he and his first consultation was strategically held 1959, which focused on the Berlin crisis, staff erew expanding the organization’s at a location neither too close nor too show how important these meetings contacts with religious thinkers from far from the Capitol. This, Lefever wrote, were to participants. The U.S. confron- Asia, including both Buddhists and would prevent people from popping tation with the Soviets over the fate of Hindus. Loos also ensured that Catho- in and out of their seminars to pursue West Berlin had reached a crescendo lics were well-represented in staff posts, their work on the Hill. All conversations of tension, and attendees— including Worldview articles, and as speakers in would be off-the-record so that those Representative George S. McGovern the Consultations. The decision to drop seeking re-election could speak without (D-SD) and Senator John Sherman “Peace” from the title was also signifi- worry about future ramifications. Lefe- Cooper (R-KY)—discussed ways to cant. It reflected the organization’s shift ver and Loos discussed whether con- prevent World War III. They considered in focus from advocacy to education, gressmen, especially senators, would whether the United States could defeat and it gave the group the appearance attend at all unless they were invited as the Soviet Union using conventional of political neutrality so essential to speakers rather than simply audience military forces and traditional weapons, receiving the tax exempt status needed members.27 and even whether it should accept for fundraising and expansion.31 The original format for the Consulta- a Soviet annexation of West Berlin in By 1962 the Church Peace Union no tions included a few featured speakers, order to mobilize public opinion to longer existed. Under the firm guidance followed by four to five commentators increase the U.S. military budget. Join- of new executive director Loos, it had responding for up to ten minutes each. ing the elected representatives in the shed old programs and readied itself At first the commentators were almost room were leading political philoso- for expansion. Trustees had dissolved always congressmen, with Loos and phers, such as Hans J. Morgenthau, as its decades-long relationship with the Lefever cleverly maximizing the number well as representatives of the Catholic World Alliance, its chief international of speakers in order to attract powerful Association for International Peace and program, and they had sacrificed their men (and there were only men at these the Carnegie Endowment for Interna- freedom to testify for and against leg- early meetings). The very first Consul- tional Peace. Participants believed their islation. Through Worldview and the tation, held in February 1958, included wide-ranging discussion was so useful Washington Consultations, CRIA had four senators, eight representatives, that they circulated a summary among begun the outreach to key opinion- and sixteen members of the congressional members of Congress and senior State decision-makers that would become staff, powerful and trusted members Department personnel—but they a hallmark of its work in bridging the of the press, academics, and President made sure no names of the discussants chasm between religion and realpolitik. Eisenhower’s assistant secretary of state were attached.30

59 Chapter seven CRIA’s Changing Place in a Divided Nation: Civil Disobedience, Vietnam, and Religious Leadership, 1962–1974

Civil rights movement march on Washington, D.C., 1963

At the end of a 1967 CRIA conference on the role of the churches in foreign relations, one participant concluded: “If we do not understand why people are desperate and question the priorities of our nation, and therefore undertake desperate action, we do not understand the nation in which we live.”1 With debate ranging from the role of was at a high point, the Council could on a special significance because it just war theory and the war in Vietnam, not afford to spread itself too thin. Loos brought together men and women to the dilemma of choosing to obey kept questioning how best to use the who disagreed, and yet were able to one’s government or one’s conscience, funds at his disposal, focusing espe- remain civil enough to exchange ideas. to the question of who should speak cially on education and exchanging The organization’s commitment to neu- for the churches and how the churches ideas through conferences and publi- trality over advocacy gave it a special should function in modern society, the cations. The Council moved flexibly to role as a trusted source of information, conference featured academics, State a vital quality as political opponents Department representatives, a New offered different facts and versions of York Times reporter, and leaders of the events.3 Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish faiths. CRIA programs followed the same No resolutions could be adopted, as basic outlines as in previous years. Its participants disagreed passionately Washington Consultations brought about every issue raised. Yet the intense officials, legislators, and staff into discussion was itself a victory for CRIA contact with religious thinkers. At leadership, who were committed to the same time, the Council hosted deepening dialogue among members a series of seminars that were short of government, journalists, and reli- conferences held in regional centers gious leaders as a means of strength- that brought various experts together ening the American commitment to with local leaders from business, internationalism.2 education, and the churches and Under the leadership of A. Wil- synagogues. Trustee Hans Morgen- liam Loos, CRIA’s officers and board thau helped guide the themes and attempted to stand a principled mid- content of these seminars; and as one dle ground during these exception- later Council member has noted, his ally tumultuous years. The Cold War contributions brought “realist thinking remained the central focus of all foreign into the earlier idealism of the CPU.” policy, but protest movements and Propaganda comic book cover, 1947 The primary purpose of the seminars revolutions around the world were was to support democracy by edu- exploding the simple binary of com- engage with the most important topics cating local leaders who could guide munism and autocracy versus capital- of the era, with evidence suggesting political decision-making and fuel con- ism and democracy. CRIA’s leaders had that it had an impact disproportionate sensus in their communities. Loos and long been sympathetic to the U.S. civil to its size. the other CRIA officers believed this rights movement, the plight of impov- would strengthen U.S. internationalism erished peoples, and decolonization; Influencing Policymakers and the ties between the government and throughout the 1960s and into the and the governed. In both the Wash- and Informing the Public mid-1970s they engaged with more ington Consultations and the seminars, radical questioning and more complex By the late 1960s participants in a CRIA discussions were private and off-the-re- debates than they had in the immedi- Washington Consultation questioned cord so that attendees could feel com- ate postwar era. whether the U.S. democratic experi- fortable asking questions and exploring At the same time, however, Loos ment could survive. If social leaders em- new, possibly unpopular ideas.4 and the board grappled with limited braced civil disobedience, one speaker The seminar series presented new funding and the problems of creating asked, what would come next—a directions for the organization. In 1969, a new development program. Though dictatorship of the Left or the Right? Loos pointed out that the seminars had public interest in international affairs CRIA programming in these years took reached into the southeastern United

61 States for the first time, and they had A . William Loos (1908–1992) involved a broader swathe of local professionals. In an additional departure “We must have wisdom about the whole of life. We must have from the standard format, the inclu- some vision about what man ought to be and what life can be. sion of military officers and consultants Only then can people relate to each other with enough trust among seminar speakers signaled an to create a social order, a community, a society.” important change. The leaders of the Church Peace Union of the 1920s and —A. William Loos 1930s had not trusted military officers to testify impartially on questions of illiam Loos was a Congregationalist minister. He joined the military strength and budgets. After Church Peace Union in 1946 as education secretary, rose to the 1950s, however, as an organization attempting to educate and foster con- executive director in 1955 (making him its de facto chief), versation, CRIA welcomed the participa- and was named president in 1963. Loos ran the organiza- tion of military officers. In fact, in a 1961 Wtion for almost twenty years, retiring in 1974. Under his leadership, in 1961 letter Loos praised the ethics of military the CPU changed its name to Council on Religion and International Affairs officers as superior to those of civilians (CRIA), reflecting a wider focus on in charge of the military.5 a range of ethical issues in interna- The chief publication of the organi- tional affairs. zation during this period, the monthly In his early years at the orga- Worldview, continued to grow under nization, Loos made many trips the editorial direction of James Finn. In abroad on its behalf to Europe, Can- 1964 it expanded from twelve to sixteen ada, Asia, and the Middle East. He pages, and it began to transform into launched Worldview magazine in a more professional-looking publica- 1958, and other initiatives included tion, complete with more sophisticated graphic elements. Worldview’s editorial a series of Washington-based semi- staff also changed, with James Finn nars known as CRIA Consultations becoming editor in 1961, joined by for government personnel, academ- Susan Woolfson as an editorial assis- ics, and religious leaders. In spite of tant in 1962. The new staff remained objections from some board mem- dedicated to the magazine’s original bers, he also created CRIA Conver- goal: presenting an intelligent reader sations—monthly off-the record with multiple viewpoints and in-depth presentations by well-known speakers on international affairs, held in the information on crucial foreign policy Council’s boardroom. These quickly became a great success and evolved into questions. And while its subscription list today’s Public Affairs Program, whose events are open to the public and are grew only slowly, its influence began to recorded for a worldwide audience. expand as it was increasingly cited in 6 Loos occasionally wrote for Worldview magazine and other publi- other journals and publications. cations, and published several books and edited volumes, including Two While in the 1960s Loos made opti- mistic projections about the growth Giants and One World: A Discussion of Soviet-American Relations and Reli- of Worldview’s subscription list, by 1973 gious Faith and World Culture (1951), which continues to be in print more he admitted that its growth had been than sixty years later. slower than he had hoped. However, the news magazine’s survival was itself

62 1962–74 of a direct mailing campaign. He reas- sured trustees that the organization would not pursue “mass publicity,” but instead outreach to “the select few.” In 1966, however, Loos admitted to trustees: “Our development program is advancing very slowly. We have had to learn that this task is more difficult than we could have imagined.”9 CRIA cut costs by closing its regional offices. Opening regional offices was an experiment begun on the West Coast during World War II as part of the effort to campaign for the United Nations. With a part-time director and a largely volunteer staff, the founding of the West Coast office was a response to the public demand for information and the need of activists for direction. Over the John Tessitore and Susan Woolfson working on Worldview magazine organization that could no longer rely 1950s the West Coast office expanded solely on the interest from its endow- and more regional offices were created, a victory, Loos noted, for by the 1970s ment to survive.8 including one in the Midwest. Loos similar publications were closing. He CRIA had ventured into fundraising credited these offices with showing defended the magazine’s “tremendous only in the 1950s, and its development that CRIA was not simply an “East Coast impact,” its number of new subscrip- program advanced slowly, with some Establishment” organization, but one tions (373 in 1973), and most of all its missteps, into the value in enhancing CRIA’s reach and 1960s and 1970s, yet reputation. “I think it ought to be rec- the program’s impor- ognized that this journal is worth many tance cannot be thousands of dollars in public relations overstated. The suc- to a small organization with modest cess of fundraising resources which not only aspires to be efforts was crucial to but must be a national organization if it the continuation and is to be effective.”7 expansion of quality Loos’ need to defend the publication programming, but centered on its expense. Like virtually neither Loos nor all such niche publications, and a great his staff had much many larger ones (for example, The expertise in this area. Nation on the Left and The National In 1963, Loos said development efforts with nationwide concerns and reach. Review on the Right), Worldview was would focus on “individuals (familiar), And while financial reality necessitated not self-supporting but rather received corporations, and family foundations.” the closure of both the California and tens of thousands of dollars in subsi- He believed that CRIA’s “excellent” repu- Midwest offices in 1969, Loos did not dies. While the board planned to cut tation among those in the know in for- see this as a retreat to the East Coast these subsidies over time, Worldview eign policy circles could be extended, but simply as a way to remain effi- was still a significant expense for an and he had high hopes for the success cient. To ensure that CRIA maintained a

63 national focus, it would hold seminars ranks, eventually becoming managing CRIA at the Crossroads: around the country.10 editor. Area experts who spoke and The War in Vietnam CRIA’s officers sought to extend the wrote for the organization included a organization’s reach in other ways as few women, such as Betty Goetz Lall, By the middle of the 1960s religious well. For example, CRIA’s leadership sup- an expert on nuclear arms and disarma- leaders were bitterly divided over ported equal rights for African-Ameri- ment. Finally, and perhaps most impor- the war in Vietnam, and their public cans throughout the 1960s and 1970s; tantly, women and African-Americans debates helped precipitate a national and in 1965, Loos served as national were invited to oversee the Council by crisis of conscience over the conduct chairman of the holding places of the war. In the Catholic Church, the Council for Chris- on the board strongly anti-communist Cardinal Fran- tian Social Action of trustees. Of cis Spellman traveled to Vietnam in 1965 and was a mem- twenty-eight to support the troops and the cause. ber of the Com- trustees in 1973, The same year, Catholic priest Daniel mittee for Racial three were Berrigan joined Lutheran minister John Justice Now women—one Richard Neuhaus and Rabbi Abraham of the United of whom was Heschel to form Clergy and Laymen Church of Christ. Jewel LaFon- Concerned About Vietnam. Martin Speakers and tant, an African-­ Luther King, Jr. would become national participants at a American co-chair two years later. Surveys 1967 CRIA confer- law­­yer from Chi- showed that a majority of American ence agreed that cago who was a Jews opposed the Vietnam War; and prejudice against founding mem- the World Conference of Churches, a African-Amer- ber of the Con- Protestant body, condemned Amer- icans was an gress of Racial ica’s role in the war. Yet Evangelical “undisputed Equality (CORE), Christian leaders and churches, and evil,” which an officer in the tradition-minded Americans of all faiths, justified civil Chicago NAACP, believed it was necessary to support disobedience.11 and a civil rights the president in time of war, con- As the United activist who demned antiwar protesters as disloyal, States became helped inte- and saw the spread of communism in more integrated, grate Chicago Asia as a threat to religion and morality 13 so too did CRIA, Jewel LaFontant through sit-ins worldwide. with increasing at local restaurants. As with clergy and religious lead- numbers of women and African-Amer- She was also a prominent Republican. ers, so with the laity. The opinions of icans invited to participate in events While on the CRIA board she served ordinary Americans regarding U.S. and contribute to Council publications, as deputy solicitor general for Richard involvement in Vietnam centered on as well as to join the staff and board. Nixon.12 ethical and religious questions, and so Years after Miss G. S. Barker had retired As Loos and the trustees expanded churches and synagogues had resumed from her work overseeing publications Worldview and other programming, their vital role as a platform for discus- for the CPU and administering its office, diversified CRIA’s staff and leadership, sions on American foreign policy. Con- CRIA hired Susan Woolfson, a Vassar and re-started its fundraising program, troversies surrounding the Vietnam War graduate, to work at Worldview. And, it also faced one of the greatest chal- dominated CRIA’s work from the mid- like Barker before her, Woolfson ulti- lenges to its policy of political neutral- 1960s to mid-1970s; and while the orga- mately spent more than two decades ity: debate over the Vietnam War. nization focused its publications and at the nonprofit and rose through the programming on many other issues,

64 1962–74 within the organization dis- approved of the war. Trustee and public intellectual Hans Morgenthau condemned the Johnson administration’s conduct of the war as early as 1965 with an article in the New York Times Magazine entitled “We Are Deluding Ourselves in Vietnam.” While Worldview presented opinions from a wide variety of scholars and experts, James Finn’s editorials highlighted the war’s dispro- portionate impact on poor and working-class Americans who

