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The Watchdogs The Watchdogs A close look at Anti-Racist 6l[atchdog' Groups by Laird lllilcox Copyrtght 1998 by Lalrd lf,ilcox All Rfghtr Rerered rsBrr 0-993592-89-2 Lalrd Wllcox -, Editorlal Research Service PO Box 2(J47 ,f "=':t3:#=:::= i Phone/FAX: (9131 829-0609 Email: [email protected] t The Watchdogs A close look at Anti-Racist *Watchdog' Groups by Laird trIilcox Copyrtght 1998 by Lalrd Wilcox All Rights Resered ISBII 0-993592-49-2 Laird Wilcox Editorial Research Senrice PO Box 2o,47 Olathe, KS 66051 Phone/FAX: (9131 829-o16o9- tmail: [email protected] Foreword Any criticism of so-called "anti-racist" Watchdog activists is not without its dangers. In the "either/or" and "good guys versus bad guys" mentality that characterizes the "anti-racist" milieu it's easy to be misunderstood. Most people, unaware of the ideological roots of many "anti-racist" activists or their general disdain for the civil liberties of their critics, regard them as reasonable response to a legitimate grievances - which in some cases they are. Watchdog groups do some laudable things, particularly in the area of promoting bona fide intergroup harmony. On the other hand, there's a dark side to the Watchdog mindset that itself requires scrutiny. Organizing for or against specific causes is an American tradition and the right to organize, agitate, and propagandize is part of our constitutional heritage. A civil libertarian since my teens, I am a 36- year member of the American Civil Liberties Union. I'm also active in opposing the death penalty and work with Amnesty International toward its abolition. Like most liberals of my era, I have always had a strong sympathy for the underdog. I marched in the picket lines during the early civil rights movement and served as an officer of the Lawrence, KS, chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). For me the real issue in the civil rights movement was freedom - freedom in the sense of non-constraint, of having choices, and of being able to speak ones mind. What I objected to about racism was the treatment of individual members of a class (in this case racial minorities) as if they were responsible for all other members of that class, that because they were alike in some respects they were alike in all respects, and that race or ethnic identity was a basis for the granting or denying rights and privileges. I worked hard lobbying on behalf of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 which effectively opened the door for black people in employment, housing and many other areas. I sti[ feel this way today. What I did not realize at that time was the peculiar attraction of "anti-racism" as an ideolory that could explain all things and justify almost any counse of action. In the thirty years since the civil rights advances of the 1960s the voices of "anti-racism" have become progressively more shrill and demanding as market forces have influenced the movement. Simply said, there are careers, status, jobs, and influence to be had as long as "racism" exists. As specific problems are solved new problems are defined and created to keep the movement alive. Indeed, there is an "anti-racist" industry afoot in the United States that has attracted bullying, moralizing fanatics, whose identity and livelihood depend upon growth and expansion. "Anti-racism" is particularly problematic because it's one of those terms that sets off'Teel good" emotions among sympathetic individuals. It's like rescuing puppies, feeding the staruing, protecting children, or helping old people across the street. It overllows with "better than" messages and invokes images of fairness, decency, caring, altruism, and moral superiority - this last a commodity in high demand among individuals who need to define themselves in terms of their goodness and humanitarianism in contrast to the badness and selfishness of others. Another problem with the "anti-racist" moyement is its utility as a trojan horse to hawk a hidden agenda. "Anti-racism" is viewed as a response to an existing evil and by itself avoids the kind of scrutiny that more formal ideologies experience. Marxism-Leninism, for example, can be attacked on multiple grounds. For the casual mind, the only basis for attacking "anti-racism" is racism and no further examination is required. However, many (but not all) radical "anti-racists" today believe that in order to combat racism our social system must be overthrown and replaced with something more t- congenial to their ends, and this involves issues of property, privacy, censorshipr persecution of dissidents, and intolerance of any opposition. Algreat many sins disappear when one becomes an "anti-racist' activist. Lives that would ordinarily be insignificant become important; hostility, contempt and hatred becomes reframed as moral outrage; and one has a delicious repertoire of epithets