Battles of the Great Wall by Ah Xiang
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Ill DEMCHUGDONGROB’S EARLY CAREER 1919-1928 The Ruling Prince of His Own Banner After the old Prince Namjilwangchug died, there was not an actual ruling prince of the Sunid Right Banner for almost seventeen years. Therefore, Demchugdongrob’s assumption of power as jasag was a momentous and happy occasion for the whole ban ner. It also relieved, at least ostensibly, his “ official” mother (the Turned khatun, the first wife of his father) and the elderly officials of the banner of their heavy responsibilities.' During 1919, Prince De’s first year in charge of the banner administration, a group of Buriyad Mongolian intellectuals initiated the Pan-Mongolian movement, and in late February convened a meeting of delegates from Buriyad and Inner Mongolia at Dau- ria, in Siberia. They decided to organize a government for all Mongolia and sent repre sentatives to the Paris Peace Conference to strive for international recognition ofMon golia’s independence. Because it had already established its own government. Outer Mongolia rejected the invitation, but some Inner Mongols, especially the leaders of the Hulunbuir area in the far north of Inner Mongolia, were willing to Join, and the Naiji- Toyin Khutugtu of Hohhot Turned (Inner Mongolia) was recognized as their leader. Though this movement failed to achieve its goal of recognition at the Paris con ference, it influenced all of Mongolia. Even though the activities of Japanese militarists and the White Russian leader, Semenov, overshadowed this movement, it still helped to rouse a common Mongolian desire for unity and independence. Although Demchugdong- rob was not involved in these matters, he was inevitably influenced by them. -
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VII THE PERIOD OF THE MONGOLIAN POLITICAL COUNCIL APRIL 1934 - JANUARY 1936 Founding of the Council The approved Eight Articles on Mongolian Local Autonomy became the legal foundation for Mongolian self-rule that Mongolian leaders had desired for years. In ac cordance with these principles, both the Temporary Outline of the Organization of the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Affairs Council and its main personnel were all announced. The hearts of both traditional and more modem-minded Mongol leaders were gladdened, and they also perceived this as an unprecedented event in the history of the Republic of China. Still, the Eight Articles also occasioned a counterattack from the frontier provinces. Fu Zuoyi and his clique tried hard to destroy this great accomplish ment. Because of this. Prince De and other leaders ofthe autonomy movement had no choice but to concentrate their attention and energy on dealing with the pressure from without. But they were unable to make progress solving internal problems and satisfying the desires of the Mongol people because of Japanese westward expansion and changes in China ’s domestic political scene. After the Mongolian delegates returned to Beile-yin sume and submitted their report, both Prince Yon and Prince De took up their positions on April 3, 1934 and then telegraphed the Chinese government that they would go ahead with ceremonies to mark the establishment of the Mongolian Political Council and the inauguration of its mem bers. Princes Yon and De invited General He Yingqin, the Superintendent of Mongolian Local Autonomy, to come and “supervise” the ceremony. On April 23, 1934 the Mongolian Political Council was founded and its mem bers were sworn in. -
From Masterly Brokers to Compliant Protégées: the Frontier Governance System and the Rise of Ethnic Confrontation in China–I
From Masterly Brokers to Compliant Prote´ge´es: The Frontier Governance System and the Rise of Ethnic Confrontation in China–Inner Mongolia, 1900–19301 Liping Wang University of Chicago Center-periphery explanations focus on political centralization, state collapse, and nationalization to explain the genesis of separatist move- ments that form new national states. This study shows that three pe- riods of Chinese-Mongolian relations—land reform (1900–1911), revo- lutionandinterregnum(1912–16)andwarlordism(1917–30)—contained events that center-periphery perspectives associate with the rise of au- tonomous movements, yet Mongolian separatism did not occur until the last period. To explain this puzzle, the author characterizes the formation, integration, and dismemberment of the frontier governance system as an intermediate body between the center and the periphery. She demonstrates that the effects pointed to by center-periphery ex- planations were mediated, at least in the case of Inner Mongolia, by the structural transformations of the frontier governance system. Not as- suming a natural opposition between the center and the periphery, this study elucidates the polarization of the center-periphery relationship and its impact on minority separatism. This article explains the timing of Mongolian separatism within the context of Chinese imperial dissolution in the early 20th century. Mongols were the most powerful and important minority allies of the Qing Empire (1644– 1 The author wishes to thank Julia Adams, Sida Liu, Peter Perdue, Geng Tian, Xiaohong Xu, Nick Wilson, and Dingxin Zhao for their helpful comments on early drafts of this article. She also thanks Mark Gould for his helpful comments on the final revision and the © 2015 by The University of Chicago. -