U.S. helicopters in Vietnam, 1966 bore the brunt of the draft; predicted that the public and politi- discussion of these topics frequently complete victory and unconditional cians would abandon Great Society pro- circled back to the war. Indeed, discus- surrender in time of war.”15 grams as the costs of the Vietnam War sions became so heated, as military To a contemporary audience, this mounted; and provided a counterpoint officers and peace activists debated, quote clearly condemns the most to those who condemned conscien- that CRIA officers scrambled to institute hawkish approach to the Vietnam tious objectors. Finn consistently used new rules to be sure that all sides could War. But Loos’ change of perspective his position as editor to highlight the be heard.14 was not unusual. A majority of Ameri- opinions of antiwar intellectuals and In public political discussions, the cans turned against the war terms of debate—and the rules of after the 1968 Tet Offensive, engagement—had changed tremen- when the North Vietnamese dously from the late 1950s to the late attacked South Vietnamese 1960s. In 1962, Loos participated in an and American troops during ABC television special on “The Churches the Vietnamese New Year and Communism,” in which he lent his celebrations, thus dramati- moral authority to containment when cally contradicting the John- he explained that he supported the son administration’s claims expansion of U.S. defense capabilities that the North Vietnamese as necessary to stop a worldwide com- would soon be defeated. The munist revolution. Just eight years later, negative public response led however, Loos seems to have lost his Johnson to promise to cease faith in the traditional Cold War strate- bombing North Vietnam gies and outlook, telling trustees, “We above the twentieth parallel must avoid the black-white fallacy . . . . and to limit the number of We must begin by giving up our abso- U.S. troops sent to Vietnam. lute thinking in terms of black-white, Both CRIA’s publications good guys and bad guys, total virtue and its trustees’ statements on one side and total evil on the other, of this period hint that many Hans Morgenthau

65 portray protesters sympathetically.16 struggle to be sure the law was put into with businessmen over labor practices Loos himself remained carefully effect. Perhaps Loos was concerned and hiring in Africa expanded natu- neutral in public, regarding debates that antiwar statements by CORE would rally, and in 1973 the Council began over the righteousness of the war in alienate too many congressmen at a to cooperate with the Aspen Institute Vietnam as so complicated—and so key moment.17 to hold conferences with corporate emotional—that they could detract Despite good intentions, however, leaders on business ethics. This was from worthy work in other arenas. In a Loos’ opinion ran counter to the polit- an innovative area of expansion for ical outlook of a new generation of CRIA. Today, the American public Loos believed that activists. While Loos had steered CRIA expects multinational corporations if civil rights groups through years in which Cold War tech- to engage with shareholders and nocrats had the greatest impact on consumers on ethical questions, such turned their attention foreign policy, in the 1960s a powerful as working conditions and environ- to Vietnam, it had the grassroots movement demanded its mental impact, but working directly to potential to “blunt due. With echoes of earlier populist influence corporations—as opposed movements in American history, six- to lobbying the U.S. government to the sharp-­cutting ties-era activists claimed that all people force corporations to change—was a edge of the civil had the moral sense to judge foreign departure from decades of tradition. rights movement.” policy for themselves. In 1966, CORE Loos explained to trustees that the demanded the withdrawal of troops change was an acknowledgment that letter to James Farmer of the Congress from Vietnam, and in 1967 Martin Luther top multinational corporations had of Racial Equality, Loos praised Farmer King, Jr. spoke out against the war. eclipsed most nation-states in terms for persuading CORE to avoid voting Notably, when civil rights organizations of economic size and power. on a resolution regarding withdrawal of and leaders spoke out against the war U.S. churches in the early 1970s U.S. troops from Vietnam. Loos believed they highlighted not only the dispro- were in the vanguard of a movement that if civil rights groups turned their portionate number of African-Ameri- to investigate corporate practices in attention to Vietnam, it had the poten- cans who were drafted and served in Africa, publicize them, and call for tial to “blunt the sharp-cutting edge of the military but also the political and divestment to punish the unethical, the civil rights movement.” While civil economic oppression in all former col- and CRIA helped bring this work to rights issues were “relatively clear cut,” onies that marked the legacy of Euro- the attention of a broader public. In Loos said that in his long career in inter- pean colonization.18 1971 activist Tim Smith held a lengthy national relations he had found every talk at Merrill House in which he issue to be “infinitely complex,” and he Engaging the presented his work for the Coun- urged Farmer to continue to use his cil for Christian Social Action of the Multinational Corporation: office to guide his own and other civil United Church of Christ. Smith’s talk rights organizations to steer clear of for- Anti-Apartheid, Divestment, prompted a lively discussion, with the eign policy issues. Loos’ letter reflected and Corporate Ethics key concerns being that pressure to the particular circumstances in 1965: the As CRIA’s leaders worked to advance push U.S.-led multinationals out of civil rights movement was on the cusp African-American equality at home, Africa could result in less leverage in of a huge victory as the Voting Rights they also pushed for greater racial negotiating with the South African Act was being debated and amended equality and economic opportunity in government and could hurt African in Congress. It would be passed and post-colonial Africa. In 1971 the orga- workers more than it did the corpora- signed into law just a few weeks after nization sponsored a talk on the role tions. It was the sort of discussion that Loos wrote his letter to Farmer; and of multinational corporations in Africa, perfectly fulfilled CRIA’s mission: a cut- as with all civil rights legislation, its long before such discussions were ting-edge issue that deserved greater passage meant continued work and becoming commonplace. The dialogue publicity, a speaker who combined

66 1962–74 activism with religion, and an audience religious scholars, and one another, a corporations rather than nations. He asking tough, pragmatic questions with fact that Loos emphasized to skeptics admitted that CRIA would need the direct policy implications.19 among the trustees. Over the following support of business if it was to survive CRIA followed the example set by the decades and right up to the present, financially, but he defended this new Episcopal Church and Church of Christ, CRIA’s programs on business ethics arena of CRIA’s work. “What I am saying and Chairman of the Board Charles became an important strand of the is that we do not undertake this pro- Judd and Assistant to the gram in the first instance because we President Ulrike Klopfer led need this kind of support—substantive, an examination of CRIA’s financial, and moral—from the multi- investment portfolio and national corporation. We undertake the its subsequent divestment program because to do so is clearly an from companies doing extremely important segment of our business in South Africa. basic assignment, i.e., to work for inter- Noting the widespread dis- national peace with justice.”21 cussion of divestment and In his 1973 report to the trustees, the role of multinational Loos looked back with satisfaction on corporations in interna- nearly twenty years with the Council. tional affairs, CRIA surveyed He had shepherded the Church Peace top business executives Union through significant changes: a to find out whether they departure from activism and lobbying, would be interested in a move toward the more multicultural programs on business name and outlook of the Council on ethics, and the encour- Religion in International Affairs, and the aging results led them to initial steps toward creating a devel- begin a new project, the opment program. Loos steered the Corporate Consultations, nonprofit through the post-World War in partnership with the II years of unremitting hostility toward Aspen Institute. After an the USSR and the concomitant polit- initial meeting focused on ical conformity into and through the South Africa and General vibrant debates over the Vietnam War. Motors, the next session Even as he was forced to cut back on focused on Latin America some expenses, Loos was proud of the and included presentations March on Washington, 1963 quality and impact of Worldview and from leaders of Dow Chemical, IBM, and the unique mix of individuals who CRIA General Motors, as well as Latin Amer- organization’s work, and would come to attracted to its regional seminars, Merrill ican executives from the World Bank, be known as the Carnegie Leadership House conversations, and both Wash- International Monetary Fund, and Gulf Program.20 ington and corporate consultations. It Oil. As it geared its programs toward In his final annual report to the trust- would be up to his successors to find a executives, CRIA’s leaders pursued fund- ees as president in 1973, Loos empha- way for CRIA to navigate the continued raising with the very same corporations sized the importance of corporations economic challenges of the late 1970s, its speakers had chided for their policies to CRIA’s mission to create peace with as well as the changed religious and in Africa, including Gulf Oil and IBM. justice, noting Daniel Bell’s finding in political culture of the Reagan years. Nonetheless, executives seemed eager The Coming of Post-Industrial Society that to engage with ethical questions and of the top one hundred economic units discuss best practices with academics, in the world, fifty were multinational

67 Chapter eight Rebuilding for the Late Twentieth Century

Anti-Vietnam War protest at the Pentagon

The 1970s was a decade of collapse—collapse of the idealism of the 1960s, of the post-World War II economic boom, and of faith in U.S. gov- ernment. Infamously, Tom Wolfe labeled it the “me decade,” an acknowl- edgment of the end of the community-oriented activism and ideology of the 1960s. But perhaps the growth in individualism should be seen less as selfishness than as a coping mechanism in the face of rising cyn- icism, and even despair. America’s industrial economy was of explaining the organization’s name was a Lutheran minister who held posi- slipping. Heavy manufacturing jobs, the to outsiders. “Religion” did not stand for tions of leadership in his denomination, heart of the American postwar recovery any one denomination, nor did it mean qualifications closely esemblingr those and the foundation of the nation’s mid- that CRIA pursued a religious agenda. held by Loos, Atkinson, and the first dle-class, had begun to disappear. Fur- Further, some trustees and staff recog- generation of trustees. Furthermore, ther crippling the economy, oil shocks nized that the name might now limit like the Church Peace Union’s first sec- had sent the entire industrialized world the organization’s funding base.1 retary, Frederick Lynch, Johnson was an into recession. The United States had At the same time, CRIA was contend- activist. His work to integrate the South lost Vietnam to the communists, and ing with an increasingly crowded field Side of Chicago in the late 1940s and withdrawal from the conflict had taken both in seeking donations and in cap- early 1950s had brought him national years—at the cost of many additional turing an audience for its programs. The attention and awards. His selection American and Vietnamese lives—as number of nonprofits and foundations expressed CRIA’s commitment to both President Richard Nixon and Secretary in the United States was soaring. His- racial equality and business ethics.3 of State Henry Kissinger sought an torian Peter Dobkin Hall elusive “peace with honor.” Finally, the has estimated that 90 publication of the Pentagon Papers in percent of today’s non- 1971 and the resignation of Nixon in profits were founded 1974 made the faith in government of after 1950. The raw num- earlier generations seem naïve. bers of U.S. nonprofit In such an environment, CRIA’s mis- organizations increased sion to ensure that moral and religious from about 250,000 in viewpoints were considered in inter- 1940 to over 1.1 million national policymaking now ran the risk in 1980.2 of appearing antiquated. It was not When A. William that religion was no longer relevant to Loos stepped down as American life. Evangelical movements president in 1974, he challenged the Philip A. Johnson were experiencing growth as measured board of trustees to find a new path for both by number of congregations and CRIA in terms of programming, audi- Johnson maintained CRIA’s tradi- church attendees, and their congre- ence, and fundraising. Because Loos tional programs and added a few new gants were increasingly active in the had started working under General ones as he attempted to solve the nonprofit world. Rather, the problem Secretary Henry Atkinson in 1946, he identity crisis he confronted after Loos’ was that policymaking elites had been represented continuity with the Church retirement. He supported the continu- divided down the middle ideolog- Peace Union’s first generation of staff ing publication of Worldview magazine, ically: between conservatives, who and trustees, and thus to Andrew Car- which in 1976 had nearly 17,000 sub- were open about their desire to bring negie himself. With Loos’ retirement, scriptions, including over 3,000 pur- religious values into politics, and liber- the board faced an opportunity—and a chased by Trans-World Airlines for its als, who embraced secularism or saw risk—as it strove to reinvent the organi- passengers to read in-flight. Still under their religious beliefs as part of a larger, zation for the late twentieth century. the direction of James Finn, Worldview humanistic value system. As these had begun to skew a bit to the political groups grew more polarized in the The Johnson Years: Experi- right over the 1970s, as Finn and con- 1980s and early 1990s, it created some tributor Richard John Neuhaus began mentation and Dialogue confusion about the name and role of to transform from liberals into neocon- the Council on Religion and Interna- The board’s choice of Philip A. Johnson servatives, but it still presented a variety tional Affairs. Indeed, administrators to replace Loos hewed closely to the of viewpoints from the leading lights of 4 and trustees joked about the difficulty traditions of the organization. Johnson academia, politics, and journalism.

69 In addition to Worldview, CRIA pub- Michael P. Sloan. Founded in May 1976, efforts and the development work that lished books and pamphlets on inter- the Center continued the work of the absorbed most of Johnson’s time, the national affairs for a scholarly audience. Corporate Consultations begun under organization was not advancing toward Johnson continued the CRIA Conversa- Loos, focusing on multinational corpo- its fundraising goals.7 tions program, in which for a small sub- rations as entities central to the pursuit To guide Johnson’s programming scription fee Council “members” could of peace with justice due to their eco- decisions, the board created a sev- come to Merrill House approximately nomic and political power. Using con- en-member Long-Range Planning Com- once a week to hear notable speakers ferences and publications, the Center mittee, and each member was asked address a wide variety of issues. Run drew participation from those in devel- to respond to a set of predetermined by Jerry Harris during the late 1970s oping countries, from the leadership questions designed to help define the and well into the 1980s, the Conversa- ranks of corporations, and from financial Council’s priorities for the next three to tions led to capacity crowds at Council institutions. Among the Center’s nota- five years. All agreed that CRIA should maintain its focus on ethics, values, and morals in inter- national affairs, though their definitions of eligionr were broad. Trustees cited world religions and ethics as forming the foundation of CRIA’s work, showing their acceptance of trends toward multicultural- ism and secularism.8 The sharpest debate cen- tered on whether the orga- nization should engage in advocacy. One trustee argued that it was impossible to be relevant ethically without tak- ing a stand, and he urged CRIA to agitate against nuclear war, CRIA Conversation with Donald F. McHenry, U.S. Ambassador to the UN, 1979 “the overriding ethical issue of our time.” Two more trustees supported advo- headquarters and to hundreds of new ble publications was Investment Codes cacy. One asked whether CRIA could contacts for the organization. A favored of Conduct: A Compendium (1978).6 be “more controversial where suitable,” venue for diplomats, policymakers, and In terms of fundraising, Johnson, while another said bluntly that “CRIA authors, the program drew an especially like Loos before him, had hopes for a should fight for causes.” These opinions well-informed audience.5 direct mail campaign asking Worldview represented a departure from decades In addition, Johnson initiated two subscribers to become CRIA members. of policy dating back to the 1950s, and a new programs. For one, he admin- Both Johnson and his board also hoped more tradition-minded member of the istered a research grant focusing on to raise CRIA’s profile through a new committee said that CRIA simply lacked Brazil, leading some board members initiative they called the “moral audit,” the constituency and the expertise to to question whether CRIA was ready which would present the public with an advocate for causes responsibly.9 for “operational” work. In addition, he itemized assessment, much like a report Rather than narrowing CRIA’s focus, began what was called the Center card, based on the nation’s foreign pol- the majority of trustees wanted to for Transnational Studies, headed by icy in the previous year. Despite these broaden it. Engaging with CRIA’s