to use against critics and skeptics. As an "anti- racist" crusader, one can do things and say things to other human beings that would be out of the question otherwise and not only get away with them, but receive praise for them as well. How did this happen? First, there is the remarkable appeal of altruism. Generally, the more seemingly noble and altruistic the cause, the more it appears to be removed from the ordinary human vices of pride, malice, and selfishness. For people who need to have their lives reframed in this manner, nothing is so temporarily tranquilizing as a noble cause or crusade to lift the spirits and boost self-esteem. Some therapists even prescribe this: "Go find yourself a nice cause to get involved in and get your mind offof yourself." It often works. A second reason is the growing culture of victimhood. Being a victim means one has a grievance, and to have a grievance elevates one above the crowd. To be sure, there are bona lide victims with bona fide grievances, but what we have seen in recent years is the development of a cult of victimization -- victimization as ideology, identity, and quasi-religion all in one. A third reason is undoubtedly economic. The simple fact is there's money to be made. The classic case of this is Morris I)ees' Southern Poverty Law Center which now (199E) has reserves approaching 100 million dollars squeezed from donors. Even smaller "anti-racist' groups often find themselves awash in donations, government and private grants. In June 1998, for examplg Leonard Zeskind, President of his self-created 56lnstitute for Research and Education on Human Rights" was the recipient of a $295,000 award from the Chicago-based MacArthur Foundationr Finally, because of the manner in which "anti-racism' can be molded and shaped to serve other interests. Activists with a hidden radical agenda find anti-racist organizations very amenable to manipulation. Almost no one buys into traditional class struggle Marxism-Leninism anymore. Democratic capitalism has produced the highest standard of living and most individual freedom the world has ever seen. In rational terms, class struggle Marxism-Leninism is a hard sell. However, when its reframed as anti-racism and anti-fascism, much of the onus is gone. There is a humanist anti-racism that focuses on reconciliation and healing, that works to bring people together, that functions openly and honestly without the use of dossiers, spies, specious lawsuits, disinformation, and that recognizes the rights of individuals whether they agree or not. This I support and always have. On the other hand there is a vindictive and cormpt "anti-racism" that focuses on paybaclis and punishment, that demonizes and degrades its critics, that attempts to carre out special rights for its constituency, that opposes free and open discussion of ideas, that attempts to silence, censor and stifle its opposition through intimidation and harassment, and sics law enforcement on opponents purely because of their alleged values, opinions and beliefs. This kind of anti-racism is more dangerous than the problem it purports to remedy, and this is the anti-racism of the Watchdog organizations. This I oppose. Laird Wilcox I "29 Are Chosen For The MacArthur Foundation's Fellowships," New York Times Q June 1998); John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation (wvw. macfdn.org), Chicago, IL 1998. Introduction We sure could have fascism here but we'd have to call it anti-fascism, Louisiana Governor Huey "Kingfish" Long, quoted in On 1984 by Peter Stanslcy, 1983. Violent antipathies are always suspicious and betray a secret affinity. William Hazletto Charucteristics, 1 823. A good end cannot sanctifo evil means; nor must we ever do evil, that good may come of it. William Penn, Some Fruits of Solitude in Reflections and Maxims. Given sufficient control over information and enough public distance from the reality of events, even the most unlikely situations can be endowed with powerful emotional trappings. W. Lance Bennett, Public Opinion in American Politics, 1980. To punish a man because we infer from the nature of some doctrine which he holds, or from the conduct of other persons who hold the same doctrines with him, that he will commit a crime, is persecution, and is, in every case, foolish and wicked. Thomas Babington Macaulay, Hallum, 1828. The surest way to work up a crusade in favor of some good cause is to promise people they will have a chance of maltreating someone. To be able to destroy with good conscience, to be able to behave badly and call your bad behavior 'righteous indignation' - this is the height of psychological luxury, the most delicious of moral treats. Aldous H*ley, Chrome Yellan1l9Zl. The slogan, 'the end justifies the meansr' a great favorite of revolutionists and opportunists, is an aflirmation of activist ethics.
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