Vietnam: the End, 1975
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Vietnam: The End, 1975 CSC 1985 SUBJECT AREA History ABSTRACT Author: Bibby, Thomas M., Major USAF Title: Vietnam: The End, 1975 Date: 1 April 1985 The purpose of this paper was to examine the reasons for the sudden and total collapse of the Republic of Vietnam Armed forces (RVNAF) in the early months of 1975, and determine if the final outcome was inevitable or if Ameri- can will could have prevailed and insured South Vietnam's survival as a free and independent nation. Also, through a discussion of "lessons learned", the paper addresses the significant impact our experiences in Vietnam will have upon future US actions in foreign affairs. The paper begins with a brief introduction of the events surrounding the final collapse and their interpretation by both the North and South Vietnamese. Virtually everyone concerned considered the crucial turning point in the war was the signing of the Paris Agreements of 1973: the United States viewed the agreements as "peace with honor"; the North Vietnamese and Provisional Revolu- tionary Government (PRG) viewed them as the surrender and defeat of the Ameri- can "imperialists" and their "lackey puppet regime"; and the South Vietnamese viewed them as "abandonment" by a strong ally they thought would always be there. The first chapter begins with an examination of the Paris Agreements and describes what each of the parties concerned expected to achieve from the agreements. Chapter two continues to examine the events which occurred after the signing of the agreements and discusses the numerous violations of the agreements, and their overall impact upon the final collapse of South Vietnam. In chapter three, the policy of Vietnamization is discussed in order to evaluate the overall capability of the RVNAF to effectively provide for South Vietnam's defense in 1975. In doing so, both the American and South Vietnamese assessments of the policy and its effectiveness are presented. Chapter four examines the collapse of the RVNAF from the viewpoint of failed leadership and destroyed morale. Although there were many reasons for South Vietnam's collapse, the major ones centered around low morale, un- controlled corruption, incompetent leadership, and lack of US military aid and air support in the period following the Paris Agreements of 1973. Finally, the paper identifies some lessons of the events surrounding our experiences in South Vietnam, and how they will affect future US actions in foreign affairs. They include: the requirement to distinguish between problems which lend themselves to political solutions and those which re- quire military solutions; the requirement for the US to have domestic sup- port for its foreign policy to succeed; and the requirement to understand the needs of the people we are trying to help. Above all, our political and military leaders must do a better job in articulating our nation's foreign policy to the US public and Congress to gain their support, and must care- fully analyze the public's willingness to support that policy over an ex- tended period of time, even under adverse conditions. However, despite US foreign policy failure in South Vietnam, the Vietnam War was for the South Vietnamese to win and not the Americans. The government of South Vietnam needed to quickly implement significant political reforms to rally the sup- port of its own people and soldiers, but simply ran out of time in 1975. VIETNAM: THE END, 1975 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: PARIS AGREEMENTS OF 1973 1. North Vietnamese and PRG Expectations 13 2. South Vietnamese Expectations 19 3. American Expectations 24 CHAPTER 2: BREAKDOWN OF THE AGREEMENTS 1. The Postwar War: 1973-1975 31 2. Violations 56 CHAPTER 3: VIETNAMIZATION 1. American Assessment 67 2. South Vietnamese Assessment 72 CHAPTER 4: COLLAPSE OF THE REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM ARMED FORCES (RVNAF) 1. RVNAF Leadership 74 2. RVNAF Morale 81 CONCLUSION 86 CHRONOLOGY OF SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 96 CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS 99 ENDNOTES 103 ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY 112 INTRODUCTION The Vietnam War is probably the most analyzed war and, simultaneously, the least understood war involving the United States since 1945. Of all U.S. allies, South Vietnam enjoyed more support from the United States than any other individual country throughout the free world. With over $160 billion in aid and the sacrifice of more than 50,000 American lives, it is difficult to believe that South Vietnam could have had a stronger ally than in the United States.1 Why then did South Vietnam fall? Even more disconcert- ing, why did it collapse so quickly? Unfortunately, there are not any easy answers to why the final outcome of this divisive and costly war for both the United States and the Republic of South Vietnam came to such a devastating conclusion. In this paper, I shall examine the events leading to the final