Ancient Fortifications, Modern Firepower, and Warlord Politics a Study on the Siege of Xi'an and Its Historical Significance
/Ancient Fortifications, Modern Firepower, and Warlord Politics A Study on the Siege of Xi'an and its Historical Significance by Kingsley Tsang |fJP=!(Zeng Qingzhang) B.A., The University of British Columbia, 2000 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts . in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2 002 © Kingsley Tsang, 2002 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of History The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date August 28, 2002 Abstract The Warlord period (1916-28) is a much-neglected era in modern Chinese scholarship. Scholars tend to ignore it because the events were complicated and the warlords acted without an ideological commitment. They are seen as violent but unsophisticated thugs with minimum affects on the history of Chinese military. The Siege of Xi'an (April to November 1926) demonstrated the fallacy of this assumption and the uniqueness of the warlord military system. The warlords managed to fuse the Chinese and Western military experience in a hybrid warring style. -
The Marco Polo Bridge Incident and the Battles of Shanghai and Nanking
Part 2 - The Marco Polo Bridge Incident and the Battles of Shanghai and Nanking The Battle of Shanghai: The true starting point of the war The Marco Polo Bridge Incident is usually considered to be the start of the Second Sino-Japanese War. There is no mistake that this incident served to trigger the Sino-Japanese conflict, but the incident itself was only a small skirmish—it cannot be called the start of a full-blown war. Consequently, it would be inaccurate to claim that the fighting at the Marco Polo Bridge "spread" to Shanghai. After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, the Japanese Army sent three divisions from Japan and units of the Kwantung Army to northern China in the hopes of restraining the nonstop ceasefire violations of Chinese soldiers in the area. Japanese forces occupied Tianjin, but they did not advance beyond, or make any attempt to advance beyond, the city of Baoding, just southwest of Beijing. Furthermore, on August 5, the Japanese government made a landmark peace proposal with the Chinese and planned to hold its first meeting with Chinese leaders in September. Therefore, the Chinese Army's attack on Shanghai, carried out on August 13, can hardly be called a natural extension of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Rather, the Chinese attack on Shanghai should be seen as a dramatic new crisis sparked by Chiang Kai-shek's determination to wage full-scale war against Japan. Rather than a clash of local units, an all-out, state-dictated military offensive constitutes “war” under international law. The existence of an official declaration of war is not the defining factor. -
Popularizing Propaganda Under Party Politics (1927-1937) ---A Case Study of Shenbao Free Talk Lei Qin Washington University in St
Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship Arts & Sciences Electronic Theses and Dissertations Arts & Sciences Summer 8-15-2017 Between Political Tendentiousness and Mass Media: Popularizing Propaganda under Party Politics (1927-1937) ---A Case Study of Shenbao Free Talk Lei Qin Washington University in St. Louis Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/art_sci_etds Part of the Comparative Literature Commons, and the Mass Communication Commons Recommended Citation Qin, Lei, "Between Political Tendentiousness and Mass Media: Popularizing Propaganda under Party Politics (1927-1937) ---A Case Study of Shenbao Free Talk" (2017). Arts & Sciences Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1243. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/art_sci_etds/1243 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Arts & Sciences at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Arts & Sciences Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST. LOUIS Committee on Comparative Literature Dissertation Examination Committee: Robert E. Hegel, Chair Paul Michael Lützeler, Co-Chair Lingchei Letty Chen Zhao Ma Marvin Marcus Between Political Tendentiousness and Mass Media: Popularizing Propaganda under Party Politics (1927-1937) ---A Case Study of Shenbao Free Talk by Lei Qin A dissertation presented to The Graduate School -
Chinese Communists & Feng Yuxiang's Chahar Allied Army
