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MARIO EINAUDI SCRITTI SULLA POLITICA EUROPEA 1944-1957 a Cura, Con Introduzione E Traduzione Di ANDREA MARIUZZO

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MARIO EINAUDI SCRITTI SULLA POLITICA EUROPEA 1944-1957 a Cura, Con Introduzione E Traduzione Di ANDREA MARIUZZO Fondazione Luigi Einaudi Studi 51 MARIO EINAUDI SCRITTI SULLA POLITICA EUROPEA 1944-1957 a cura, con introduzione e traduzione di ANDREA MARIUZZO prefazione di LUIGI R. EINAUDI Leo S. Olschki editore Firenze 2013 Fondazione Luigi Einaudi Studi 51 MARIO EINAUDI SCRITTI SULLA POLITICA EUROPEA 1944-1957 a cura, con introduzione e traduzione di ANDREA MARIUZZO prefazione di LUIGI R. EINAUDI Leo S. Olschki editore Firenze 2013 Tutti i diritti riservati CASA EDITRICE LEO S. OLSCHKI Viuzzo del Pozzetto, 8 50126 Firenze www.olschki.it ISBN 978 88222 6234 9 INDICE LUIGI R. EINAUDI, Presentazione Pag. VII ANDREA MARIUZZO, Introduzione. La riflessione politica di Mario Einaudi tra Guerra mondiale e Guerra fredda » 1 TESTI DI MARIO EINAUDI Avvertenza » 43 Questioni e schieramenti politici nell'Italia di oggi » 45 Il comunismo nell'Europa occidentale » 75 La Democrazia cristiana in Italia » 123 Uno studio comparativo delle politiche di nazionalizzazione.... » 209 Problemi della libertà nell'Europa del dopoguerra. 1945-1957 . » 263 Indice dei nomi » 293 — V — PRESENTAZIONE Mario Einaudi firma la presentazione a Communism in Western Europe, il primo volume della French-Italian inquiry da lui ideata, organizzata e diretta, con la data «September 1951». Era il periodo in cui raggiunse l'acme il potere del senatore Joseph P. McCarthy, fautore di una caccia spietata a 'comunisti', che vedeva ovunque e che credeva minacciassero gli Stati uniti. La prima pagina del libro presenta subito una sfida al maccartismo: la già storicamente 'modesta' forza del comunismo negli Stati Uniti, scrive Einaudi, era stata ridotta dalla «di- fesa spontanea che può opporre alla minaccia comunista una comunità naziona- le fluida dal punto di vista sociale, vitale dal punto di vista economico e stabile dal punto di vista costituzionale».1 Il messaggio essenziale è tutto qui: la chiave per salvare il mondo dal comunismo era il progresso fondato sulla libertà. Da giovane professore, negli anni Trenta la lotta di Mario Einaudi era sta- ta una battaglia individuale: la scelta di emigrare dall'Italia fascista per soprav- vivere come uomo libero. Verso la fine della Seconda guerra mondiale era di- ventata una battaglia per la libertà dell'antica ma mai abbandonata patria italiana. Questa però non era una battaglia solo personale e nemmeno solo ita- liana. Il punto di partenza era sì stato l'Italia fascista, che richiedeva un giu- ramento di fedeltà al fascismo e rispetto al quale mio padre aveva preferito l'esilio. Ma quando poi quindici anni dopo nella patria adottiva McCarthy e i suoi chiesero ai professori universitari di giurare lealtà allo Stato americano, Mario Einaudi si sentì ferito nel suo più intimo essere. Era sempre stato cosmopolita. Aveva sempre mantenuto stretti i legami con la famiglia in Italia. E benché si fosse dedicato alla vita accademica, dopo l'arrivo in America nel 1933 aveva anche partecipato ad attività più esplicita- mente politiche, come testimoniano le trasmissioni per la Voice of America e le intermediazioni per don Sturzo.2 Ma la fine della guerra e la crescente pau- 1 p. 1 dell'edizione originale; in questo volume p. 75. 2 Cfr. Luigi Sturzo-Mario Einaudi: corrispondenza americana, 1940-1944, a cura e con introdu- zione di Corrado Malandrino, Firenze, Olschki, 1998. — VII — PRESENTAZIONE ra del comunismo, della quale McCarthy approfittò, crearono una nuova si- tuazione per mio padre. L'Italia e l'Europa erano da ricostruire. Gli Stati Uni- ti avevano nuove responsabilità internazionali per le quali non erano prepara- ti. E adesso una fobia contro il comunismo minacciava di sacrificare le libertà ideali e sociali del New Deal di Roosevelt proprio quando queste erano la chiave per la ricostruzione europea. Andrea Mariuzzo ci presenta in questo volume i principali studi elaborati nel corso di questa lotta per fare comprendere l'Europa agli Stati uniti. Ma- riuzzo ha lavorato negli Archivi della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi a Torino, do- ve sono conservate le carte private di Mario Einaudi, all'Archive Center della Rockefeller Foundation e alla Cornell University negli Stati Uniti. A queste ultime due istituzioni mio padre è stato particolarmente legato durante i suoi anni americani: esse furono, sebbene in modi diversi, le principali sostenitrici della French-Italian inquiry. Nella sua introduzione Mariuzzo descrive affari complicati evitando molte delle normali difficoltà create da esasperazioni ideologiche e distanza culturale. Mariuzzo ha scelto e tradotto in forma esemplare cinque fra una cinquan- tina di scritti di Mario Einaudi pubblicati in inglese e mai prima presentati al pubblico italiano.3 Il primo saggio, scritto durante la guerra, è incentrato sul sistema politico italiano e sui programmi dei vari partiti per l'Italia liberata. I tre saggi che seguono sono i contributi scritti per la French-Italian inquiry. Il saggio finale è dedicato alle nuove costituzioni dell'Europa continentale. Presi insieme, sono l'espressione più compiuta del suo pensiero