The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), Phony Lists, and Intimidation
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Jones (Stephen) Oklahoma City Bombing Archive, 1798 – 2003 (Bulk 1995 – 1997)
JONES (STEPHEN) OKLAHOMA CITY BOMBING ARCHIVE, 1798 ± 2003 (BULK 1995 ± 1997). See TARO record at http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/utcah/03493/cah-03493.html (Approximately 620 linear feet) This collection is open for research use. Portions are restricted due to privacy concerns. See Archivist's Note for more details. Use of DAT and Beta tapes by appointment only; please contact repository for more information. This collection is stored remotely. Advance notice required for retrieval. Contact repository for retrieval. Cite as: Stephen Jones Oklahoma City Bombing Archive, 1798 ± 2003 (Bulk 1995 ± 1997), Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin. [AR 98-395; 2003-055; 2005-161] ______________________________________________________________________________ BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: Stephen Jones (born 1940) was appointed in May 1995 by the United States District Court in Oklahoma City to serve as the lead defense attorney for Timothy McVeigh in the criminal court case of United States of America v. Timothy James McVeigh and Terry Lynn Nichols. On April 19, 1995, two years to the day after the infamous Federal Bureau of Investigation and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms raid on the Branch Davidians at Waco, Texas, a homemade bomb delivered inside of a Ryder rental truck was detonated in front of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. Timothy McVeigh, as well as his accomplice Terry Nichols, were accused of and, in 1997, found guilty of the crime, and McVeigh was executed in 2001. Terry Nichols is still serving his sentence of 161 consecutive life terms without the possibility of parole in the ADX Florence super maximum-security prison in Florence, Colorado. -
SAY NO to the LIBERAL MEDIA: CONSERVATIVES and CRITICISM of the NEWS MEDIA in the 1970S William Gillis Submitted to the Faculty
SAY NO TO THE LIBERAL MEDIA: CONSERVATIVES AND CRITICISM OF THE NEWS MEDIA IN THE 1970S William Gillis Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Journalism, Indiana University June 2013 ii Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Doctoral Committee David Paul Nord, Ph.D. Mike Conway, Ph.D. Tony Fargo, Ph.D. Khalil Muhammad, Ph.D. May 10, 2013 iii Copyright © 2013 William Gillis iv Acknowledgments I would like to thank the helpful staff members at the Brigham Young University Harold B. Lee Library, the Detroit Public Library, Indiana University Libraries, the University of Kansas Kenneth Spencer Research Library, the University of Louisville Archives and Records Center, the University of Michigan Bentley Historical Library, the Wayne State University Walter P. Reuther Library, and the West Virginia State Archives and History Library. Since 2010 I have been employed as an editorial assistant at the Journal of American History, and I want to thank everyone at the Journal and the Organization of American Historians. I thank the following friends and colleagues: Jacob Groshek, Andrew J. Huebner, Michael Kapellas, Gerry Lanosga, J. Michael Lyons, Beth Marsh, Kevin Marsh, Eric Petenbrink, Sarah Rowley, and Cynthia Yaudes. I also thank the members of my dissertation committee: Mike Conway, Tony Fargo, and Khalil Muhammad. Simply put, my adviser and dissertation chair David Paul Nord has been great. Thanks, Dave. I would also like to thank my family, especially my parents, who have provided me with so much support in so many ways over the years. -
Destructive Discourse
Destructive Discourse ‘Japan-bashing’ in the United States, Australia and Japan in the 1980s and 1990s This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of Murdoch University 2006 Narrelle Morris (LLB, BAsian St., BA (Hons), Murdoch University) I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research and contains as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary education institution. ...................... ABSTRACT By the 1960s-70s, most Western commentators agreed that Japan had rehabilitated itself from World War II, in the process becoming on the whole a reliable member of the international community. From the late 1970s onwards, however, as Japan’s economy continued to rise, this premise began to be questioned. By the late 1980s, a new ‘Japan Problem’ had been identified in Western countries, although the presentation of Japan as a dangerous ‘other’ was nevertheless familiar from past historical eras. The term ‘Japan-bashing’ was used by opponents of this negative view to suggest that much of the critical rhetoric about a ‘Japan Problem’ could be reduced to an unwarranted, probably racist, assault on Japan. This thesis argues that the invention and popularisation of the highly-contested label ‘Japan-bashing’, rather than averting criticism of Japan, perversely helped to exacerbate and transform the moderate anti-Japanese sentiment that had existed in Western countries in the late 1970s and early 1980s into a widely disseminated, heavily politicised and even encultured phenomenon in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, when the term ‘Japan-bashing’ spread to Japan itself, Japanese commentators were quick to respond. -