Chinese Communists & Feng Yuxiang’s Chahar Allied Army Ah Xiang Excerpts from http://www.republicanchina.org/war.html Feng Yuxiang sold himself to Russians back in mid-1920s. With Russian money, weapons and advisers, he re-entered the "Northern Expedition" wars. The price he paid was the infiltration of Northwestern Army by Chinese communists. He politely expelled all "manifest" communists from his army in 1927, and then had trouble re-establishing contacts with communists because the mastermind spy Li Dazhao was killed by Zhang Zuolin in 1927. However, the seeds of communism stayed on around him. Though, northern communists were in factions, reporting to Moscow, to Russian embassy, to CCP Central in Shanghai and acting as independent communist. After a defeat in 1930 Wars of Central Plains [which was partially instigated by Chinese Communists], Feng Yuxiang again had trouble re-establishing contacts with communists since his best pal Zhang Jinren was dismissed from CCP SHUN-ZHI (Hebei) Commissariat. Feng Yuxiang nominally sought retirement in Fenyang of Shanxi Province, where he set up a Fenyang military school. After 1931 invasion of Manchuria by Japanese, Feng Yuxiang went to nation's capital before returning to northern China for nominal retirement again. En route to Nanking, Feng Yuxiang took with him a dozen bodyguards who were communists, not to mention his military academy that was run by communists. Before the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Chinese communists set its objectives as instigating rebellions by provincial and regional militarists. There was slight difference in the approaches adopted by southern and northern communists. In southern China, where communist armed struggles and the Red Army enclaves were most significant, the emphasis had been to instigate the rebellion of provincial and regional armies, such as the Yu Zuobo and Li Mingrui Rebellion and the Ningdu Rebellion. -
State-Run Industrial Enterprises in Fengtian, 1920-1931
State Building, Capitalism, and Development: State-Run Industrial Enterprises in Fengtian, 1920-1931 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Yu Jiang IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Liping Wang, Ann Waltner October 2010 © Yu Jiang, 2010 Acknowledgements I am grateful that Department of History at University of Minnesota took a risk with me, somebody with no background in history. I also thank the department for providing a one-semester fellowship for my dissertation research. I am deeply indebted to Minnesota Population Center for hosting me in its IT team for many years – it allowed me, a former software engineer, to keep abreast of the latest developments in computer technology while indulging in historical studies. Thanks are especially due to Steve Ruggles (MPC director) and Pete Clark (IT director) for giving me this great opportunity. The source materials for this dissertation mostly come from Liaoning Provincial Archives, Liaoning Provincial Library, and Meihekou Archives. I thank these institutions for their help. Liaoning Shekeyuan offered both warm reception and administrative help right after I arrived in Shenyang. My archival research in Shenyang also benefited greatly from Chris Isett’s help. Su Chen from East Asian Library at University of Minnesota has been helpful numerous times in locating important documents. My committee members, Mark Anderson, Ted Farmer, M.J. Maynes, Ann Waltner, and Liping Wang provided valuable comments on the draft. M.J. and Ann’s thoughtful comments on a paper based on my dissertation helped improve my work. -
Short Biographies of the Anguojun Figures
Short BiographiesAppendix 3 of the Anguojun Figures 251 Appendix 3: Short Biographies of the Anguojun Figures Zhang Zongchang (1881-1932) came from an impoverished village of Shandong. He first went to Manchuria as a laborer, and then became a coolie leader who had close link with the local bandit groups. During the 1911 Revolution, Zhang organized a small cavalry detachment to join the revolutionaries at Nanjing. He then rose to command a regular army unit of the new Republic, and became President Feng Guozhang’s adjutant and a divisional commander. After his unit was destroyed during the North-South War, he turned to Zhang Zuolin. In 1923, with the permission of Zhang, he sought the cooperation of the White Russians stranded in Manchuria-Soviet border and organised a Chinese brigade with a White Russian detachment. During the Second Zhili-Fengtian War he distin- guished himself by leading this brigade across the Rehe province and capturing Luanzhou behind the Zhili Army’s line. He was then sent by Zhang Zuolin to occupy Xuzhou and Shanghai in 1925, and became the military governor of Shandong until 1928. After the death of Zhang Zuolin he pleaded Zhang Xueliang to allow his army to return to Manchuria, but was refused by the latter. He then launched a desperate attack against the Fengtian Army, but his troops were dispersed and absorbed by both the Fengtian Army and the NRA. Zhang sought refuge in Japan until 1932, but was assas- sinated when he returned to China in the same year.1 Zhang Jinghui (1871-1959) was a Fengtian native. -