70 1970s–1995 decided to focus on edu- cation over advocacy, though members agreed they might occasionally take an informed stance on a controversial issue. CRIA would focus on the ethical dimensions of foreign policy broadly, rather than embracing a small number of issues. But who was to be their main constituency—experts or the public? Board mem- bers agreed they were not a “mass” organization, but instead would aim at reaching the “gate-keepers, the influentials, the deci- sion-makers, concerned people,” while maintaining the possibility of reaching a larger audience.11

Surviving, then Thriving: New Directions in the 1980s and 1990s The following year, 1979, the board and Philip John- son parted ways. Facing the need to cut annual budgets by $50,000, trust-

Carnegie Council, New York City ees decided to end the Washington Seminars, begun in 1958 traditional constituency of the religious traditions. Trustees consid- with the “Consultation on the Prospects churches, they wanted to offer con- ered whether they could create TV or of Negotiation with the Soviet Union,” tinuing education in world affairs for radio programs for discussion groups, that for twenty years had brought clergy. They also hoped to engage with and whether they could get a National Washington policymakers together with university audiences more thoroughly Endowment for the Humanities grant scholars of religion and morality. The through faculty workshops and the for their work.10 board also approved a revision to the creation of materials for classroom use, In its concluding set of meetings, budget of Worldview, reducing support especially on campuses with strong the Long-Range Planning Committee for the magazine to 20 percent of the

71 organization’s total annual budget, to Robert J. Myers (1924–2011) be instituted gradually after 1979. Editor James Finn pointed out that this would “A better understanding of the role of values in U.S. foreign policy have negative long-term effects on the may be a first step towards shared normative values to begin to break publication, and thus possibly hurt the the more disruptive patterns in international affairs.” reputation of CRIA itself, but trustees pointed out that the operating budget —Robert J. Myers had to be brought under control.12 Curtis Roosevelt, the grandson of obert Myers was a senior-level intelligence officer turned jour- Franklin Roosevelt and an employee nalist, academic, publisher, and author. He was president of the of the UN Secretariat, led the trustees Council from 1980 to 1995. Born in northern Indiana, Myers was in their work with legal and business only nineteen when he left DePauw University for the U.S. Army advisors to find a new president. Their choice of Robert J. Myers for the posi- Rin 1943. After basic training in California, he was sent to the University of tion reflected their vision of a new Chicago for training in Japanese language and area studies. In 1944, Myers future for the organization, oriented less was recruited into the Office of Strategic Services—a precursor to the CIA, toward the major religious bodies, both which he joined in 1949. For the denominational and interdenomina- next ten years he served the tional, and more toward business and agency in Japan, Taiwan, Korea, publishing.13 and Indonesia. Myers had served in the Office of Myers received a Ph.D. in Strategic Services during World War II, international relations from the where he was stationed in Asia, help- University of Chicago in 1959, ing to mobilize Chinese and Koreans and became the CIA chief of sta- against the Japanese invasion. He went tion in Cambodia the follow- on to earn graduate degrees at the ing year. From 1963 he served University of Chicago, where he stud- ied with Hans Morgenthau and wrote as deputy chief of the Far East his dissertation, “The Development of Division. Upon his departure the Indonesian Socialist Party.” He then from the agency in 1965, Myers returned to government service in the received the Intelligence Medal newly-created Central Intelligence of Merit. Agency, rising to station chief in Cam- Myers’ civilian career was no less impressive. Soon after leaving the bodia and then deputy chief for East CIA, he co-founded Washingtonian Magazine, and in 1968 he became pub- Asia. He left the agency in the mid- lisher of The New Republic. During Myers’ tenure he oversaw the launch 1960s to found the Washingtonian mag- of the Council’s quarterly peer-reviewed journal—Ethics & International azine, and a few years later he took over Affairs—and the renaming of the council to the more encompassing Carn- as publisher of the New Republic.14 egie Council on Ethics and International Affairs. Myers was the first president of the Following his retirement from the Council in 1995, Myers moved to organization to have a background in Palo Alto, California, where he continued contributing to the field of inter- business, and his successes in publish- ing, his academic and real world exper- national relations as a research fellow at the Hoover Institution until 2007. tise, and his contacts in business and government made him an attractive candidate. From 1980 to 1995, Myers left

72 1970s–1995 a strong stamp on CRIA. Much like Loos This list of assets did not include the the financial markets plunged and in the post-World War II period, Myers value of Merrill House, which grew sig- the planned renovations had to be transformed the nonprofit to suit a new nificantly after the Council acquired the delayed.17 Nonetheless, once the adjoin- era. His first step was to put the organi- adjacent brownstone, previously the ing townhouse was remodeled and zation’s finances in order. He resumed home of historian and journalist Theo- integrated with the existing building publishing annual reports, which had dore H. White. A longstanding friend of over the course of 1988 to 1990, it dou- lapsed during the previous few years, CRIA, White had given the organization bled the Council’s space and allowed thereby creating a degree of financial the right of first refusal to his home for larger audiences and additional staff. transparency by presenting the organi- upon his death. Though it was a sub- In 1982 the staff consisted of eight peo- zation’s annual budget, the worth of its assets, and a list of donors. In 1980, Myers’ first year, donors included eight religious denominations and organizations, among them the Episcopal, Lutheran, and Presbyterian Churches in America. Together, these composed a quarter of the organiza- tion’s thirty-two funding sources that year. By 1985 only three of the original eight religious funders remained, and they were in a tiny minority of the orga- nization’s list of 119 sponsors, which had expanded to include law firms, banks, corporations, and individuals. For the first time, organizations based outside the United States were also among the growing number of donors, including Left to right: Eva Becker, Deborah Carroll, and Ulrike Klopfer, 1980’s the Korean Traders Association, Taiwan Cement Corporation, and the Delega- stantial expenditure at the time—$1.5 ple, and grew to thirteen by 1994.18 tion of the Commission of the European million represented a significant chunk Adopting new technology—notably, Communities.15 of the endowment—it was a once in the computer—allowed staff to work In his first annual report, Myers noted a lifetime opportunity to expand the more efficiently. After she was hired in the positive turn in the organization’s Council’s headquarters. Eva Becker, then 1980, Becker worked to convince Myers fortunes. At the end of 1979 its assets the office manager and bookkeeper to purchase the Council’s first com- were just under $5.8 million; by the end (promoted to vice president for finance puter, and once Deborah Carroll joined of fiscal year 1980 assets were $7.2 mil- and administration in 1992), remem- the team as a database manager in lion. By 1986 the assets had more than bered one CRIA Conversation held in 1986 she persuaded Myers that an IBM doubled, to $18 million, and the annual the original Merrill House in which computer would offer an even greater operating budget had increased from seventy-five people had crammed into improvement. Myers particularly appre- just under $500,000 to over $800,000. a room built to accommodate only ciated the way computers allowed for When Myers left eight years later, after forty-five, representing a fire hazard and the creation of a new membership a downturn in the financial markets, the city code violation. With savvy fore- database that could generate address Council’s assets stood at $18.3 million sight, Myers and Becker jumped at the lists and correlate members by their and its annual operating budget was chance to purchase White’s property in interests for targeted mailings. Even- $1.9 million.16 1987, though immediately afterwards tually, Carroll oversaw the creation of

73 the Council’s first Local Area Network, supported vigorous anti-communist current events. Yet in calling attention which allowed staff to access and share measures in Central America, while to neglected issues in foreign affairs, it the same materials—before the Inter- opponents inside Congress and the could also be used to try to spark polit- net made computer networks an office academy objected to the U.S. contribu- ical change. Tessitore recalls publishing necessity.19 tion of weapons and military advisors in an article on global warming in the By all accounts, Myers was a strong the “dirty wars” that produced political early 1980s, long before it had become executive who unified the board and and economic chaos, civilian casualties, part of the public debate, as well as helped keep CRIA focused on a core and the torture and abduction of polit- articles on the approaching sub-Saha- mission. In his ical opponents. Yet ran African famine and the Green Rev- first annual report stepping forward olution. In the early 1980s, Worldview as president, he into policy debates also published steadily on the wars in redefined CRIA for would be an irre- El Salvador and Guatemala, as well as readers: “CRIA is an vocable step away on economic development in Latin independent, non- from neutrality; and America more broadly. Contributors partisan, nonsectar- the Council did not included former National Security Advi- ian, and tax-exempt want to sacrifice its sor McGeorge Bundy, historian Henry organization nonprofit status or Steele Commager, former head of the founded in 1914 by its reputation as a CIA William Colby, and the Dalai Lama.22 Andrew Carnegie.” reliable venue for As testament to the magazine’s influ- The following year thorough and accu- ence, Tessitore cites a call he received he added, “CRIA rate discussion of out of the blue one day from Sargent does not take advocacy positions.” To geopolitical issues.21 Shriver, President Kennedy’s brother-in- underscore the Council’s neutrality Worldview was an important means law and an advisor in both the Kennedy on questions of denomination and its of providing the public with different and Johnson administrations. “I love commitment to humanistic values over viewpoints and objective analysis on your magazine,” Shriver told Tessitore. “I specific doctrines, in 1986 Myers and the board changed the organization’s name to the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs. As Loos had before him, Myers helped the Council adapt to a changed landscape, not only in how foreign affairs was conducted but in how nonprofits operated.20 John Tessitore, who Myers hired as senior editor of Worldview in April 1980 and promoted to editor just a few months later, replacing Finn, remem- bers some discussions of advocacy at board meetings in the early 1980s. “If you did it, it had to be a black-and- white issue,” he recalled. “For example, what do you do about the U.S. involve- ment in Latin America? Would CRIA go directly against the current admin- istration?” The Reagan administration The Dalai Lama speaks at the Council, 1979

74 1970s–1995 want a subscription for my niece Caro- serve as the journal’s editor.25 crises abroad. CRIA hired a small staff line.” This conversation, and others like Other programming stayed in place to undertake the study. J. Bruce Nichols it, supported the staff’s conviction that under Myers. The afternoon Conver- directed the program, and his subse- Worldview was a valued source of news sations Program of off-the-record pre- quent book on their findings created for wonks and policymakers alike.23 sentations and discussions remained a interest among scholars of migration, Circulation had tripled in five years winning formula, and were so popular law, religion, and political science. Judg- following a successful direct mailing that in 1982 they were augmented by ing by its reviews, the book succeeded program, and CRIA expanded the num- an early morning “breakfast” program in creating the type of cross-disciplinary as well. Presentations over 1982 and dialogue on ethics and religion that the into 1983 included “The Case for the Council had long considered key to its Withdrawal of U.S. Ground Troops from mission.28 Western Europe,” by Robert J. Hanks, from the Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis; “U.S. Policy Toward Southern Africa,” by Franklin A. Thomas, president of the Ford Foun- William E. Colby dation; and “Some Basic ber of issues from ten to twelve per Problems of Israel’s Foreign year. Yet the magazine—like so many Policy,” by Israel’s permanent niche publications—was not breaking representative to the United even. As a cost-cutting measure, Myers Nations.26 reduced the publication from a four- Education programs color to a two-color cover and from focused on creating a curric- glossy paper to news stock, which sig- ulum for college students to nificantly reduced overhead. However, consider issues of ethics in as the cost of postage rose it became international affairs, funded clear that Worldview would never by a grant from the Exxon become self-sustaining, and Myers Education Foundation. Lumi- decided to stop publication in 1985.24 naries in the field of political The following year, CRIA began pub- science and international lishing a variety of newsletters in its relations created lectures place—each on a distinct topic and that they presented to col- with a distinct audience, with mailings lege audiences around the country, One of the Council’s greatest ranging from just over one thousand to and newsletters reprinting the lectures changes of the 1980s and early 1990s tens of thousands. In 1987 the Council went out to up to 10,000 social science was an increased programming focus also began to publish a peer-reviewed faculty.27 on Asia, including talks and publica- journal, Ethics & International Affairs, As in Johnson’s time, under Myers the tions on U.S. relations with Japan, the first annually, though it would later organization experimented with admin- Philippines, Korea, China, and Taiwan. In become biannual and then quarterly. istering some research projects directly. 1990 the Council had both a vice presi- Now in its twenty-eighth year, Ethics & In a multi-year project, the Lilly Endow- dent and a director of Asian programs; International Affairs remains the Coun- ment funded a study of the overlap- that year’s programming focused on cil’s signature publication, published by ping and interdependent relationship completing studies of development Cambridge University Press, and Tessi- of the U.S. government and American in South Korea, presenting analyses of tore returned to the Council in 2007 to churches in their responses to refugee Japanese politics and the economy,

75 and administering a three-year grant Germany as the world’s second greatest politicians and a revival of “Yellow Peril” for the study of democracy and devel- economy; and while the United States stereotypes in some media outlets. opment in the Philippines. This involve- remained dominant in terms of gross Myers said these developments had ment in Asia even extended to opening national product, in heavy manufactur- the potential to “threaten the fragile research centers abroad. In 1991, using ing and electronics Asian companies attempts at building an international a grant from the Pew Charitable Trusts, began to take over American markets. order made in the postwar years, as the Council cooperated with the Uni- Pundits warned that a ballooning U.S. well as the domestic economy in the versity of Asia and the Pacific to open national debt had made way for Japan, long run.” In response, and with George the Asian Center for the Study of Demo- a creditor nation, to thrive. Subsequent Washington University as a co-sponsor, cratic Institutions in the Philippines.29 events supported this thesis, and Amer- the Council presented speakers and produced a newsletter on “The U.S.–Japan Economic Agenda” over the late 1980s.30 Under the name of the Carnegie Leadership Program, the Council’s business ethics programs grew under the direction of Audna England, whose programs replaced the Center for Transnational Studies. England’s program focused on cutting-edge ethical questions, includ- ing bioethics and envi- ronmentalism, as well as such continuing areas of concern as development in Asia, Latin America, and Africa. Though the Council rarely advocated openly for change, its invited speakers were free to do President of the Philippines Cory Aquino and icans watched in shock as Japanese so, and on clear-cut moral issues—or Audna England, 1988 companies bought up emblematic those with a growing public consen- American properties: in 1989, Mitsubishi sus behind them—Council program- No doubt Myers’ own expertise in the purchased Rockefeller Center and Sony ming publicized social and economic region helped shape the emphasis on acquired Columbia Pictures. inequality. One such example was Asia, but an even more important factor Considering economic, political, and apartheid. In 1988 the Carnegie Lead- was the growing economic strength cultural aspects of the U.S.–Japan rela- ership Program held a one-day confer- of Japan and the “Asian Tigers” of Hong tionship, the Council’s work provided ence on South Africa in which South Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Tai- an intelligent counterpoint to reflexive African opposition leader Denis Worrall wan. In the 1980s, Japan eclipsed West calls for protectionism among some was a featured speaker. Worrall, an

