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Ochre in the Middle Stone Age of Southern Africa: Ritualised Display Or Hide Preservative?

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Ochre in the Middle Stone Age of Southern Africa: Ritualised Display Or Hide Preservative? South African Archaeological Society Ochre in the Middle Stone Age of Southern Africa: Ritualised Display or Hide Preservative? Author(s): Ian Watts Reviewed work(s): Source: The South African Archaeological Bulletin, Vol. 57, No. 175 (Jun., 2002), pp. 1-14 Published by: South African Archaeological Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3889102 . Accessed: 03/01/2013 17:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. South African Archaeological Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The South African Archaeological Bulletin. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded on Thu, 3 Jan 2013 17:48:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions South African ArchaeologicalBulletin 57 (175): 1-14, 2002 l RESEARCHARTICLES OCHRE IN THE MIDDLE STONE AGE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA: RITUALISED DISPLAY OR HIDE PRESERVATIVE? IAN WATTS Department of Archaeology, University of Cape Town, Rondebosch, South Africa 7700. Email: [email protected] (Received April 2000. Accepted February 2002.) ABSTRACT (Riel-Salvatore& Clark2001) but, following colonizationof Europeby Homo sapiens, the majorityof burialsdating to the Symbolic and utilitarian interpretations have been early and middle Upper Palaeolithic also contained ochre proposedfor red ochre use in the African Middle Stone Age, (Aldhouse-Green& Pettitt 1998; Mussi 2001; Riel-Salvatore but these have rarely been This developed. paper reviews & Clark2001). This suggeststhat the ethnographicpattern of the hypotheses, recasts them in more explicit form and habitualritual use is of great antiquityand may be species- addresses the need basic data for for quantifying and specific. If we accept that modem humans have a recent ochre describing assemblages andfor synthesizingobserva- Africanorigin and only began to migratebeyond Africa with- tions across a range of sites. Percentages utilized of materi- in the last 100 kya (Hedges2000), then parsimonywould pre- al, by geological form and Late streak,from Pleistocene dict use of red ochrein ritualcontexts as an establishedpart of shelter sequences in southernAfrica are used to investigate early modem humanbehaviour prior to initialmigrations. past selective preferences. Materials with saturated red streaks are disproportionatelyrepresented among utilized However,in Africa,nearly all archaeologicalassociations and pieces, particularly among crayons. Thefindings are most contexts that make a symbolic interpretationof ochre-use consistent with use as pigment in a costly signalling strate- fairly compelling (e.g. ochred ostrich eggshell beads, rock- gy involving ritualized display. Theoreticaland substantive painting,ochred burials) are Later Stone Age (LSA), post- grounds are givenfor inferringthat the contextfor such dis- datingc. 30 kya (but see Henshilwoodet al. 2002). The issue play was probably collective ritual. is furthercomplicated because ground pieces of red ochrehave much greaterantiquity. In Europe,India and Africa occasional Introduction pieces dateback about250 kya (Knightet al. 1995) while con- The presenceof red ochreor haematitehas been notedat most siderablequantities of ochrehave recentlybeen reportedfrom Middle Stone Age (MSA) shelter excavationsbut, with few severalslightly earlier MSA contextsin south-centraland east- exceptions(e.g. Barham2000), site reportsfail to presentdata ernAfrica (Barham 1998, 2000; McBrearty2001). Most MSA on raw materialvariability, proportions utilized, temporal vari- archaeologistshave inferredthat utilized pieces were groundto ation. In some cases, they fail to presentany quantitativedata producea pigmentpowder for use primarilyas body-paintand whatsoever(Thackeray 1989; Avery et al. 1997).This is unfor- possiblythe decorationof otherorganic surfaces (Tobias 1949; tunate,as understandingochre use has become importantin Mason 1962;Volman 1984; Walker 1987; Clark 1988; Deacon currentre-evaluations of the MSA (Barham1998; Watts 1999; 1995). This interpretationhas rarelybeen robustlypresented McBrearty & Brooks 2000; Deacon 2001) and in wider and more utilitarianroles have been proposed-the most fre- debates concerningthe evolution of symbolic culture(Klein quently raised alternativebeing hide-preservation(Wadley 1995, 1999; Knight et al. 1995; Mithen 1996; Stringer& 1993, 2001; Klein 1995, 1999;Mithen 1999). McKie 1996; Deacon 1997). Evaluation of these contending interpretationshas been Ochreis