1 Emily Jo Wharry HIST 490 Dec. 10, 2019 Student Club to Supreme Court: the Federalist Society's Origins on Law School Campuses
1 Emily Jo Wharry HIST 490 Dec. 10, 2019 Student Club to Supreme Court: The Federalist Society's Origins on Law School Campuses Following the election of President George W. Bush in January 2000, a 35-year-old Brett M. Kavanaugh joined the new White House legal team, taking a position as an associate counsel to the president.1 A couple of months into the job, Kavanaugh came across a news article about his past that frustrated him. The article described him as still being an active member of the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies, a national organization of lawyers, judges, law school students, and professors who advocate for conservative legal doctrine and originalist interpretations of the United States Constitution. Worrying over this misreported detail, Kavanaugh wrote an email to his White House colleagues in which he assured them of the article's inaccuracy: "this may seem technical, but most of us resigned from the Federalist Society before starting work here and are not now members of the Federalist Society." Kavanaugh continued, "the reason I (and others) resigned from Fed society was precisely because I did not want anyone to be able to say that I had an ongoing relationship with any group that has a strong interest in the work of this office."2 Nineteen years later, in November 2019, the Federalist Society hosted its sold-out annual National Lawyers Convention at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C. Kavanaugh, no 1 Scott Shane et al., “Influential Judge, Loyal Friend, Conservative Warrior — and D.C. Insider,” The New York Times, July 14, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/14/us/politics/judge-brett-kavanaugh.html. -
The Honorable Michael Mecaul 131 Cannon I-Louse 0111Cc Building
ADVANCING FAITH, FAMILY AND FREEDOM JUI 27, 2015 The Honorable Michael MeCaul 131 Cannon I-louse 0111cc Building United Slates House of Representatives Washington. D.C. 20515 The 1-lonorabie Bennie Thompson 2466 Rayburn I-louse Office Building United Slates [louse of Representatives Washington, DC. 20515 Dear Representatives McCaul and Thompson: I ;ould like 10 thank you both and the Comrnftcee for the hard work you are doIrn! in atlcmpIin to assess and eliminate the terrorist threats our nation laces whether domestic or foreign. Your July 15 hearing. “The Rise of Radicalization: Is the US. Government Failing to Counter International rmd Domestic Terrorism,” prompted the filing of a letter into the record to which I must respond. lam speaking of a July 16 letter by Mr. Richard Cohen of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) that attacks the organization for hich I am the executive vice-president, the Family Research Council (FRC). The letter is representative of the sort of work that the SPLC does best: attack and denunciation. One of America’s foremost experts on political extremism. Laird Wilcox.’ has said of the SPLC that it is an organization that has ‘specialized a highly developed and ritualized form of defamation..” In this instance, one merely has to examine the fourth paragraph of Mr. Cohen’s letier to see how the SPLC operates. His language is simply unhinged. The letter is unwonh of a Congressional committee We have addressed the issues raised by the 2 SPLC previously, but let it be noted that the FRC works regularly with religious and political leaders across America. -
Palimpsest World: the Serpentine Trail of Roy Frankhouser from the SWP, the KKK, and the “Knights of Malta” to Far Beyond the Grassy Knoll1
1 Palimpsest World: The Serpentine Trail of Roy Frankhouser from the SWP, the KKK, and the “Knights of Malta” to Far Beyond the Grassy Knoll1 Introduction In the summer of 1987 the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) submitted a document in a legal action that attempted to prove that Roy Frankhouser, a well-known KKK member and Lyndon LaRouche‘s longtime paid ―security consultant,‖ was highly connected inside the CIA. The document, ―Attachment 2,‖ began: During 1974-75, Roy Frankhauser [sic], claiming to be working on behalf of the CIA, established contact with the NCLC. In approximately June 1975, Frankhauser submitted to three days of intensive debriefings, during which time he provided details of his employment with the National Security Council on a special assignment to penetrate a Canada-based cell of the Palestinian terrorist Black September organization, and other aspects of his CIA career dating back to his involvement in the Bay of Pigs.2 Frankhauser said he served as the ―babysitter‖ for [Mario] Garcia- Kholy [sic], one of the Brigade leaders who was to have a high government post in a post-Castro Cuba.3 Subsequently, NCLC researchers found a brief reference in PRAVDA citing a 1962 expulsion of one ―R. Frankhauser‖ from a low-level post at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow on charges that he was spying.4 The NCLC reference to a ―R. Frankhauser‖ being in Moscow in 1962 as somehow relevant evidence that Roy E. Frankhouser was working for the CIA suggests just how much we have entered the Mad Hatter‘s World. -