collapse on April 30, 1975. I shall also try to determine if, as the Vietnamese would say, the "fates" were against South Vietnam and the outcome was inevitable; or if American will could have prevailed and insured South Viet- nam's survival as a free and independent nation. In my research, I read numerous accounts of the war on the events from 1972 to 1975 by North Vietnamese, South Vietnamese and American sources. Each tended to present his own opinions with ideological biases; but, on the whole, a common thread of truth emerged. The Paris Agreements of 1973 (more formally called the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam) were viewed by all concerned as the crucial turning point in the war: The United States viewed the agreements as "peace with honor"; the North Vietnamese and Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) viewed them as the surren- der and defeat of the American "imperialists" and their "lackey puppet regime"; and the South Vietnamese saw them as "abandonment" by a strong ally they thought would always be there. It is highly questionable that if the Paris Agreements were not signed that South Vietnam would have survived in 1975; however, the conditions agreed to in Paris by the four signatory parties were not in the best interest of the government of South Vietnam (GVN). In his book, Our Great Spring Victory, the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) chief of staff, General Van Tien Dung, presented a biased but extremely detailed account of the final collapse of South Vietnam. During its 21st plenum in October 1973, the Communist Party Central Committee decided that "revolutionary violence" was still the pathway to achieving North Vietnam's goals, despite the terms of the Paris Agreements.2 The following March, the Central Military Party Committee concluded, "the Vietnamese revolution may have to pass through many transi- tional stages, and can only gain victory through revolu- tionary violence--carrying out popular uprisings, relying on our political and military forces, or in the event that large-scale war returns, carrying out revolutionary warfare to gain complete victory."3 According to Dung's account, following the March confer- ence, the military command carefully monitored the battle- fields in the South; over the summer it reported to the party that "the fighting ability of our mobile main-force units was superior to that of the enemy's mobile main-force units." The balance of forces had changed in Hanoi's favor. In addition, resupply efforts were expanded and the Ho Chi Minh Trail was substantially improved by labor battalions working day and night. Arms, munitions and troops were now trucked on a 26-foot wide, all-weather road running from Quang Tri to eastern Nam Bo in the Mekong Delta region of South Vietnam. General Dung wrote that their supply system resembled "strong ropes inching gradually, day by day, around the neck, arms, and legs of a demon, awaiting the order to jerk tight and bring the creature's life to an end."4 The North Vietnamese did assess the possibility of renewed American intervention; they decided after a meeting of the Central Military Party Committee in October 1974, that the possibility seemed remote after the Watergate scandal, Nixon's resignation, the economic difficulties following the 1973 Arab oil embargo, and the sequence of Congressional votes against additional U.S. aid to Saigon. With the cutback of almost $2 billion annually in U.S. aid, South Vietnam was now forced to fight "a poor man's war," which put them at a distinct disadvantage in overcoming the overwhelming initiative enjoyed by both the North Vietnamese regular troops and the Vietcong guerrillas. Le Duan, the North Vietnamese Communist Party's First Secretary, stated: "Now that the United States has pulled out of the South, it will be hard for them to jump back in; no matter how they may intervene, they cannot rescue the Saigon administration from its disastrous collapse."5 The October 1974 conference unanimously agreed on five points which favored implementing their Spring 1975 offensive and would insure success: First, the Saigon troops were growing weaker militarily, politically, and economically every day. Our forces were stronger than the enemy in the South. Second, the United States was meeting diffi- culties at home and abroad, and its ability to give political or military aid to its proteges was declining every day. Not only had the United States had to decrease its aid to Saigon, it also faced increasing opposition to any effort to "jump back" into the South. And even if troops did intervene, they would not be able to rescue the collapsing Saigon quisling administration. Third, we had set up strategic positions linking North and South, had increased our forces and our stockpiles of materiel, and had completed the system of strategic and tactical roads. Fourth, movements calling for peace, improve- ment of popular welfare, democracy, and national independence, and demanding that Thieu be toppled, gained momentum in the towns.