76 1970s–1995 Afrikaner, had left his program successfully. With the change position as the South in name from the Council on Religion African ambassador to in International Affairs to the Carnegie Great Britain for politi- Council on Ethics and International cal reasons in 1986, and Affairs, he cleared the way forward for that year he visited the what had always been an organization United States and made with essentially secular, humanistic headlines when he said goals to better compete for attention that there had been and donations in a crowded nonprofit “instances” of black chil- field. Furthermore, instead of relying on dren being tortured in the mainline Protestant denominations South African jails. He for funds and personnel, the Council formed an anti-apartheid modernized by adopting practices Afrikaner political party borrowed from business, including the in 1988, the same year use of cutting-edge technology such as Apartheid sign, South Africa he spoke at the Council. Proving the databases and networked computers. exception to the long-time tradition of of various political and social groups, Finally, and most importantly, Myers neutrality, the Carnegie Leadership Pro- including members of the African showed a talent for hiring dedicat- gram supported the Sullivan Principles, National Congress, and took a tour of ed staff. Their creation of excellent which demanded that U.S. corporations Soweto, the famed black township that programs attracted new donors to the working in South Africa advocate for was the historic center of apartheid Council’s growing reputation, and a racial justice and equal treatment for resistance.32 growing donor base led to the Council’s their employees. Today, business pres- With this type of high-profile pro- ability to fund new, high-quality pro- sures, including the Sullivan Principles, gramming, which focused on the most grams. are widely considered an important pressing international issues, perhaps it element in the eventual dismantling of is no surprise that in 1991 the Council’s 31 the apartheid state. work received coverage in the New York The Carnegie Leadership Program Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Associ- devoted ongoing programming to Afri- ated Press and Dow Jones newswires, as can affairs, maintaining a vigilant eye well as many other American, Canadian, on the policies of international corpora- and Asian publications.33 tions extracting raw materials or setting up manufacturing on the continent. In 1990, after a failed coup in Nigeria and Conclusion subsequent international concern over Under Myers’ leadership the Council the government’s jailing and execution adapted to the rapid social, political, of nearly 200 people, England joined and technological changes of the 1980s eight congressional representatives and to mid-1990s, and not only survived education and business leaders in a but thrived. In his first several years as fact-finding mission to that country. The president, Myers led the organization following year England—with a dele- in a process of experimentation. He cut gation of businessmen, academics, and expensive programs that had been in journalists—participated in a fact-find- place for decades, such as the Washing- ing mission in South Africa, where ton Seminars and Worldview magazine, the group met with representatives and he expanded the development

77 Chapter nine A Global Reach: Embracing Technology and Expanding Audiences in the Twenty-First Century

A world of Carnegie Council activities, 2012

When Andrew Carnegie founded the Church Peace Union in 1914, many educated Americans shared his belief that Western civilization had evolved beyond large-scale war. Yet one hundred years later, war and violent conflict appear endemic. Today, wars seem to end only to begin again, whether in the next spin of the twenty-four hour news cycle or in the next generation. Recently, evolutionary biologist Edward O. Wilson has even suggested that the impulse to make war is encoded in human DNA. Genocide and terrorism, once crimes without specific names, are now so frequently reported that parents need to find ways to explain them to their young children.1 In this atmosphere of perpetual A Lone Superpower? human rights, and the ethical use of conflict, the work of Carnegie Coun- Globalization, the Ethics military force. Increasingly, the schol- cil for Ethics in International Affairs of U.S. Intervention, and ars and activists who participated in has the potential to make a greater Council events came from different the Carnegie Council impact than at any other time in its world regions, and so brought expertise history. From the 1980s to early 1990s, from 1995 to 2001 rooted in their own nations’ and com- Robert J. Myers helped pave the way In his 1992 book The End of History and munities’ experiences. Council President for this new Council with his work the Last Man, Francis Fukuyama theo- Rosenthal has noted that the nonprofit to modernize the organization and rized that liberal democracy would be frequently selected a mix of academics, create its international partnerships. the triumphant, final form of govern- policymakers, and activists for its talks, a His successor, Joel H. Rosenthal, who ment for humankind. This concept has choice that anchored discussion in con- became president in 1995, has built since been caricatured by critics, but crete and compelling examples. South on this stable foundation to innovate the book’s title and central argument Asia, Eastern Europe, and Africa were and expand, leading the Council to expressed something crucial to un- regions increasingly represented in embrace new communications tech- derstanding the early nologies to better reach a wide audi- 1990s: the enthusiasm ence both at home and abroad. and sense of triumph In the decade of 2004-2014 the at watching the fall Council has expanded its audience of the Berlin Wall, the exponentially; and as its programming Velvet Revolution in now reaches into the homes of tens of Czechoslovakia, and millions of Americans, it also connects the defeat of Soviet a growing network of educators and communism— all information seekers around the world. mainly through peace- The Council’s wide reach and its rep- ful means. At the same utation for integrity attract the high- time, however, the est caliber of speakers and authors to title conveys a sense public programs, ranging from Nobel of weightlessness, of laureates to investigative journalists to disorientation: What generals and White House advisors. could be next? Ever since the United Fall of the Berlin Wall, 1989 One hundred years after its found- States had become the world’s pre- ing, the Council appears to be fulfilling eminent military and economic power Carnegie Council presentations and dis- Carnegie’s mandate: educating a large after World War II, it had been locked in cussions in the late 1990s and 2000s, for nationwide audience on international a deadly rivalry with the Soviet Union. example, joining counterparts from East affairs, facilitating transnational con- During the presidency of Bill Clinton, Asia and Latin America, along with the nections of friendship and informa- the United States was unrivalled in mil- traditionally well-represented Western tion exchange, and working to inspire itary and economic power, yet it lacked Europe and the United States. Not only people to become more informed and a strong guiding principle in foreign did this diverse participation enrich the active in creating a better world. While relations.2 resulting scholarship but the Council few people today share Carnegie’s In these years, the Carnegie Council’s cultivated a growing international net- perception that the end of war is immi- Education, Studies, and Merrill House work of contacts, which helped publi- nent, the Council’s work makes it pos- Conversations programs focused on cize its efforts and its many publications sible for growing numbers to benefit rapidly accelerating globalization and and audio and video materials. from his legacy. questions of American responsibility in Responding to the Rwandan and the world, including issues of poverty, Balkan outbreaks of ethnic violence,

79 as well as to the legacies of racism and sectarianism in the United States, South Joel H. Rosenthal (1960–) Africa, Central Europe, and Iraq, the Studies department created a project on History and the Politics of Reconcili- ation in 2000. Under Director of Studies Joanne Bauer and Senior Program Offi- cer Elizabeth A. (Lili) Cole, the program examined the role of history education in high schools and museums, the work of truth commissions and tribunals, and the challenges of overcoming religious divisions. Their core question was why some conflicts end and others cycle into violence.3 “The spirit of this work is one of mutual learning. For me, ethics The result was a series of case stud- is a practical thing. There is something intellectually satisfying about ies and conferences that encouraged reflecting on the good life. But ethical inquiry can be more than that. cutting-edge interdisciplinary work in It can help us in specific ways to imagine a better future.” the field of historical memory. Scholars —Joel H. Rosenthal who participated noted that the Coun- cil’s support was “a source of intellectual sustenance” that “lent credence” to a rof. Joel Rosenthal is an author, ethicist, and educator who has new project in a field that was, as Cole been president of Carnegie Council since 1995. He is also adjunct put it, an “emerging, exciting, but intel- professor, New York University and chairman of the Bard College lectually still messy area.” Professors and Globalization and International Affairs program in New York City. policymakers met in sites around the PDuring his tenure as president, the Council has developed its Carne- world—from Madison, Wisconsin, to gie Ethics Studio, producing multimedia programs for television, radio, and Leipzig, Germany—discussing a series of case studies spanning decades and web audiences worldwide. The Council has also established its Global Ethics continents. Many of these were even- Network of Fellows located in two dozen countries around the world. Under tually published as papers and books. Rosenthal, the Council has focused its efforts toward making a broader The capstone conference, cosponsored impact through providing free, accessible, educational programs to a global by the United States Institute of Peace, audience. The Council’s resources are based on the work of scholars and convened twenty-eight teachers, poli- authors representing a multitude of perspectives and every part of the world. cymakers, and activists from around As a scholar and teacher, Rosenthal has focused on ethics in U.S. the world.4 foreign policy, with special emphasis on issues of war and peace, human As Americans debated whether or rights, and pluralism. His first book, Righteous Realists (1991), is a study of not to intervene in the world’s ethnic Hans Morgenthau, George Kennan, and Reinhold Niebuhr, among other and religious conflicts, they were also American realists. Rosenthal’s recent writing is a series of reflections on growing more aware of the environ- the moral dimensions of globalization, including essays on patriotism, the mental impact of industrialization and “global ethic,” and the role of religion in democratic societies. He lectures consumerism. The Council had begun to include programs on environmen- frequently at universities and public venues across the United States and tal policies and bioethics in the 1980s, around the world. and in the 1990s and early 2000s this

80 1995–2014 programming expanded to include development seminar held at Colum- an ambitious multi-year project on bia University in 2001, funded by the comparative environmental values. It National Endowment for the Human- was also one of the first in which the ities, faculty from a wide spectrum of Council sponsored primary fieldwork. specialties met to discuss the ethics of The project, with funding by the United global governance, with topics ranging States–Japan Foundation, the National from issues of citizenship and corpo- Science Foundation, and the Henry rate responsibility to human rights and Luce Foundation, was based in cooper- global climate change. Professor Steven ating centers in China, India, Japan, and Venturino of Loyola University said the the United States. Researchers inves- program offered him “invaluable oppor- tigated how people in each society tunities to couple humanities schol- conceptualized environmental issues, Joanne Bauer arship with thoughtful and dynamic particularly controversies over resource approaches to international relations use and industrial pollution.5 organizations is an aging audience, so and global ethics.” With assistance from Participants found that citizens were Rosenthal set about engaging young the Dillon Fund and the Uehiro Founda- torn between an emerging global people through a two-pronged strat- tion on Ethics and Education, programs environmental value system and their egy: first, by expanding faculty seminars for faculty later became international, more traditional, local values, with the as a means of reaching students in the with exchanges with Chinese faculty extent of this conflict varying from cul- classroom; and second, by supporting members at Shanghai International ture to culture. Team members met one opportunities for young scholars and Studies University, and Japanese and another in each participating country, professionals. The Council had funded European scholars at Oxford University.7 and they also presented their work at the Fourth Open Meeting of the Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change Research Community, held in Rio de Janeiro in 2001. The Council sponsored a series of seminars for activ- ists and policymakers, and published their findings as a book, Forging Environ- mentalism: Justice, Livelihood, and Con- tested Environments, edited by Joanne Bauer, which was greeted with enthusi- asm by academics in the field.6 During these early years of Rosen- thal’s tenure, with the encouragement and support of then chairman Jonathan E. Colby, the new president worked to sharpen the organization’s focus on Members of Carnegie New Leaders meet on the education. “Targeting youth seemed to Carnegie Council terrace In another initiative to engage young make sense,” Rosenthal recalled. “It was people, in the mid-2000s the Council the place we could make a mark—there faculty seminars since the 1980s, and started a membership program for was an opportunity to serve that con- under Rosenthal such programming young professionals under forty years stituency.” Traditionally, one of the big- expanded, reaching universities all old, known today as the Carnegie New gest challenges for international affairs over the country. In a six-week faculty Leaders program.