sui problemi italiani e francesi a metà del secolo scorso. Costituiscono una parte essenziale dell'e- redità intellettuale di Mario Einaudi. Mio padre scriveva con l'obiettivo di migliorare le conoscenze limitate del pubblico americano, e aveva in mente la realtà politica e sociale degli USA co- me elemento di riferimento importante. Nella successiva fase si sarebbe sen- tito in obbligo di cercare di far comprendere gli Stati Uniti all'Europa.4 Alla fine degli anni Sessanta, Mario Einaudi scrisse che durante il fascismo «economie and social stagnation prevailed», ed espresse un giudizio molto se- vero: «the deep malaise of European capitalism, which in its support of mono- poly practices, sharp dealings with public authorities, secrecy of managerial decisions, and drive for sheltered markets has deepened many of the accepted 3 La migliore bibliografia è quella in I trent'anni della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi: Mario Einaudi (1904-1994) intellettuale storico ed organizzatore culturale tra America ed Europa, a cura di Maurizio Vaudagna, elenca 119 scritti fra il 1926 e il 1991. 4 Cfr. L.R EINAUDI, Ricordi di mio padre, in I trent'anni della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi cit., pp. 165-178: 170-173. — VIII — PRESENTAZIONE defects and realized few of the expected promises of the industriai revolu- tion».5 Mario Einaudi scrisse in pagine riprese in questo volume «cosa bisogna fare» per «creare una società moderna e aperta».6 Molto è cambiato dagli anni Cinquanta, ma queste pagine fanno pensare al molto che rimane ancora oggi da fare in Italia e in Europa. Nella prefazione italiana della Rivoluzione di Roosevelt, mio padre affer- mò «l'impossibilità d'imporre a un paese i modi di vita, le istituzioni, i valori di un altro». Concludendo il libro, fa questa sintesi del New Deal: What we have seen in the United States has been the systematic and inventive search for solutions to the difficulties of industriai mass democracy, a search intended to realize the ideal of community without collectivism, the ideal of freedom without anarchy, the advantages of technology without the loss of humanism.7 Oso pensare che visti non come modello, ma come metodo, questi concet- ti siano ancora applicabili oggi negli Stati Uniti, in Europa, e in Italia. LUIGI R. EINAUDI 5 M. EINAUDI, Fascism, in International encyclopedia ofthe social sciences, 1968, Voi. V, pp. 334- 341. Mai tradotto in italiano, è augurabile che questo saggio possa esserlo in un prossimo futuro. 6 V. le pagine 117-122 di questo volume. 7 M. EINAUDI, The Roosevelt revolution, New York, Harcourt Brace, 1959, p. 360. H. Mrr- GANG, Books ofthe Times, «The New York times», July 3, 1959. Mitgang osserva che Mario Einaudi era «able to observe from the outside in». — IX — ANDREA MARIUZZO INTRODUZIONE. LA RIFLESSIONE POLITICA DI MARIO EINAUDI TRA GUERRA MONDIALE E GUERRA FREDDA 1. LA FORMAZIONE GLOBALE DI UN ANTIFASCISTA LIBERAL Fin dall'inizio del 1933, con la costituzione di una 'University in Exile' presso la New School for Social Research di New York, la Rockefeller Foun- dation aveva attivato i propri legami di cooperazione internazionale per ri- spondere all'emergenza creatasi in Europa con l'ascesa al potere di Hitler in Germania, e con l'addensarsi di nubi ogni giorno più fosche sulla libertà della cultura di uno dei massimi centri di produzione intellettuale del vecchio continente.1 L'accoglienza negli USA di intellettuali e scienziati sociali di na- zionalità e formazione tedesca avrebbe dato conferma definitiva dell'alta qua- lità della rete di relazioni intellettuali che i grants individuali e i progetti di ricerca collettivi finanziati dalla Fondazione avevano alimentato, e avrebbe dato nel corso del tempo frutti insperati, contribuendo in maniera decisiva al primato internazionale del sistema accademico statunitense attraverso un 'travaso' di uomini e competenze di assoluto valore.2 Tuttavia, la concreta realizzazione del progetto (che non a caso avrebbe avuto uno dei centri isti- tuzionali in un istituto di nascita recente, dalla chiara connotazione sperimen- tale, votato alla continuing education e prima del 1933 privo di programmi 1 II lavoro più completo in materia, incentrato sulla formazione della scuola dottorale della New School for Social Research nell'ambito del progetto 'University in Exile', è K.-D. KROHN, Intellec- tuals in exile. Refugee scholars and the New School for Social Research, Amherst, The University of Massachusetts Press, 1993. Per ulteriori spunti su altri casi specifici, cfr. The unacceptahles. American foundations and refugee scholars hetween the two wars and afters, ed. by G. Gemelli, Brussels, Peter Lang, 2000. 2 Si veda l'interpretazione ormai classica di H.S. HUGHES, Da sponda a sponda. L'emigrazione degli intellettuali europei e lo studio della società contemporanea (1930-1965), Bologna, Il Mulino, 1977. — 1 — ANDREA MARIUZZO dottorali)3 rappresentò uno sforzo notevole, visto il costo economico dell'i- stituzione di nuovi posti di insegnamento in un mondo universitario che ve- deva restringere continuamente i suoi ruoli a seguito della crisi economica, e anche per la diffidenza con cui gli intellettuali provenienti dall'Europa erano guardati da studiosi americani il cui futuro professionale era in forse.
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