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V THE EARLY PERIOD OF THE JAPANESE INVASION 193M933 The Manchurian Incident and the Mongolian Response During the summer of 1931, a series of conflicts occurred between the Chinese and the Japanese military adventurers along the Korean border. Among these conflicts, the Wanbaoshan Incident was the most sinister; because of this incident, tension between the two countries greatly increased. These incidents were planned and instigated by the Japanese militarists to create a pretext for invasion. In the early morning of September 18, 1931, the Japanese army stationed at the Japanese Concession in the Shenyang (Mukden) area shelled the military base of Zhang Xueliang’s forces located at the Northern Camp and started the Manchurian Incident. At that very moment, Zhang, who was in Beiping, asked for instructions from Nanjing. The watchword of the KMT was “ nonresistance,” a policy that, it was thought, would earn China the support of world opinion and force the Japanese to back down through peace ful measures. Although the League of Nations in Geneva was sympathetic to China, such moral support could neither help the antiaggressive advocacy of certain Japanese politi cians nor halt the militarists’ adventures. The Japanese Guandong Army in Dalian and LUshun took advantage of the Chinese policy of nonresistance to swiftly occupy all of Manchuria, including the Jerim League, the Hulunbuir area, and the Yeke-Minggan Ban ner of eastern Inner Mongolia. During this time, the Soviet Union’s military was suffer ing from Stalin’s purges, and so could mobilize no real strength to halt Japanese expan sion. This incident had a great impact in Mongolia, China, and northeast Asia. -
The Second Sino–Japanese War Was Caused by China — a Criticism of the ―Japan-As-Aggressor‖ View —
The Second Sino–Japanese War Was Caused by China — A Criticism of the ―Japan-as-Aggressor‖ View — by Moteki Hiromichi, deputy chair, Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact Introduction The Marco Polo Bridge Incident is usually considered to have been the start of the Second Sino–Japanese War. It is no mistake that this incident served as the trigger for the Sino–Japanese conflict, but the incident itself was only a small conflict and it should not be called the start of a full-blown war. What must officially be considered to have been the start of the Second Sino–Japanese War was the concerted full-scale attack that was the general mobilization on Aug. 13, 1937, of 30,000 regulars under the Chiang Kai-shek government in Shanghai in opposition to the Japanese navy land- ing force stationed there for the protection of Japanese residents. Who, then, caused the actual war between China and Japan? In an Aug. 31, 1937, article in The New York Times by Shanghai correspondent Hallett Abend, we find the following: Foreigners Support Japan Official foreign observers and officials of various foreign governments who participated in var- ious conferences here in seeking to avoid the outbreak of local hostilities, agree that the Japanese exhibited the utmost restraint under provocation, even for several days keeping all of the Japa- nese landed force off the streets and strictly within their own barracks, although the move some- what endangered Japanese lives and properties. ―Opinions may differ regarding the responsibility for the opening of hostilities in the vicinity of Peiping early in July,‖ said one foreign official who was a participant in the conferences held here before Aug. -
Background Guide
Hello Nationalists of the Kuomintang, Welcome to the 46th iteration of the Houston Area Model United Nations Conference! It is with great pleasure that we are running this double-joint crisis. The Chinese Civil War was a political and military conflict between the Chinese National Party (KMT) and their National Revolutionary Army against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and their Chinese Red Army. Before one can understand modern China and its role in an increasingly global world, one must first understand the war that led to the founding of its current government. However, before we go further, allow us to introduce ourselves. Joseph Babu will be directing the KMT committee. He is a sophomore at the University of Houston Honors College and is pursuing a degree in Computer Engineering. He has been a part Model UN since his sophomore year in high school and has been in love with it ever since. He has since received an award as a Crisis delegate in HAMUN 44 and also was instrumental in hosting Crisis in his local area from his high school. Joseph has a deep invested interest in making Model UN fun and engaging; especially in Crisis where one can relive past events and change the future with our understanding of the present. Should any inquiries arise regarding the KMT committee, please contact Joseph at [email protected] and title your email “HAMUN Inquiry”. Mario DePavia will be directing the CCP committee. He is currently on a gap year and will start his undergraduate studies at Stanford University in September 2021.