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Applied Anthropology in Europe Historical Obstacles, Current Situation, Future Challenges Dan Podjed, Meta Gorup and Alenka Bezjak Mlakar ABSTRACT: The article presents the state of applied anthropology in Europe, in particular fo- cusing on the application of anthropological knowledge and skills within the private sector. Firstly, the text depicts the historical context, which has had a strong and often negative impact on the developments in contemporary applied anthropology and specifically on applying an- thropology in for-profit endeavours. It then provides an overview of this type of applied an- thropology in Europe by identifying its main institutions and individuals. Building on this analysis, the article elaborates on extant challenges for its future development, and outlines the most promising solutions. The authors conclude that it is of crucial importance for European anthropology to make the transition ‘from words to actions’, especially in the areas not tradi- tionally addressed by anthropologists, such as business and design anthropology or consultancy work in the private sector. While the discipline has a longer applied history in areas such as de- velopment, human rights and multiculturalism, few anthropologists have played significant roles in the efforts usually associated with the private sector. It is argued that anthropology should – also outside the non-profit and non-governmental sectors – shift from being a descrip- tive, hermeneutical and interpretative branch of social sciences describing and explaining the past or commenting on the present, to an applied discipline intervening in shaping the future. KEYWORDS: activity overview, applied anthropology, Europe, future of anthropology, history of anthropology, private sector Introduction common species. At first glance, such a situation may seem surprising since anthropology is – and should Extending Karl Marx’s assessment that ‘[p]hilosophers unquestionably remain – a well-established and in- have hitherto only interpreted the world in various creasingly diversified academic field, offering invalu- ways; the point is to change it’ (1903 [1845]: 133; em- able theoretical and analytical insights into virtually phasis added), we argue that the same holds true for every topic one might think of. What seems to have many European anthropologists, who have up until been neglected by the discipline, however, is its po- now not extensively engaged in applied versions of tential to contribute actively to a number of topical is- their discipline. While anthropologists have been ac- sues of our times related to, for example, information tive in areas such as development and medical anthro- technologies, user experience, design, environment, pology, and have addressed the issues of migration, climate change, urban and economic development, human rights and multiculturalism in non-govern- education, employment, administration, policy-mak- mental and non-profit organisations, their counter- ing, and to include anthropological approaches in in- parts in the private, for-profit sector remain a less dustry and the private sector (cf. van Willigen 2002). Anthropology in Action, 23, no. 2 (Summer 2016): 53–63 © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action ISSN 0967-201X (Print) ISSN 1752-2285 (Online) doi: 10.3167/aia.2016.230208 AiA | Dan Podjed, Meta Gorup and Alenka Bezjak Mlakar This article addresses three main issues. Firstly, it ethnographic data, who replaced the amateurs of the elaborates on the historical background, which is the previous generation’ (Sillitoe 2006: 5). However, Jack source of, we argue, most of the obstacles for apply- Goody (1995) and George Stocking (1995) argue ing anthropology outside the more traditional areas against this often stereotypical perception and explain of its application. Secondly, the text provides an that especially in the post-First World War period, overview of individuals and institutions in Europe many British anthropologists were actually critical of who, despite what we see as unfavourable conditions, colonialism. Further, the major source of anthropolog- have decided to embrace such a form of applied an- ical funding at the time came from American founda- thropology. Thirdly, it proposes some solutions on tions with reformist rather than imperial interests, how to enhance the currently limited scope of appli- which makes the situation at the time even less straight- cations of anthropological skills. forward (see also Kuper 1996). The development of anthropology was similarly influenced by geopolitical ambitions of other colonial Historical Obstacles countries. In Portugal, for instance, applied anthro- pology was either associated with ‘procolonial dicta- European applied anthropology has been crucially af- torial political regime’ or seen as a ‘non-scientific and fected by the historical context of anthropology as a purely ideological’ stream of anthropology (Afonso whole. In many parts of Europe, the latter has re- 2006: 165). Although not referring to colonialism as mained a primarily academically oriented discipline such, the former Soviet Union, partly consisting of with an insufficient influence on the economy, the for- European countries, is also an interesting case. There, mation of national and European policies, and the anthropologists – or more specifically, ethnologists functioning of non-profit organisations. We identify and ethnographers – were encouraged to focus on three potential causes for such a state, which largely administration of the peoples in ‘internal colonies’, arise from anthropology and its practitioners them- namely indigenous peoples and ethnic groups. selves: the ‘colonial hangover’ marked by anthropol- ‘[A]nthropology came to be entwined with scientific ogists’ moral and ethical crisis, different national socialism, and as a result its theories and methods traditions and language barriers, and disagreement were heavily politicized’ (Baba and Hill 2006: 182). on the meaning of the term ‘applied anthropology’. Thus, a large part of Soviet anthropology was in fact Adding to the general public’s and decision-makers’ applied and focused on practical problems, as de- common preference for simple, quantifiable stories – fined by the state. uncharacteristic of anthropology’s unconventional, Applications of anthropology were even more ob- time-consuming methodology (see also Stewart 2014), viously abused in Germany during the Nazi regime which results in findings that non-anthropologists in the 1930s and 1940s when many anthropologists may view as idiosyncratic stories with no implica- openly justified racism, developed applications of tions for broader contexts – these might have added racist theory and at least indirectly participated in the to anthropologists’ underrepresentation in institu- Holocaust (Schafft 2004). Andre Gingrich (2005), how- tions which greatly influence political, economic and ever, illustrates that the situation was again not as social agendas. clear-cut as it may appear: while some anthropologists The lingering ‘colonial hangover’ was caused by were actually complicit in the crimes, though to differ- the use and abuse of anthropology in obtaining eco- ent extents, many resisted the Nazi ideology – several nomic and political dominance in the nineteenth of them from a distance, that is in exile. Nevertheless, and twentieth centuries. For example, from the early collaboration of anthropology with Nazism before twentieth century, anthropologists had begun to be and during the Second World War strongly marked employed by the British colonial administrators, par- and hindered the development of applied anthropol- ticularly in Africa, and training programmes for colo- ogy in German-speaking countries until the second nial civil servants were at that time introduced at the half of the 1980s (cf. Gingrich 2005: 152). universities in Oxford, Cambridge and London (King Although the second half of the twentieth century and Wilder 2003: 32). To facilitate colonisation, they brought about sobriety, the catharsis has been a long were joining the native communities in ‘exotic’ loca- process and the ‘colonial hangover’ seems to persist tions to gather data and train governmental bureau- until today. For instance, applied anthropologists op- crats (Kedia and van Willigen 2005: 5). Such ‘gov- erating in the private sector would frequently face ernment anthropologists’ came to be perceived as accusations – particularly from their academic coun- ‘second-class citizens, sort of professional collectors of terparts – of their cooperation with the capital. 54 | Applied Anthropology in Europe | AiA Anthropologists often see money as ‘the root of all Methodology evil’ (Moeran and Garsten 2012: 9), a perspective aris- ing from their prevailing ‘sympathy for the poor and Despite the obstacles identified above, the practice of left wing ideology’ (Stewart 2014). applying anthropological knowledge and skills in the European countries without historical imperialistic private, for-profit sector has consolidated, and the aspirations – or enough political clout – have different number of European anthropologists engaging in reasons for lagging behind. For the most part, conti- such ventures has grown. This is one of the reasons nental anthropology and ethnology were historically why our attempt at preparing an overview of the state oriented. Researchers often focused on ‘national eth- of the art was by no means simple. Our study mainly nologies’, analysing ethnogeneses and remnants of relied on identifying

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