An Expert on Fringe Political Movements Reflects on the SPLC's
Spring 2018 The Social Contract An Expert on Fringe Political Movements Reflects on the SPLC’s Political Agenda An exclusive interview with author and researcher Laird Wilcox INTRODUCTION aird Wilcox, founder of the Wilcox Collection on Contemporary Political Movements in the Kenneth Spencer LResearch Library at the University of Kansas, received a “Freedom of Information Award” for “outstanding commitment to intellectual freedom” from the Kansas Library Association, and the “H.L. Mencken Award” from the Free Press Association for “outstanding journalism in defense of liberty.” He is the author and co-author of several books and monographs, including Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe: Political Extremism in America (Prometheus Books, 1992), Be Reasonable: Selected Quotations for Inquiring Minds (Prometheus Books, 1994), and American Extremists: Militias, Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists, and Others (Prometheus Books, 1996). Laird Wilcox was a member of the Carpenters Union for 20 years and had been a member of the American Civil Liberties Union for 50 years before resigning in protest over their abandonment of First Amendment advocacy; he was a member of Amnesty International since 1970 before resigning for the same reason. The Wilcox Collection of Contemporary Political Movements comprises more than 16,000 books, pamphlets, and periodicals, 800 audio tapes and DVDs, 210 linear feet of manuscript and materials, and more than 100,000 pieces of ephemera, including flyers, brochures, mailings, and clippings—much of the collection consists of primary source documents. Information about Laird Wilcox and his research can be found at www.lairdwilcox.com. Peter B. Gemma: The Wilcox Collection on Contemporary Political Movements is one of the largest resource centers for American political history in the United States. -
375-Mihet-Declaration
Case 2:12-cv-00184-wks Document 375 Filed 08/27/19 Page 1 of 13 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF VERMONT ) JANET JENKINS, ET AL., ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) Docket No. 2:12-cv-00184 v. ) ) KENNETH L. MILLER, ET AL., ) ) Defendants. ) ) ) DECLARATION OF HORATIO G. MIHET, ESQ. IN OPPOSITION TO PLAINTIFF’S MOTION TO COMPEL HORATIO G. MIHET, being first duly sworn, deposes and states as follows: 1) I am over the age of 18, competent to testify to the matters herein, and, if called upon to testify, I could and would do so competently, based upon my personal knowledge, as follows: 2) I am Vice President of Legal Affairs and Chief Litigation Counsel for Liberty Counsel. I am one of the attorneys representing Liberty Counsel and Rena Lindevaldsen as defendants in this litigation. I was personally involved in searching for documents responsive to Jenkins’ discovery requests, as well as meet and confer attempts to request that Jenkins narrow some of her requests to make them reasonable and proportional to the needs of this case. A) The Protracted, Multi-Jurisdictional Jenkins-Miller Custody Litigation Has Produced A Gigantic Paper and Electronic File. 3) Beginning in 2004, Liberty Counsel attorneys, including Rena Lindevaldsen and Mathew Staver, represented Lisa Miller in protracted, multi-jurisdictional litigation against Janet Jenkins, in connection with their custody dispute over Isabella Miller (hereinafter the “Dispute.”). 1 Case 2:12-cv-00184-wks Document 375 Filed 08/27/19 Page 2 of 13 4) The Dispute was massive. It spanned multiple years (over five), two jurisdictions (Virginia and Vermont), and multiple courts within each jurisdiction at every level (trial, appellate and supreme courts). -
Immigration and SPLC
Center for Immigration Studies Backgrounder March 2010 Immigration and the SPLC How the Southern Poverty Law Center Invented a Smear, Served La Raza, Manipulated the Press, and Duped its Donors By Jerry Kammer Introduction This report examines the efforts by the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) to smear the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) and, by extension, the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) and NumbersUSA. With no serious analysis, the SPLC in late 2007 unilaterally labeled FAIR a “hate group.” That poisonous designation became the centerpiece of a “Stop the Hate” campaign launched by the National Council of La Raza (NCLR), also known as La Raza, to call on Congress and the media to exclude FAIR from the national debate on immigration. The campaign gathered strength as newspapers across the country reported that FAIR had been “designated a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.” While the news stories generally included FAIR’s denial of the charge, thereby providing a semblance of balance, the designation’s taint lingered. The SPLC, presenting itself as a non-partisan, public-interest watchdog, never acknowledged — and no reporter ever disclosed — that the center was an active ally of the NCLR in the campaign. The evidence presented here demonstrates that the SPLC became a propaganda arm of the NCLR. The SPLC’s decision to smear FAIR was the work of a kangaroo court, one convened to reach a pre-determined verdict by inventing or distorting evidence. The “Stop the Hate” campaign would more accurately be labeled as a campaign to “Stop the Debate.” As this report notes, FAIR, CIS, and NumbersUSA have raised questions about the social, economic, and fiscal costs of the “comprehensive immigration reform” sought by La Raza and such allies as the National Immigration Forum and America’s Voice. -