81 Since his time as the Council’s edu- in international relations—if you ask The Council’s response was a series cation director, one of Rosenthal’s goals them about ethics as a part of their of high-profile public discussions. “In a had been to “put a signature on ethics curriculum, they’re not surprised any- heated political atmosphere, we felt our and international affairs so there was more.” Today, initiatives like the Council’s best contribution would be to offer the an editorial vision for the Carnegie Global Ethics Fellows program ensure opportunity for civilized public reflec- Council.” To develop such a framework that ethical questions are woven into tion,” Rosenthal recalled. The Council based on international ethics from a the profession, and scholars realist perspective, he worked with just starting out have a place Charles W. Kegley, Jr. and Michael J. to find panels, start discussions Smith to help start the Ethics Section with like-minded professionals, of the International Studies Association, and build a network of peers the principal society for profession- and mentors.8 als and students in the field. Ensuring The increasing attention that publications existed to guide and to ethics in international rela- inspire new generations of scholars, the tions, and the growing profile Council sponsored the book Traditions of the Council, is highlighted of International Ethics, and Rosenthal by the growing readership for collaborated with leading scholars to the Council’s peer-reviewed create the collection, Ethics and Interna- journal, Ethics & International tional Affairs: A Reader, which has been Affairs, which expanded from published by Georgetown University an annual to a biannual pub- lication in 2001, and then to a quarterly publication in 2004. Published by Cambridge University Press since 2011 and read in dozens of coun- tries worldwide, the journal is a major invited speakers from across the polit- tool in the promotion of ethics as an ical spectrum to discuss and question area of scholarship and professional the “War on Terror” in its specifics, and specialization. to address the hardest questions of just war theory; the use of force; and the September 11 and the tensions between and among human rights, sovereignty, individual liberty, “War on Terror”: Elevating and the demand for security. From the Dialogue Michael Walzer to William Kristol, the Joanne Myers The loss of life and confusion of Sep- talks—many organized by Public Affairs Press in three editions from 1995 to tember 11, and the sense of vulnerability Program Director Joanne Myers, high- 2009. Both books have been well-re- and violation that followed, marked the lighted the Council’s commitment to ceived and are used extensively in end of a period of American innocence education over partisanship. According political science and international affairs and self-confidence. Very quickly, the to Rosenthal: “Our job was to frame the classrooms. Supported by these and conduct of the George W. Bush admin- questions as ethical questions. We tried other efforts, Rosenthal has seen a sig- istration raised thorny questions about to be educational rather than polemical 10 nificant shift in the discipline over the human rights and national sovereignty or political.” past twenty years. As he noted, “Take that polarized the foreign policy envi- The Council never took specific pol- any director of an academic program ronment.9 icy positions, but the staff did use their

82 1995–2014 choice of speakers and topics to call From Studies to Studio: are downloaded each month, along attention to what they considered the Embracing Technology to with over 40,000 visits to the Council’s most vital ethical issues. Several staff Serve a Wider Public websites; and Carnegie Ethics Studio members recalled one talk as particu- programming is broadcast to approxi- larly significant: the 2006 Morgenthau In 1914, Carnegie founded the Church mately forty million homes each week. Memorial Lecture (and accompanying Peace Union in the hope of reaching By taking advantage of communication interview with former CBS anchorman Americans through their religious breakthroughs of the past two decades, Dan Rather), delivered by Alberto J. leaders, and the trustees launched the and working to meet people where Mora, the former general counsel of World Alliance for Friendship Through they are—whether that’s on iTunes, the Department of the Navy under the Churches to unite Europeans Twitter, Facebook, or watching TV on President George W. Bush. Once Mora and later Asians with American faith Sunday morning—the Council has learned of the torture of prisoners in communities in a campaign for peace. found new ways to share its wealth of United States custody, first in Guan- After the Second World War this vision programming.12 tanamo Bay and later at Abu Ghraib, changed as the CPU be- he worked within the Department of gan to focus on policy- Defense to challenge the legality of makers over the public. such measures. Unable to persuade This narrowed audience his superiors to change their policies, suited a Cold-War era, in Mora resigned in January 2006, one which many policymak- of the highest-ranking officials of the ers valued special- Bush presidency to publicly break ranks ized knowledge and over the conduct of the administration. considered the average Eva Becker, then the vice president of American apathetic and finance and administration, remem- ill-informed on foreign bered this lecture as a defining moment policy questions. It Jeremy Scahill for the Council. With a professional film also made sense given crew hired to ensure that a high-qual- the Council’s budget ity recording was made, the Council’s constraints; attempting event attracted considerable attention. to influence the highly By consistently honoring its commit- educated and influential ment to present a range of views on was a more economical an issue, supported by well-researched way to try to achieve and fact-checked materials, the Coun- change. cil had earned a distinct position as a From its launch in convening authority. The staff’s com- 1958, Worldview mag- mitment to focusing on the ethics azine was the most behind each aspect of the country’s broad-based of all of Jeh Johnson attempt to address the terrorist threat CRIA’s, and later the has continued, for example in 2013 Carnegie Council’s, programs—reach- While in retrospect it may seem clear when the Council invited both a vocif- ing audiences in the thousands and that a dynamic website and multimedia erous critic of drone warfare, journalist then the tens of thousands, with a content would attract more attention Jeremy Scahill, and an ardent defender maximum circulation of over 20,000. to the Council’s work, embracing new of drone use, Jeh Johnson, then the Today, in contrast, the Council’s jour- technologies was not always an obvious former general counsel of the Defense nal reaches over 100,000 academics step for trustees and staff in the 1990s. Department.11 annually; over 100,000 audio podcasts When Rosenthal attempted to explain

83 a blog to Robert Myers, then a trustee, the former Council president replied that if everyone is a writer, then no one would be a reader! Rosenthal had other misgivings. Quality control would be an important factor in frequently posting new material. And he also faced a nag- ging question: What type of audience for the Council’s programming existed? If they built an expensive multimedia studio to present the public with audio and video programming, “would any- body care?” Fortunately, the answer has been a resounding yes.13 For decades the Council, like many similar organizations, had focused on creating seminars and conferences, which then led to publications—a Carnegie Ethics Studio films panel including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz (left) and methodology that primarily reached an Dutch government official Albert Koenders “We’ve always been willing to try new things,” declared IT Director Deb- orah Carroll. As the executive producer of the Studio, Carroll has been at the forefront of experimenting with new ways to deliver content around the world, including YouTube, Ustream, and WordPress blogs. “If it’s something we can do, we give it a try to see if it reso- nates with the audience.” Carroll notes that the Council’s website ranks very high with Google based on its volume of visitors and relevance; this “magic formula,” as Carroll calls it, is the key to attracting new site visitors.15 Social media have allowed the Council to expand its reach even fur- ther. While its television programming “Namaste” by Saori Ibuki, prize-winning entry in Carnegie Council international student photo then chairman Alexander H. Platt, the reaches audiences in the United States, contest, 2013 Council decided to build its Carnegie the Council’s Facebook friends—num- audience of professionals, academics, Ethics Studio so that it could record its bering well over 100,000 as of mid- and students. Rosenthal remembered own audio and video for broadcast. Its 2014—were weighted toward people a “lightbulb” moment at the end of the weekly Global Ethics Forum program, a in the eighteen to twenty-four age 1990s, when C-Span came for the first half-hour of discussion on international bracket, with the largest group living time to film selected Merrill House talks affairs, is now distributed by MHz, a in Pakistan and Egypt. In another effort for its “All About Books” program. After network of over thirty public television to reach young people, the Council’s a Board retreat at Pocantico Hills led by stations, and by CUNY TV.14 annual student essay contest and

84 1995–2014 photo contest have been designed to Components include the Global Ethics Conclusion elicit their ideas and participation.16 Network, an international consortium Rosenthal believes the Council’s of universities engaging students and From 1914 to the present the Council’s success in reaching diverse audiences educators in intercultural dialogue and administrators, staff, and trustees have lies in its longstanding commitment to ethics-based education. Global Eth- engaged with the most pressing issues ensuring the quality of the information ics Fellows and their institutions form facing the United States and the world. it shares and presenting the ideas of the heart of the network; in mid-2014 Reviewing the organization’s last one people across the political spectrum. there were thirty-two fellows in fifteen hundred years, differences between This has made the Council a trust- countries. Many fellows appoint a stu- its past and present are obvious, but worthy source that people can turn dent as an Ethics Fellow for the Future, most remarkable are the clear connec- to even when they do not trust other and mentor him or her in a year-long tions between the founders’ ideals and media. “We stand for a core set of val- project. There is also an online social those of the present generation, even if ues, and a way of thinking,” Rosenthal network that is open to all students and their strategies have shifted from tele- has said.17 To underline this point and educators across the world. In addition, gram and sermon to tweet and pod- sharpen the Council’s brand, Chairman the Centennial project features inter- cast. Today, as President Joel Rosenthal Alexander H. Platt suggested and over- national symposia in Edinburgh, Sara- and scholar Michael Ignatieff work to saw the subtle but significant evolution jevo, and New York, and “Global Ethical re-launch the Council on its Centennial, in the Council’s name from Carnegie Dialogues”—research visits to destina- they ask audiences—and guide them— Council on Ethics and International tions including Latin America, Asia, and to search for a global ethic, the common Affairs to Carnegie Council for Ethics in the Balkans, led by Centennial Chair core of values shared across all cultures. International Affairs. As advocates for Michael Ignatieff. Another component It is a project that clearly recalls the orig- ethics through education, the Council’s is the Thought Leaders Forum, a series inal mission of the Church Peace Union: agenda has become even clearer. of interviews conducted by Senior Fel- to join men and women of many faiths To mark its Centennial, in 2012 low Devin Stewart with public intellec- to campaign against unnecessary loss of the Council launched an ambitious, tuals from a wide variety of regions and life in large-scale war. many-faceted, multi-year project backgrounds.18 Contemplating his latest venture called “Ethics for a Connected World.” after the day of its first board meeting in 1914, Carnegie remarked to Frederick Lynch, “Hasn’t it been a great day! And what a splendid lot of men we’ve got there! They can do anything.” 19 To the jaded reader of the twenty-first century, this type of statement can make Carn- egie and his project appear naïve. Yet it would be a mistake to dismiss the canny Scotsman. Through his unwavering focus on his ideals, and the energy he maintained through relentless will and optimism, Carnegie founded a trust that has lasted one hundred years and has affected countless lives across the globe. Whether and how its work will live up to Carnegie’s hopes and dreams is an open

Carnegie Ethics Fellow for the Future Gabriel Lima de Almeida and Centennial Chair Michael Ignatieff at a protest in question, one that is up to succeeding Rio during a Global Ethical Dialogues site visit, 2013, part of the Council’s Centennial programs generations to decide.

85 86 1904–14 Afterword: The Next Hundred Years

ne hundred years. The phrase itself suggests an accomplishment and an aspiration. It is hard to exaggerate the velocity of change in the glo- Obalized world of 2014. Institutions that were once the pillars of Main Street and Wall Street continue to evolve at break-neck speed, some to adapt, many to disappear. Why has the Council endured? In reviewing the history, it is clear that the Council has embraced change. It has been responsive to the moment. It has stayed true to its educational mission. It has not been afraid to make major shifts, broad- ening its signature approach from religion to ethics, and its communications from print to digital. Through the years the Council’s message has been remarkably consistent. All of its leaders shared a common view: they saw no reason to make an artificial dis- tinction between idealism and realism. All found it perfectly logical that individuals and nations will act in their self-interests, while also believing it possible to find ways to channel those interests toward better outcomes. The Council lost its innocence the day it was born. This proved to be a virtue. The outbreak of World War I showed that peace could not be established by rational plan, followed by force of will and a simple belief in the unity of mankind under a global ethic. The lesson was painful but instructive. The human dimension of con- flict—the ethical dimension—would be the subject of all the Council’s activity to follow. This dimension would involve deep analysis of power, interests, competing values, and human imperfections. Simple moral assertions and appeals to senti- ment would not do. The Council endured for another reason. It provided connection. As a Carne- gie institution, we became part of the great historic movements enabled by Andrew Carnegie’s philanthropy—movements for peace, social justice, scientific progress, education, and artistic expression. We were empowered to join in with like-minded people around the world. As an institution endowed in perpetuity, we are connected not only to the efforts of those who came before us but also to those who will come

87 after. To paraphrase Reinhold Niebuhr, nothing that is worth doing can be achieved in a lifetime. The Council answers the need for scope, to work together with others for something big and enduring. At the beginning of our hundredth year I wrote a “Letter to Andrew Carne- gie,” reporting to him on the progress of our Council and the prospects for the more peaceful world he so fervently desired. While delivering this letter to an audience gathered in the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh, the Carnegie spirit was palpable. At the conclusion of our Centennial activities, I will share my “Letter to Our Succes- sors, 2114” with those gathered in New York to mark the occasion. In it, I will share my understanding of our current challenges, as well as my hopes for those who will gather for the bicentennial a hundred years on. Looking both backward and forward at this moment of reckoning, it is exhilarating to feel a direct link to people with whom we share so much and yet will never meet.

a re-founding The Council has operated humbly, rigorously, and in the spirit of mutual learning. On this hundredth anniversary, the Council’s leaders have determined that this is a moment to recommit to that effort and to bring its work into the next one hundred years with all of the enthusiasm, creativity, and energy of its original founders. In 2014 twelve donors committed $100,000 each to participate in our Cen- tennial Founders project. The project is part time-capsule, part mission-statement. Each Founder has been asked to prepare a statement on what he or she sees as the greatest challenges facing the world and what the Council might do to play its part in addressing them. A common characteristic of our Centennial Founders is their commitment to education. Each understands the need and the unparalleled oppor- tunity we have now to create educational experiences and resources for worldwide audiences. In this re-founding moment, it is our goal to make new ideas and the highest quality resources available to any person anywhere who seeks to learn more about ethics and international affairs. It is also our goal to give them an opportunity to have a voice in the dialogue.

work to be done No one can predict the world of 2114. But we do know that the people who inhabit it will share many of our human concerns. For all that we cannot know about the

88 future, it is reasonable to assume that Thucydides’ account of human motivation, as illustrated in his classic Histories of the Peloponnesian War, will endure: perceptions of interest, fear, and honor will continue to steer human behavior. The issues before us are challenging. But can we say they are worse than those that faced our predecessors? It is hard to make that case at the moment. For all of the dire situations we can chronicle in 2014—the threat of climate change; vast poverty; persistent financial, racial, and gender inequality; intractable religious and ethnic conflict; and the persistence of bigotry and hatred—we cannot deny the real progress that has been made. Slavery, imperialism, racism, wars of conquest—all commonplace in Carnegie’s lifetime—are now recognized as illegitimate and unjust. The norms of expected and required behavior are changing. Day-to-day life is shaped by global forces that are gaining speed and intensity. Financial instability, climate change, terror networks, and satellite communication are changing the way we live. The most basic human needs—jobs, health, and security—are now fully embedded in global systems. Looking ahead, common interests will need to be sup- ported by common values and agreed-upon procedures. The possibilities for mutuality will be tested in the coming decades. In a global world, collective action problems become acute. Addressing climate change will require an evolution in the perception of interests. An evolution of interests will also be required to deal with deadly conflicts in remote regions of the world where no one particular great power may have a direct interest. It will take leadership and education to help make the point that in some aspects of life in the twenty-first century, we are all in it together. Another theme bound to dominate is that of pluralism and self-determina- tion. By pluralism, we mean living together with differences. Self-determination, unleashed in earnest a hundred years ago, remains the bedrock idea of international law and ethics. On regular occasions we see how uncomfortably it sits with pluralism. Once released, the principle of self-determination is difficult for political leaders to harness. In the aftermath of World War I, self-determination became the great princi- ple but also the great variable of the twentieth—and now the twenty-first—century. What institutions will speak for ethics a hundred years from now? As reli- gious and academic institutions evolve, there seems to be less capacity among them to mount public education initiatives beyond their constituencies. Religious insti- tutions are under internal stresses of their own, while academic institutions con- tinue to reward specialized research. It is reasonable to ask whether they will be

89 committed to a broad, general discussion of ethics and public life and, if so, where that space might be found. It is our intention that the Carnegie Council will be ready for duty. One of Andrew Carnegie’s favorite phrases was, “My heart is in the work.” For all that has been accomplished over the past hundred years and all that there is to come, there is no substitute for the spirit of the enterprise as captured in that phrase. It is not always easy to make the pitch for progress when we see one catastro- phe after another. It often seems like one step forward, two steps back. But without such efforts we might easily slide from skepticism to cynicism—and, ultimately, to nihilism. In the face of so many challenges, the Council continues to be a place where we can keep imagining a better future.