a generalterm for any ferruginousearth, clay, miner- hamperednot only by inadequatedata but also by under- al or rock containingsufficient haematite (an iron oxide) or theorization of ochre-as-pigment hypotheses, insufficient ironhydroxide (e.g. goethite)to produce,respectively, either a evaluationof the bases for utilitarianhypotheses and a fail- red or yellow streak(Bateman 1950; Jercheret al. 1998). It is ure to specify divergent archaeologicalimplications. Here, typically a weatheringproduct where residualconcentration these interpretationsare recast in more explicit form so they and oxidationof iron(with or withouthydration) has occurred may direct observationand evaluationof the archaeological in complex mixtures with other minerals (predominantly record. The body of the paper concerns a descriptive study quartz,clay and mica). of southern African MSA ochre assemblages. Low-level observations are presented on assemblages from eleven Ethnographically,red ochre is the most widely used earthpig- sheltersites (treatingKlasies River Mouth as a single depos- ment, applied to human bodies and culturalartefacts in the itory) with Late Pleistocene (beginning 128 kya) sequences course of symbolic practice, especially rituals. predatingc. 17 kya. General attributesof the assemblages Archaeologically,red ochre is reported from two of the are outlined, drawingattention to regional variability,selec- world's earliest modem human burials, at Qafzeh in Israel tive preferences (based on rates of utilization among geo- (Vandermeersch1969, 1981) at c. 100 kya (Valladaset al. logical forms and colour categories) and extremes of high- 1988) and the earliestburial in Australiaat c. 62 kya (Thome quality pigments on the one hand and questionableones on et al. 1999). Ochre is not reported from Neanderthalburials the other.Many of the observationswere subjectively made This content downloaded on Thu, 3 Jan 2013 17:48:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2 SouthAfrican ArchaeologicalBulletin 57 (175): 1-14, 2002 but I am reasonablyconfident that any biases are fairly con- Body-painting and cosmetics are among the simplest of sistent and that a more standardizedclassification would such transformationaltechniques. provide similar overall results to those reportedhere. These generalpropositions accord with source-sideobserva- Ochre-as-pigment hypotheses tions. The most pervasivedomain of Khoisanpigment use was in ritualbehaviour (Rudner 1982; Watts 1999). Redness and Lacking direct evidence as to how ochre was used in the brillianceare consistentlyassociated with constructsof super- MSA, proponents of ochre-as-pigment have relied on naturalpotency (Watts 1999). A girl's menarchealinitiation ethnography (Tobias 1949; Boshier & Beaumont 1972; was the only ritualwhere red pigments were almostinvariably Deacon 1995), presumed selection for visual salience used and occasionedtheir most socially inclusivereported use (Boshier 1969; Dart & Beaumont 1969; Deacon 1995) and (Knight et al. 1995; Power & Watts 1996; Watts 1998). the crayon- or pencil-like morphology of some abraded Menarchealrituals are also thoughtto providea templatefor pieces (Deacon 1995). Perhaps because the interpretation other rites of passage in Khoisan hunter-gatherersocieties has seemed intuitively obvious, these approacheshave been (Lewis-Williams1981; Knight et al. 1995; Power & Watts poorly substantiated. 1997; 1999). Ethnographicprecedents do not constitute an analogical A Khoisan-basedanalogical argument, with collectiveritual as argument (Lewis-Williams 1991); relations of relevance the connectingprinciple, would predict that early collective (Wylie 1985, 1988;Stahl 1993) linkingsource-side and subject- ritual(unlike speech) should leave a loud archaeologicalsig- side observations are required. In the present context, a nal the habitualuse of red ochre. However, as ochre use backgroundconnecting principle is the genetically inferred remainsthe principleline of evidence bearingupon possible temporal depth of San populations (Vigilent et al. 1991; symbolismin the MSA, the analogyis in dangerof assuming Soodyall & Jenkins 1992, 1998; Ingman et al. 2000), sug- what needs to be demonstrated,namely that MSA ochre use gesting that ancestralSan were responsible for most, possi- occurredwithin a symbolic context. bly all, Late Pleistocene archaeologicalremains in southern Visualsalience provides a way out of this circularity,a linking Africa. A higher-level relation of relevance, alluded to by principlefor an analogicalargument partially independent of Deacon (1995, 2001), concerns the role widely assigned to symbolic cultureand a point of entryfor neo-Darwinianevo-
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