The Creation of a Public Identity For
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts PATRIOTS OR PARANOIDS? THE CREATION OF A PUBLIC IDENTITY FOR THE MODERN MILITIA MOVEMENT A Thesis in Speech Communication By Heather M. Norton Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2005 ii The thesis of Heather M. Norton was reviewed and approved* by the following: J. Michael Hogan Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences Thesis Advisor Chair of Committee Thomas W. Benson Professor of Speech Communication Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Rhetoric Stephen H. Browne Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences John D. McCarthy Professor of Sociology James P. Dillard Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences Head, Department of Communication Arts and Sciences *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School. iii ABSTRACT The Oklahoma City bombing brought the modern Militia Movement to the forefront of the nation’s consciousness. After uncovering accused bomber Timothy McVeigh’s anti-government sentiments and his connections to the Michigan Militia, the federal government and the news media rushed to investigate the dangers posed by this movement—a movement that criticized the government for allegedly seeking to disarm law-abiding Americans and to limit their constitutional rights. The struggle that ensued over the public identity of the militias is the focus of this study. The study investigates the public debate over the militias beginning with the Oklahoma City bombing on April 19, 1995, and ending in 1996, when the militias disappeared from the headlines. Focusing on the “portraits” of the militias produced by the movement’s own leaders, so-called “watchdog” groups, and the Clinton administration, it examines how a variety of advocates worked to shape public perceptions of the movement. -
The SPLC's Teaching Tolerance
The SPLC’s TEACHING TOLERANCE What Parents, Teachers, and Administrators Need to Know Navigating our educational “Teaching Tolerance” is a special project run by the system is one of the biggest chal- SPLC and is designed to infiltrate schools through lenges facing families all across radically progressive education resources. The SPLC’s America. We worry about where stated goal of Teaching Tolerance (TT) is to “eradi- our children go to school and cate intolerance.”1 We know that for the SPLC, the the quality of education they target is not “the intolerant” per se but those who do will receive. We wonder if they will be able to find a job or at- tend college upon graduation. Will our children be safe and respected at school? Will our values be reinforced, or at BC19J01 least tolerated, or will they be undermined? These wor- ries are compounded by the sense that America’s chil- dren are being educated The SPLC brands Christian beliefs about sexuality as “hate.” away from values held dear by previous generations: an appreciation for hard work, self-con- not share their liberal worldview. According to an trol, civic duty, and love of country and neighbor. executive at the SPLC, “[w]e are focused, whether people like it or not, on the radical right.”2 A former Parents are wise to be on guard and active in their Senior Fellow at the SPLC describes the purpose of children’s school, in contact with their teachers and the Center as not just a “hate monitoring” organi- administrators, and dedicated monitors of curricula zation, but in reality, “[o]ur aim in life is to destroy and textbooks. -
Parental Responsibility and the Future of the American Family Karl Zinsmeister
Cornell Law Review Volume 77 Article 14 Issue 5 July 1992 Parental Responsibility and the Future of the American Family Karl Zinsmeister Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Karl Zinsmeister, Parental Responsibility and the Future of the American Family , 77 Cornell L. Rev. 1005 (1992) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol77/iss5/14 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PARENTAL RESPONSIBILITY AND THE FUTURE OF THE AMERICAN FAMILY Karl Zinsmeistert I, like Bill Kristol and Jane Larson, would like to begin by say- ing I think it's terrific that within this conference on the importance of individual responsibility, the organizers included a panel on the family. Individual responsibility and family responsibility are not al- ways the same thing. In fact I think most of us could agree that the family is one locale where non-individualist, and sometimes even anti-individualist, logic is most appropriate. Nevertheless, I want to argue that here, as in other sectors of American society, an ethic of private responsibility is the best way, and frequently the only way, of forging lasting solutions to our problems. I believe in the power and value of spontaneously evolved social institutions-the kinds of institutions that spring up organically to fill a need without any social engineer having been involved.