joel h. rosenthal

President Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs

90 notes chapter one 1. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1998). 2. David Nasaw, Andrew Carnegie (NY: Penguin, 2006), Kindle edition, chap. 40. 3. Ibid., Carnegie UK Trust, Pioneering Philanthropy: 100 Years of the Carnegie UK Trust (Dunfermline, Scotland: Carnegie UK Trust, 2013), 11-14. 4. Andrew Carnegie, “Mr. Carnegie’s Letter to the Trustees,” December 14, 1910 in A Manual of the Public Benefactions of Andrew Carnegie (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1919), 183-184; quoted in Nasaw, Kindle edition, chap. 39. 5. Nasaw, Kindle edition, chap. 2; Frederick Lynch, Personal Recollections of Andrew Carnegie (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1920), accessed August 7, 2013, http://web.archive.org/web/20080513105021/http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/toc/modeng/public/LynCarn.html. 6. Andrew Carnegie to William Gladstone, June 29, 1887, vol. 10, Andrew Carnegie Papers, 1803-1935, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC; quoted in Nasaw, Kindle edition, chap. 17. 7. Nasaw, passim. 8. Lynch, 26-27. 9. Ibid. 10. Lynch, 28; Nasaw, Kindle edition, chap. 35 and passim. Carnegie believed that the Americans, British, and Germans came from similar eth- nic backgrounds and so a “Teutonic” alliance would lead the way to peace. To promote such an alliance, he had met with Kaiser Wilhelm II on more than one occasion, and he had urged Theodore Roosevelt to do the same. 11. Lynch, 154; Nasaw, Kindle edition, chap. 39; Annual Report: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (1914), vi, http://books.google.com/ books?id=8HgtAAAAIAAJ, accessed on 30 May 2014. 12. Ibid. 13. Lynch, 155-156. 14. Ibid., 156-157. 15. Ibid., 158-160. 16. Ibid., 160. 17. Charles S. Macfarland, Pioneers for Peace Through Religion (NY: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1946), 17-21, 18. Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, The Carnegie Council: The First Seventy-Five Years (NY: Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, 1989), 2. 19. Nasaw, Kindle edition, chap. 41. 20. Lynch, 163.

chapter two 1. Charles S. Macfarland, Pioneers for Peace Through Religion (NY: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1946), 58; Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, The Carnegie Council: The First Seventy-Five Years (NY: n.p., 1989), 1-2. 2. William Pierson Merrill, Christian Internationalism (NY: The MacMillan Co., 1919), 145-147. 3. David Nasaw, Andrew Carnegie (NY: Penguin, 2006), Kindle edition, chap. 42. 4. Macfarland, 54. 5. Ibid., 52. 6. “For Preparedness While Urging Peace,” New York Times , 20 September 1915, accessed August 28, 2013, http://query.nytimes.com/mem/ archive-free/pdf?res=F70B1E8A5C13738DDDA90A94D1405B858DF1DC. 7. Macfarland, 51. 8. Nasaw, chap. 42. 9. Macfarland, 56-7. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid.; “For Preparedness.” 13. Macfarland, 59. 14. Ibid., 71. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Frederick Lynch, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friend- ship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1919), 4. 18. Ibid., 5. 19. Ibid., 5-6. 20. Ibid., 18.

91 21. Macfarland, 75. 22. Nasaw, Kindle edition, chap. 42. 23. Ibid., 76. 24. Lynch, 20.

chapter three 1. Macfarland, 79. 2. On the First Red Scare as an ongoing struggle in the 1920s and into the 1930s, see Kim E. Nielsen, Un-American Womanhood: Anti-Radical- ism, Anti-Feminism and the First Red Scare (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press: 2001). 3. Macfarland, 89. 4. Henry Atkinson, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friend- ship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1926), 7-8. 5. Ibid., 19. 6. Henry Atkinson, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friend- ship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1925), 13-14. 7. Macfarland, 87. 8. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1925), 16. 9. Macfarland, 89. 10. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1926), 17-18; Macfarland, 91, 94. 11. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1925), 12-13, 15; Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1926), 17. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid. 14. Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State, “Milestones: 1921 to 1936,” accessed 20 Sept. 2013, http://history.state.gov/ milestones/1921-1936/NavalConference. 15. Ibid.; Congress, Senate, Vice President Calvin Coolidge on The Four Power Treaty, Congressional Record, 22 March 1922, 4225, in Congres- sional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional (accessed 1 September 2013); Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti-Japanese Movement in California and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion (Berkeley: U. of California Press, 1962). 16. David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (NY: Oxford UP, 2004). 17. Frederick Lynch, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friend- ship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1919), 19-20. 18. See fn 2. 19. Congress, House, Committee on Naval Affairs, Statements of Dr. William I. Hull, Professor of History and International Relations, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, PA; and Rev. Dr. Arthur J. Brown, Secretary of the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, New York City, on the Bill (H.R. 7359) for the Increase of the Naval Establishment, 15 February 1928, in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional, (accessed 1 September 2013). 20. Ibid., 1649-1652, 1655, 1676; Congress, House, Frederick Britten on the Bill (H.R. 7359) for the Increase of the Naval Establishment, Congres- sional Record, 15 March 1928, 4848, in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional database (accessed 1 Sep- tember 2013). 21. Dorothy Detzer to Lucia Ames Mead, undated, The Records of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, U. S. Section, Swarthmore College Peace Collection (Microfilm, reel 52, #979-80), http://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/wilpf/doc12.htm (accessed 17 Sep- tember 2013). 22. Congress, House, Frederick Britten on the Bill (H.R. 7359) for the Increase of the Naval Establishment, Congressional Record, 15 March 1928, 4848, in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional database (accessed 1 September 2013). 23. Congress, House, Committee on Naval Affairs, Statements of Mrs. Sherman D. Walker, Vice President and Chairman of Committee on National Defense and E.B. Johns on (H.R. 7359) A Bill for the Increase of the Naval Establishment, 17 February 1928, 1404; Congress, House, Committee on Naval Affairs, Statements of Mr. Edward E. Spafford, National Commander of the American Legion, on the Increase of Naval Establishment (H.R. 7359), 20 February 1928, 1341, in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional database (accessed 1 September 2013). 24. Emily O. Goldman, Sunken Treaties: Naval Arms Control Between the Wars (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State UP, 2010): 164; Con- gress, House, Committee on Naval Affairs, Statements of Dr. William I. Hull, Professor of History and International Relations, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, PA; and Rev. Dr. Arthur J. Brown, Secretary of the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, New York City, on the Bill (H.R. 7359) for the Increase of the Naval Establishment, 15 February 1928, 35, in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional data- base (accessed 1 September 2013). 25. Frederick Lynch, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1930), 7.

92 chapter four 1. Henry Atkinson, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friend- ship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1929); Henry Atkinson, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1932), 5. 2. Congress, House, Unemployment in the United States: Hearings Before the Committee on the Judiciary on S. 3059, 3060, H.R. 8374, 8655, 9560, 11414, 12550, and 12551, 11 and 12 June 1930, 20-22, in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional database, (accessed 19 September 2013). 3. Ibid. 4. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1932), 16-17, 32; Henry Atkinson, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Commit- tee of the World Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1934), 17. 5. Edmond Taylors, “War Hates Rise Amid Graves of Soldier Dead,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 12 Nov. 1933, 1. These trips were called the Gold Star Mother pilgrimages by contemporaries. 6. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1932), 18-19. 7. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1932), 19; Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1934), 19; Henry Atkinson, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1939), 10; “Campaign for World Economic Cooperation Broadcasts: A Peace Committee In Every Church—the Movement Grows,” included in U.S. House, Commit- tee on Naval Affairs, Hearings on H.R. 9218 To Establish the Composition of the United States Navy, To Authorize the Construction of Certain Naval Vessels, and For Other Purposes, 31 January 1938, 2421-2425, in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional data- base, (accessed 19 September 2013). 8. Macfarland, 139-162. 9. “Roosevelt Urged to Plead for Jews,” New York Times, 27 March 1933, 4 in ProQuest Historical Newspapers (accessed 19 September 2013). 10. Most infamously, the renowned aviator and leader of America First, Charles Lindbergh, made anti-Semitic comments at a political rally that helped destroy the credibility of his organization. The legacy of America First is still controversial, see Wayne S. Cole, America First: The Battle against Intervention, 1940-1941 (Madison: U. of Wisconsin, 1953) and Ruth Sarles, A Story of America First: The Men and Women Who Opposed U.S. Intervention in World War II (NY: Praeger, 2003); Congress, House, Statement of Jacob Thorkelson (R-MT), Congressional Record, 18 October 1939, 584, in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional (accessed 19 September 2013). 11. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1939), 9; “Carnegie Peace Union Asks Aid for Allies; Plea is Radical Change in Group’s Views,” New York Times, 14 June 1940, 12 in ProQuest Historical Newspapers (accessed 19 September 2013). 12. Sidney L. Gulick, The New Anti-Japanese Agitation (New York: Commission on Relations with the Orient of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, n.d.), 26-27, accessed through Harvard University Library Open Collections Program, http://ocp.hul.harvard. edu/immigration/vcsearch.php?any=gulick (accessed on 10 August 2013). 13. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1934), 10; Blanche Wiesen Cook, Eleanor Roosevelt, Vol. 2: The Defining Years, 1933-1938 (NY: Penguin, 1999), 440-442. 14. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1934), 27; Benjamin D. Rhodes, United States Foreign Policy in the Interwar Period, 1918-1941 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2001), 150-151. 15. Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1934), 11; “Church Group Asks Control of Arms,” New York Times, 9 November 1934, 23; “Army Chaplains,” New York Times, 15 May 1933, 16; both articles in ProQuest Historical Newspapers (accessed 19 September 2013). 16. Statement of Rep. Frank Kloeb, Congress, House, Hearings Before the Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 7125 and H.J. 259, 18 June and 30 July 1935, 5 in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional database, (accessed 19 September 2013). 17. “Church Group,” 23; “War Trade Denounced,” New York Times, 21 October 1935, 20; both articles in ProQuest Historical Newspapers (accessed 19 September 2013). 18. Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State, “Milestones: 1921 to 1936, The Neutrality Acts, 1930s,” accessed 13 Oct. 2013, http://history. state.gov/milestones/1921-1936/Neutrality_acts. 19. Ibid. 20. Congress, Senate, Neutrality, Peace Legislation and Our Foreign Policy: Hearings Before the Committee on Foreign Relations, 14 April 1939, 127 in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional database, (accessed 19 September 2013); Ibid. 21. Statement of Dr. Walter Van Kirk, Congress, Senate, Construction of Certain Naval Vessels: Hearing Before the Committee on Naval Affairs, 15 April 1940, 280-284 in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection, ProQuest Congressional database, (accessed 19 September 2013). 22. Macfarland, 191; Atkinson, Report to the Trustees (1939), 7. 23. Henry Atkinson, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1940), 17-21. 24. “Carnegie Peace Union Asks Aid for Allies,” New York Times, 14 June 1940, 12 in ProQuest Historical Newspapers (accessed 19 September 2013). 25. “Church Unit Denies We Can Be Neutral,” New York Times, 17 July 1941, 5 in ProQuest Historical Newspapers (accessed 19 September 2013). 26. Henry Atkinson, Report to the Trustees of the Church Peace Union and to the Executive Committee of the World Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches (NY: N.P., 1941); Macfarland, 192. 27. Macfarland, 190.

93 chapter five 1. Henry Atkinson, Report of the General Secretary and the Auditors for the Year 1941 (1942), pp. 10–11. 2. Henry Atkinson, Report of the General Secretary and the Auditors (1943), p. 17; Andrew Preston, Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith: Religion in Ameri- can War and Diplomacy (NY: Knopf, 2012), Kindle edition, pp. 398–402. 3. Harry N. Holmes to Henry Atkinson, March 29, 1946, Box 161, Charles P. Taft File, Carnegie Council on Ethics in International Affairs Collection, Columbia University Libraries Special Collections. 4. Atkinson, Report (1942), p. 14; Robert P. Hillman, “Quincy Wright and the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace,” Global Governance 4, no. 4 (Oct.-Nov., 1998): 485–486. 5. Hillman, pp. 485–486; “United Nations Work Set for County Boards,” The Christian Science Monitor, October 24, 1942; “World Peace Role for U.S. Aim of Group,” The [Baltimore] Sun, April 17, 1943. These and all following newspaper articles can be found in ProQuest Historical Newspapers, unless indicated otherwise. 6. Atkinson, Report (1943), p. 14. 7. Holmes to Atkinson, op. cit.; John Courtney Murray, S.J., The Pattern for Peace and the Papal Peace Program (Washington, DC: Paulist Press, 1944), at woodstock.georgetown.edu/library/murray/1944B.htm. 8. Murray, pp. 5, 9–10, 17–18. 9. Murray, p. 25; Henry Atkinson, Report of the General Secretary and the Auditors (1945), p. 13. 10. Atkinson, Report (1943), pp. 24–25. 11. “Crusaders Carry World Unity to Midwest on Nonparty Basis,” The Christian Science Monitor, August 4, 1943. 12. Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State, “The United States and the Founding of the United Nations, August 1941 to October 1945,” October 2005, at 2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/pubs/fs/55407.htm; Atkinson, Report (1943), p. 14. 13. Richard Dier, “World Conference, Charter Hailed as ‘Broad Highway Toward Human Rights,’” [Baltimore] Afro-American, July 7, 1945. 14. “Dr. Wise Offers Anti-Bias Set-Up,” [Baltimore] Afro-American, 4 May 1946. 15. Henry A. Atkinson to Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt, March 17, 1942, Box 162, Correspondence with President and All Departments of U.S. Govern- ment, Carnegie Council on Ethics in International Affairs Collection, Columbia University Libraries Special Collections. 16. Ibid; David McKeeby, “Desegregating the Armed Forces,” Learn NC, at www.learnnc.org/lp /editions/nchist-postwar/6028. 17. Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States, 1492–Present (NY: HarperCollins, 1999), p. 415. 18. “Bishop Haas Joins Tolerance Council,” New York Amsterdam News, May 13, 1944; “Tolerance Council Stages Interracial Conference,” New York Amsterdam News, September 25, 1943. 19. “Equal Rights Needed for Peace—Dr. Atkinson,” [Baltimore] Afro-American, December 22, 1945; “Dr. Wise Offers Anti-Bias Set-Up,” [Baltimore] Afro-American, May 4, 1946. 20. “Jewish Leader Blasts South,” The Chicago Defender, February 23, 1952. 21. “Allies Urged to Give Sanctuary to Jews Now,” Chicago Daily Tribune, March 2, 1943; “The Bermuda Conference,” The American Experience: Amer- ica and the Holocaust, PBS, www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/holocaust/peopleevents/pandeAMEX89.html. 22. Preston, 336–337. 23. Henry Atkinson, Report of the General Secretary and the Auditors (1945), p. 17. 24. Ibid. 25. Preston, 338–339. 26. Joseph B. Treaster, “Charles P. Taft, Former Mayor of Cincinnati,” New York Times, June 25, 1983, at www.nytimes.com/1983/06/25/obituaries/ charles-p-taft-former-mayor-of-cincinnati.html. 27. William P. Merrill to Henry Atkinson, March 15, 1946; William P. Merrill to Charles P. Taft II, March 15, 1946; both from Box 161, Charles P. Taft File, Carnegie Council on Ethics in International Affairs Collection, Columbia University Libraries Special Collections. 28. Ibid., Merrill to Atkinson. 29. Henry A. Atkinson to Charles P. Taft II, April 1, 1946; Harry N. Holmes Memorandum to Henry A. Atkinson, March 29, 1946, pp. 5–6; both in Charles P. Taft File, Carnegie Council on Ethics in International Affairs Collection, Columbia University Libraries Special Collections. 30. Ibid., Atkinson to Taft. 31. Ibid. 32. Treaster, “Charles P. Taft.”

chapter six 1. Henry Atkinson, Report of the Secretaries and the Auditors for the Year 1948 (1949), 13. 2. Atkinson, Report of the Secretaries and the Auditors for the Year 1950 (1951), p. 5; Atkinson, Report of the Secretaries and the Auditors for the Year 1952 (1953), 9. 3. Atkinson, Report of the Secretaries and the Auditors for the Year 1946 (1947). 4. Statement of William E. Dodd, Congress, House, Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States: Hearings before a Spe- cial Committee on Un-American Activities, April 5, 1943, 3371 in Congressional Record Permanent Digital Collection.

94 5. Atkinson, Report of the Secretaries and the Auditors for the Year 1950 (1951), p. 5. 6. Preston, 467–469. 7. “19 See Peril in U.S. Policy on Mideast,” Baltimore Sun, April 17, 1954. 8. “Dwight D. Eisenhower: Foreign Affairs,” The Miller Center at the University of Virginia. 9. A. William Loos, foreword to “Communism and the West—the Basic Conflicts,” by John C. Bennett (NY: Church Peace Union, 1953). 10. James Voorhees, Dialogue Sustained: The Multilevel Peace Process and the Dartmouth Conference (U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 2002), pp. 29, 45. 11. Atkinson, Report for the Year 1950 (1951). 12. “Dr. Ralph W. Sockman Is Dead,” New York Times, August 30, 1970. 13. Ulrike Klopfer, in discussion with the author, June 2013. 14. Minutes of the Special Meeting of the Board, November 17, 1955 (see footnote 3) William P. Merrill to Charles Taft, March 15, 1946, and Memo- randum from Harry N. Holmes to Dr. Henry A. Atkinson. 15. Ibid.; “Dr. Atkinson, Long Ill, Dies,” Baltimore Sun, January 25, 1960. 16. Henry A. Atkinson, Report for the Year 1952 (1953), p. 17. 17. Ibid., 12. 18. Loos, Council on Religion and International Affairs: Annual Report of Director and Auditor 1961 (1962), 4–5. 19. Annual Report of the President to the Board of Trustees, January 27, 1966, 3–4. 20. Ibid., 3. 21. A. William Loos, The Church Peace Union--Annual Report 1958 (1959), p. 21; “The Issues We Face,” Worldview, January 1958, worldview.carnegie- council.org/archive/ worldview/1958/01/1130.html (14 October 2013). 22. Loos, Annual Report 1958, 21. 23. Loos, The Church Peace Union—Annual Report 1959 (1960), p. 13; “Family Planning and Public Policy,” Worldview, January 1960, worldview.car- negiecouncil.org/archive/worldview/1960/index.html; Klopfer, in discussion with the author, June 2013. 24. Certificate of Change of Purposes of The Church Peace Union, June 29; Klopfer, in discussion with the author, June 2013. 25. Loos, Annual Report 1958, 21. 26. Douglas Martin, “Ernest W. Lefever, Rejected as Reagan Nominee, Dies at 89,” New York Times, August 4, 2009. 27. Ernest W. Lefever, “Prospectus for a Seminar on Foreign Policy and Congressional Responsibility,” January 14, 1958; “Consultation on the Pros- pects of Negotiation with the Soviet Union,” February 28, 1958. 28. “Consultation on the Prospects of Negotiation with the Soviet Union,” pp. 1–3, see Note 27 above. 29. Loos, Annual Report—1958, 21; A. William Loos, “Annual Report of the President to the Board of Trustees,” January 27, 1966, 5. 30. “Consultation on the Berlin Crisis,” and “Consultation on the Berlin Crisis: A Summary Report.” 31. A. William Loos, Annual Report of the President to the Board of Trustees 1966 (1967), p. 9; Ulrike Klopfer, in discussion with the author, June 2013.

chapter seven 1. James Finn, “Consultation in Washington, D.C., November 30 and December 1, 1967,” CRIA Briefs #1, 6. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., 4. 4. The Carnegie Council: The First Seventy-Five Years, (New York: Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, 1989), 26. 5. A. William Loos, Council on Religion in International Affairs: Annual Report of President and Auditor 1964, p, 6; A. William Loos to Rev. Herman Ressig, November 29, 1961, 2. 6. Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, “Introduction to Worldview Magazine, 1958–1985,” January 9, 2008; A. William Loos, Annual Report 1973: The President’s Report to the Board of Trustees at the 60th Annual Meeting, 24 January 1974, 6–7. 7. Loos, Annual Report 1973, 7. 8. Ibid. 9. Loos, Annual Report 1963, p. 18; Annual Report 1964, 11; Annual Report 1966, 18. 10. Loos, Annual Report 1969, 9–10. 11. A. William Loos to James Farmer of the Congress of Racial Equality, July 19, 1965, p. 1, The King Library and Archives; Finn, “Consultation in Washington,” op. cit., 3. 12. Loos, Annual Report 1973; Eric Pace, “Jewel Lafontant-Mankarious, Lawyer and U.S. Official, Dies,”New York Times, June 3. 1997. 13. Preston, op. cit., 521, 528, Father John B. Sheerin, C.S.P., “The War and the Church,” Catholic Standard, December 14, 1967, 9. 14. Rev. Herschel Halbert to William V. O’Brien, October 19, 1965, and William V. O’Brien to Rev. Herschel Halbert, October 20, 1965. 15. A. William Loos, “The Churches and Communism,” transcript of ABC program Directions ’63, 2; Loos, Annual Report, 1970, 19–20. 16. “Americans at War,” Worldview, Sept. 1967., at worldview.carnegiecouncil.org/archive/worldview/1967/09/1660.html/_res/id=sa_File1/ v10_i009_a001.pdf; “Foreign Policy and the (Late) Great Society,” Worldview, Jan. 1967, at worldview.carnegiecouncil.org/archive/worldview/ 1967/01/1634.html/_res/id=sa_File1/v10_i001_a001.pdf; “Selective Service and Selective Objection,” Worldview, Feb. 1967, at carnegiecouncil.org/

95 archive/worldview/1967/02/4766.html/_res/ id=sa_File1/v10_i002_a001.pdf. 17. Ulrike Klopfer, in discussion with the author, June 2013; A. William Loos to James Farmer of the Congress of Racial Equality, July 19, 1965, 1. 18. “Vietnam Online,” American Experience, PBS, 2005. 19. Tim Smith, “American Corporations in South Africa,” October 4, 1971, transcript of CRIA Conversation. 20. The Carnegie Council: The First Seventy-Five Years, 26; Annual Report 1973, 8–10. 21. Annual Report 1973, 12.

chapter eight 1. Peter Dobkin Hall, “Historical Perspectives on Nonprofit Organizations in the United States,” The Jossey-Bass Handbook of Nonprofit Leadership and Management, ed. David O. Renz (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2010), 21–22, at www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/phall/Herman-CH1.pdf; Minutes of the 66th Annual Meeting of the CRIA Board of Trustees, January 24, 1980. 2. Hall, 3, 18. 3. Alfonso A. Narvaez, “Philip A. Johnson, 75, Pastor Who Pressed for Social Harmony,” New York Times, January 8, 1991, at www.nytimes. com/1991/01/08/obituaries/philip-johnson-75-pastor-who-pressed-for-social-harmony.html. 4. Minutes of the Semi-Annual Meeting of the CRIA Board of Trustees, June 25–28, 1978; John Tessitore, interview by author. 5. Jerry Harris, “Report on Merrill House Programs,” January 26, 1978. 6. Minutes of the Semi-Annual Meeting of the CRIA Board of Trustees, June 25–28, 1978. 7. Minutes of the Executive Committee, January 25, 1978. 8. CRIA Long-Range Planning Committee: Summary of Trustees’ Replies, November 8, 1978. 9. Ibid., 1–3. 10. CRIA Long-Range Planning Committee: Summary of Trustees’ Replies, November 9, 1978, 4–5. 11. Minutes of the CRIA Long-Range Planning Committee, November 10, 1978, 3–6. 12. Minutes of the CRIA Executive Committee, August 23, 1979, 1–2. 13. Curtis Roosevelt letter to Donald P. Moriarty, January 26, 1979; Memorandum to the Executive Committee of CRIA from Robert Delany, March 30, 1979. 14. Emily Langer, “Robert Myers, Washingtonian Co-Founder, Led Council on Ethics in World Affairs,” Washington Post, October 12, 2011, at www. washingtonpost.com/local/obituaries/robert-myers-washingtonian-co-founder-led-council-on-ethics-in-world-affairs/2011/10/06/ gIQA3kV2fL_ story.html. 15. Annual Report 1980, 3–5; Annual Report 1985, 43–46. 16. Ibid.; “Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs: Annual Report 1994,” 49–51. 17. Eva Becker, interview by author , May 2014. 18. Annual Report 1988–1989, p. 50; Annual Report 1994, 45. 19. Ibid., 49; Deborah Carroll, interview by author. 20. Annual Report 1980, 1; Annual Report 1981, 1; The Carnegie Council: The First Seventy-Five Years, 31. 21. Tessitore interview; Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State, “Milestones: Central America, 1981–1993,” Octo- ber 31, 2013, at history.state.gov/milestones/1981-1988/central-america. 22. Annual Report 1984, p. 26; Tessitore interview. 23. Tessitore interview. 24. Tessitore interview. 25. Annual Report 1985, 36; Annual Report 1987, 37; Tessitore interview. 26. Annual Report 1983, 13–14. 27. Annual Report 1988, 10; Annual Report 1985, 36. 28. Annual Report 1983, 7–8; see also James W. Nickel, review of The Uneasy Alliance: Religion, Refugee Work, and U.S. Foreign Policy, by J. Bruce Nichols, International Migration Review 23 (Summer 1989). 333; Robert Royal, review in the Journal of Law and Religion 8, no. 1/2 (1990), 579–583; R. J. Vincent, review in International Affairs, 66 (Oct. 1990), 793. 29. Annual Report 1991, 34–35. 30. Annual Report 1988, 6. 31. Annual Report 1988, 29; Edward L. Palmer, “South Africa, Reagan and ‘Child Torture,’” Chicago Tribune, June 4, 1986, at articles.chicagotribune. com/1986-06-04/news/8602090367_1_south-afr­ ica-president-botha-mr-reagan; Padraig O’Malley, “Denis John Worral,” The Heart of Hope: South Africa’s Transition from Apartheid to Democracy website, hosted by the Nelson Mandela Foundation, at www.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/ index.php/site/q/03lv02424/04lv02426/05lv02702.htm; Eva Becker, interview by author , May 2014. 32. Annual Report 1990, 25; Annual Report 1991, 22. 33. Annual Report 1990, 41.

96 chapter nine 1. Natalie Angier, “Edward O. Wilson’s New Take on Human Nature,” April 2012, Smithsonian Magazine, at www.smithsonianmag.com/science-na- ture/Edward-O-Wilsons-New-Take-on-Human-Nature.html; Skila Brown, “Talking with Kids About War and Genocide,” at www.education.com/ magazine/article/Talking_War_Genocide/. 2. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992); “American President: Bill Clinton—Foreign Affairs,” The Miller Center of the University of Virginia, at millercenter.org/president/clinton/essays/biography/5. 3. Ibid.; Annual Report 2000, 19; Annual Report 2001, 18–19; Annual Report 2003, 18–19. History and the Politics of Reconciliation, at www.carnegie- council.org/programs/archive/68/index.html. 4. Quotes are from Annual Report 2003, 18, by Jeff Olick and Elazar Barkan, respectively; ibid. 5. Annual Report 1999, 14–15; Annual Report 2000, 16; Annual Report 2001, pp. 18–19. 6. “Forging Environmentalism: Online Book Companion,” Joanne Bauer, at www.carnegiecouncil.org/education/006/forging_environmental- ism/index.html; ibid. 7. Joel H. Rosenthal, interview by author, May 22, 2014; Annual Report 2001, 20–21. 8. Rosenthal interview. 9. Rosenthal, Introduction, Annual Report 2002, 1. 10. Rosenthal interview; Annual Report 2005, p. 8. 11. Ibid.; Annual Report 2013, 8, 23; www.carnegiecouncil.org/about/annual_reports/annual_report_2013.html. 12. Annual Report 2013, 2, 18. 13. Rosenthal interview. 14. Ibid.; Annual Report 2013, 2, 18; Annual Report 1999, 8. 15. Deborah Carroll, interview by author, May 1, 2014. 16. Annual Report 2012, 2, 16; “International Student Photo Contest: Living with Differences,” at www.carnegiecouncil.org/news/ announcements/0079. 17. Rosenthal interview. 18. Carnegie Council Centennial project, “Ethics for a Connected World,” at www.carnegiecouncil.org/programs/100/index.html. 19. Frederick Lynch, Personal Recollections of Andrew Carnegie (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1920), 163, at web.archive.org web/20080513105021/http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/toc/modeng/public/LynCarn.html.

97 98 index Church Peace Union CPU), 8–11, 12–17, 18–25, 26–33, 34–41, 42–51, 53–59, 61–62, 64, 69, 78, 83, 85 Acheson, Dean, 59 Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam, 64 American Christian Palestine Committee, 49 Clancy, William, 58 American Legion, 31, 32 Clinton, Bill, 79 American League for Human Rights, 37 Colby, Jonathan E., 4, 81 Angell, Norman, 10 Colby, William, 74, 75 Asian Center for the Study of Democratic Cole, Elizabeth A., 80 Institutions in the Philippines, 76 Collins, Phyllis D., 4 Atkinson, Henry A., 22–23, 27–29, 33, 34–38, 40, Columbia University, 55, 81 42–51, 52–57, 69 Commager, Henry Steele, 74 Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 44 Bard College, 80 Committee for Racial Justice Now of the United Barker, G. S, 29, 36, 64 Church of Christ, 64 Bauer, Joanne, 80–81 Committee on the League of Nations, 15 Becker, Eva, 73, 83 Congregational Church, 49 Bell, Daniel, 67 Congress of Racial Equality, 64, 66 Bennett, John C., 54–55 Connally, Tom, 45 Berrigan, Daniel, 64 Council Against Intolerance in America, 47 Bourgeois, Léon, 24–25 Council for Christian Social Action, 64, 66 Blaine, James G., 14 Council on Religion in International Affairs (CRIA), Boynton, Nehemiah, 29 53–59, 60–67, 68–77, 83 Brick Presbyterian Church, 24 Cousins, Norman, 55 Britten, Frederick A., 32 Brown, Arthur J., 31, 33 Dalai Lama, 74 Bundy, McGeorge, 74 Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR), 31,32 Bush, George W., 82–83 Delegation of the Commission of the European Communities, 73 Carnegie, Andrew, 8–11, 12–17, 19, 21, 24, 29, 51, DePauw University, 72 53, 55, 69, 74, 78, 87, 88, 90 Detzer, Dorothy General Secretary of WILPF, 32, 92 Carnegie Corporation of New York, 4, 13, 16 Dier, Richard, 46 Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, Dillon Fund, 4, 81 78–85 Drew, Charles, 47 Carnegie Council on Ethics and International DuBois, W.E.B., 15 Affairs, 72, 74–77, 85 Dulles, John Foster, 44 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 15, 16, 59 Edlin, Richard A., 4 Carnegie, Louise, 19 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 54, 56, 59 Carroll, Deborah, 73, 84 Eliot, Charles William, 16 Catholic Association for International Peace, 59 England, Audna, 76–77 Catt, Carrie Chapman, 29 European Union, 11 Cecil, Robert, 24–25 Exxon Education Foundation, 75 Center for Transnational Studies, 70, 76 Central Conference of American Rabbis, 31 Faillace, Anthony L., 4 Cheek-Milby, Kathleen, 4 Farmer, James, 66 Chicago Theological Seminary, 49 Federal Council of Churches, 16, 29, 31, 36–37, Christ Church Methodist, 56 38, 44, 50, 51

99 Finn, James, 62, 65–66, 69, 72, 74 Kloeb, Frank, 39 Franklin, Benjamin, 10 Klopfer, Ulrike, 55, 58, 67, 73 Fukuyama, Francis, 79 Korean Traders Association, 73 Kristol, William, 82 George Washington University, 76 Gandhi, Mahatma, 28 LaFontant, Jewel, 64 Gladstone, William, 14 Lall, Betty Goetz, 64 Gordon, Linley V., 31 League to Enforce Peace, 22, 24 Graham, Frank P., 58 League of Nations, 15, 19, 22, 24–25, 26, 28–31, 36, Greer, David H., 22 41, 44–45 Gulick, Sidney L., 38, 46 Lefever, Ernest, 58–59 Lilly Endowment, 75 Hall, Peter Dobkin, 69 Lippman, Walter, 57 Hatch, Carl, 45 Lodge, Henry Cabot, 25 Harris, Jerry, 70 Loos, A. William, 53–59, 61–67, 69–70, 73, 74 Hearst, William Randolph, 28 Ludlow, Louis, 39 Henriod, Henry Louis, 40–41 Lynch, Frederick, 14–17, 22, 24–25, 29, 31, 53, 69, 85 Henry Luce Foundation, 4, 81 Herberg, Will, 58 Macfarland, Charles S., 15, 17, 20, 25, 26, 28–29, Heschel, Abraham, 64 40, 41 Hitchcock, Gilbert, 25 Madison Avenue Methodist Episcopal Church, 56 Hitler, Adolf, 35–37, 40, 48, 50–51 McCarthy, Eugene, 59 Hoover, Herbert, 35, 36 McCarthy, Joseph, 53 Hoover Institution, 72 McGovern, George S., 59 House, Edward M., 22 Marks, Marcus M., 17 Hull, Cordell, 22 Mills, C. Wright, 57 Hull, Hannah Clothier, 32 Merrill, William P., 19, 22, 24, 40, 50, 55, 56 Hull, William I., 31–33 Moed, Charles J. Mora, Alberto J., 83 Ignatieff, Michael, 81, 85 Morgenthau, Hans J., 59, 61, 65, 72, 80 Inman, John, 55 Murray, John Courtney, 45, 58 International Court of Justice, 29–30 Myers, Joanne, 82 International Monetary Fund, 11, 67 Myers, Robert J., 72–77, 79, 84 International Studies Association, 82 Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 54 James, Robert G., 4 National Association for the Advancement of Johnson, Jeh, 83 Colored People (NAACP), 46–47, 64 Johnson, Lyndon B., 65 National Catholic Welfare Council, 31 Johnson, Philip A., 69–71, 75 National Committee on the Churches and the Judd, Charles, 67 Moral Aims of the War, 23 National Endowment for the Humanities, 71, 81 Kendall, Donald M., 4 National Science Foundation, 81 Kennan, George, 80 National Student Federation, 40 Kegley, Charles W., Jr., 82 NATO, 11 Kennedy, Caroline, 75 Neuhaus, Richard John, 64, 69 Kennedy, John F., 56, 58 New York Peace Society, 14–15 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 64, 66 New York University, 80 Kissinger, Henry, 69 Nichols, J. Bruce, 75

100 Niebuhr, Reinhold, 20, 49, 80, 88 Udall, Stewart, 59 Nixon, Richard, 64, 69 Uehiro Foundation on Ethics and Education, 4, 81 Nye, Gerald, 39–40, 44 Union Theological Seminary, 49, 54, 55, 56 United Nations, 11, 30, 42–46, 49, 50, 53, 54, 57, Ohio Wesleyan University, 56 63, 75 Oxford University, 81 United States Institute of Peace, 80 United States-Japan Foundation, 81 People’s College, Denmark, 49 United Synagogue of America, 31 Pew Charitable Trusts, 76 University of Asia and the Pacific, 76 Platt, Alexander H., 84, 85 University of Chicago, 72 Powell, Adam Clayton Jr., 46, 48 University of Geneva, 49 Preston, Andrew, 43, 49, 54 Van Kirk, Walter, 40 Reagan, Ronald, 67, 74 Venizelos, Eleftherios, 24 Robert and Ardis James Foundation, 4 Venturino, Steven, 81 Robinson, Frederick B., 37 Voorhees, James, 55 Roosevelt, Curtis, 72 Voss, Carl H., 49–51 Roosevelt, Eleanor, 44 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 36, 37, 39–40, 44–47, Walker, Sherman D., 32–33 50–51, 72 Wallace, Henry, 44 Roosevelt, Theodore, 14 Walzer, Michael, 82 Root, Elihu, 15–16 Washington, Booker T., 15 Rosenthal, Joel H., 79–85 White, Theodore H., 73 White, Walter, 47 Scahill, Jeremy, 83 Williams, John Sharp, 16 Schlesinger Jr., Arthur M., 58 Wilson, Edward O., 78 Schorr, Daniel, 59 Wilson, Woodrow, 14, 19–23, 25, 37 Shanghai International Studies University, 81 Wilhelm II, German Kaiser, 14, 21 Shaw, Robert G., 4 Wise, Stephen S., 37, 48 Shriver, Sargent, 74 Wolfe, Tom, 68 Sloan, Michael P., 70 Woolfson, Susan, 62, 63, 64 Smith, Michael J., 82 Women’s International League for Peace and Smith, Tim, 66 Freedom (WILPF), 24, 32 Sockman, Ralph W., 55, 56 World Alliance for International Friendship Spafford, Edward E., 32–33 Through the Churches, 18, 28, 33 Spellman, Francis, 64 World Bank, 11, 67 St. Andrews University, 7 World Council of Churches, 51, 56 Stewart, Devin T., 85 World Court, 28, 36 Worrall, Denis, 76–77 Taft, William Howard, 14, 16, 19, 22–23, 50 Taft, Charles P. II, 49–51 Yale Divinity School, 49, 58 Tagore, Rabindranath, 28 Young Women’s Christian Association, 40 Tessitore, John, 63, 74–75 Thucydides, 89 Truman, David, 57 Truman, Harry, 45, 48, 50-51, 54 Twain, Mark, 8 Tuskegee University, 15

101 credits

Cover Page 30 (Cartoon): Infrogmation Front and Back Cover: Ernest H. Mills, Hulton Archive, Page 31: Memphis Commercial Appeal (Alley) Getty Images Page 32 (Liberty Bonds): Winsor McCay, U.S. Library of Congress Opening/Foreword: Page 32 (Britten): Bain News Service, U.S. Library Page 2: Gusta Johnson, Carnegie Council of Congress Page 6: Gusta Johnson, Carnegie Council Page 33: Indiana University Library

Chapter 1: Chapter 4: Page 12: Henry Mayer, U.S. Library of Congress Page 34: Dorothea Lange, U.S. National Archives Page 13: Ernest H. Mills, Hulton Archive, Getty Images and Records Administration Page 14: Art Young Page 35: U.S. Library of Congress Page 15: Carnegie Council Archives Page 37: Carnegie Council Archives Page 16 (Letter): Andrew Carnegie, Carnegie Council Page 38: Sidney L. Gulick, New York: American Archives Missionary Association Page 16, (Andrew Carnegie): Project Gutenberg Page 39: Harris & Ewing, U.S. Library of Congress Archives Page 41: U.S. National Archives and Records Page 17: Matt Flynn, Smithsonian Institution Administration

Chapter 2: Chapter 5: Page 18: William Orpen, Imperial War Museum Page 42: Lundquist, United Nations London Page 43: U.S. National Archives and Records Page 19: Royal Engineers No 1 Printing Company, Administration Imperial War Museums Page 44: Carnegie Council Archives Page 20: 2nd Lt. T.L. Aitken, Imperial War Museums Page 45: Carnegie Council Archives Page 21: U.S. Library of Congress Page 46: James J. Kriegman, U.S. Library of Congress Page 22 (Female Factory Workers): Department Page 47: Toni Frissell, U.S. Library of Congress of Defense, U.S. National Archives and Records Page 48: Dorothea Lange, U.S. National Archives Administration and Records Administration Page 22 (President Taft): George W. Harris, Page 49: Perry, Carnegie Council Archives Harris & Ewing, U.S. Library of Congress Page 50: Lt. A. E. Samuelson, U.S. Army, U.S. Page 23: U.S. National Archives and Records National Archives and Records Administration Administration Page 24: Carnegie Council Archives Chapter 6: Page 25: Punch Magazine Page 52: Sgt. Riley, U.S. Army Page 53 (McCarthy): United Press, U.S. Library of Chapter 3: Congress Page 26: Leonard Raven-Hill, Punch Magazine Page 53 (CRIA Logo): Carnegie Council Archives Page 27: Otis Historical Archives National Museum Page 54: S.L.A. Marshall Collection/U.S. Army of Health & Medicine Heritage and Education Center Page 28: Kaiden-Keystone Photos, Carnegie Council Page 55: Carnegie Council Archives Page 29: The World’s Work Page 56: Records of the Redpath Chautauqua Page 30 (Ship): U.S. Naval Historical Center Bureau, University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa Page 58: Carnegie Council Archives

102 Chapter 7: Page 84 (Studio image): Ina Pira, Carnegie Page 60: U.S. Information Agency, U.S. Department Council Archives of State Page 84 (Photography contest): Saori Ibuki, Page 61: Catechetical Guild International Christian University, Japan Page 62: Carnegie Council Archives Page 85: (Michael Ignatieff): Devin Stewart, Page 63 (Susan Woolfson): Carnegie Council Archives Carnegie Council Archives Page 63 (Worldview): Carnegie Council Archives Page 64: Oberlin College Archives Afterword: Page 65 (Vietnam): James K. F. Dung, SFC, U.S. Page 86: Anton Balazh, Shutterstock National Archives and Records Administration Page 65 (Hans Morgenthau): Carnegie Council Archives Page 67: U.S. News & World Report/U.S. Library of Congress

Chapter 8: Page 68: S.Sgt. Albert R. Simpson, U.S. Army, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration Page 69: Carnegie Council Archives Page 70: Ulrike Klopfer, Carnegie Council Archives Page 71: Carnegie Council Archives Page 72: Carnegie Council Archives Page 73: Carnegie Council Archives Page 74 (CCEIA Logo): Carnegie Council Archives Page 74 (Dalai Lama): Jerry Soalt, Carnegie Council Archives Page 75 (William E. Colby): U.S. Central Intelligence Agency Page 75 (EIA Cover): Carnegie Council Archives Page 76: Camera One, Carnegie Council Archives Page 77: El C

Chapter 9: Page 78: Dennis Doyle, Carnegie Council Archives Page 79: Lear 21, Wikimedia Commons Page 80: Andalou Agency Page 81 (Joanne Bauer): Camera One, Carnegie Council Archives Page 81 (CNL Event): Stefanie Ambrosio, Carnegie Council Archives Page 82 (Joanne Myers): Camera One, Carnegie Council Archives Page 82 (Mora Study Guide): Carnegie Council Archives Page 83 (both images): Gusta Johnson, Carnegie Council Archives

103 about the author

Kate Hallgren is a teacher, tutor, and public historian living in Washington, D.C. She earned her Ph.D. in U.S. History at the Graduate Center, City University of New York, and is writing a book on American women, national defense, and the two world wars. “ his is an adventure such as Thas never been tried before.”

—— Andrew Carnegie, February 10, 1914, on the founding of the Church Peace Union, now known as Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs