The Kennedy Administration and the Use of Herbicides in South Vietnam

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The Kennedy Administration and the Use of Herbicides in South Vietnam INTO THE WIND: THE KENNEDY ADMINISTRATION AND THE USE OF HERBICIDES IN SOUTH VIETNAM A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Evelyn Frances Krache Morris, AM Washington, DC April 12, 2012 Copyright 2012 by Evelyn Frances Krache Morris All Rights Reserved ii INTO THE WIND: THE KENNEDY ADMINISTRATION AND THE USE OF HERBICIDES IN SOUTH VIETNAM Evelyn F. Krache Morris, AM Thesis Advisor: David S. Painter, PhD. ABSTRACT This study investigates the origins of Operation Ranch Hand, the United States’ aerial defoliation and crop destruction program in South Vietnam. Although Agent Orange is the best-known of the formulas employed, the decision to use chemicals in South Vietnam preceded Agent Orange’s 1965 debut by several years. President John F. Kennedy authorized defoliation missions in November 1961. At the behest of the United States military, the Ambassador to South Vietnam, and South Vietnamese President Ngô Đình Diệm, Ranch Hand expanded in 1962 to include crop destruction. The purpose of this research is to explore why the administration chose to use an untried and possibly illegal weapon in an undeclared war. The need for certainties in an increasingly ambiguous and frustrating conflict contributed to the belief that Ranch Hand was more practical and effective than it was. Even as Ranch Hand’s shortfalls became apparent, the administration adhered more and more closely to the agendas of the military and of Diệm who, for different reasons, promoted Ranch Hand as reassuringly successful. The chemicals most commonly deployed in Ranch Hand, 2,4- dichlorophenoxyacetic acid (2,4-D) and 2,4,5-trichlorophenoxyacetic acid (2,4,5-T), were widely used domestically during the 1950s and 1960s. The persistent questions iii among scientists about how the chemicals worked and the continued difficulties in controlling their effects contrasted sharply with the beliefs held by the administration. The conflict between the administration’s idealization of science and the uncertainties and contingencies of the scientific process itself was never resolved and is a major theme of this research. Historians have frequently portrayed the Kennedy Administration as rational and unemotional, but the fears that ran through it promoted the adoption of a weapon that ultimately proved both militarily ineffective and politically disastrous. In their efforts not to ‘lose’ Vietnam, the administration embarked on a course that would help ensure that Vietnam was lost. The repercussions of chemical herbicide used during the Vietnam War, an effort launched by Kennedy, still reverberate in both the United States and in Vietnam. iv I am grateful for the friends and colleagues who helped me on this journey: Mytoan Nguyen Akbar, Ashley Augustyniak, David Biggs, Matt Bowman, Lisa Brady, Derren Connell and Alex Spring, John Corcoran, Ryan Edgington, Ben Francis-Fallon, Jeff Gardner, Peter Gelb, Toshihiro Higuchi, Alice Stone Ilchman, Richard Immerman, Anita Kondoyanidi, Richard Kuisel, Bob and Abby Levine, Charles MacKay, Chandra Manning, John McNeill, Jim Miller and Fynnette Eaton, Karl Mueller, Curtis and Amanda Murphy, Sophie Thao Nguyen, Meredith Oyen, Stephen Plotkin, Andy and Jen Ross, Maura Seale, Morgan Shaw, Col. Tracy Szczepaniak, Anand Toprani, Song Tran, Thuc Tran, Richard Tucker, Susan Walker, Dan Weimer, Salim Yaqub, and David Zierler. Georgetown University, the United States Department of Education, the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations, and the Chemical Heritage Foundation provided generous financial support for this project. I have been blessed with a wonderful dissertation committee who challenged, encouraged, and informed my work during every step. Thank you, David Painter, Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Joe McCartin, and Ed Russell, for everything. This work would not have been possible without the love and support of the Dickson, Krache, and Morris families, especially David and Kate. I dedicate it to them. Evelyn F. Krache Morris v “We would rather be ruined than changed. We would rather die in our dread Than climb the cross of the moment And let our illusions die.” ~ W.H. Auden, The Age of Anxiety TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1: Introduction and Historiography .................................................................... 1 Chapter 2: How Do We Get Moving ............................................................................ 34 Chapter 3: All-Purpose Men ......................................................................................... 66 Chapter 4: Tricky Business ........................................................................................... 98 Chapter 5: Simple Tools of Victory ............................................................................ 125 Chapter 6: Setting the Course ..................................................................................... 155 Chapter 7: A Wholly Normal Procedure .................................................................... 183 Chapter 8: True Problem is Peasants’ Hostility .......................................................... 216 Chapter 9: Conclusion: What Kind of Evidence Do They Want ................................ 248 Bibliography ................................................................................................................ 283 vi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION AND HISTORIOGRAPHY On November 30, 1961, President John F. Kennedy took the United States another step deeper into South Vietnam. On that date, less than 1 year after his inauguration, Kennedy signed National Security Action Memorandum (NSAM) 115, “Defoliant Operations in South Vietnam.” It called for a selective and carefully controlled joint program of defoliant operations in Viet Nam starting with the clearance of key routes and proceeding thereafter to food denial only if the most careful basis of resettlement and alternative food supply has been created.1 Chemicals and C-123s were already in South Vietnam; the plans for Operation Ranch Hand, the Air Force name for chemical herbicide spraying, had been gaining momentum for months.2 The impetus came not only from advisors in the field, who were increasingly desperate to stop what they thought were waves of infiltrators and supplies coming from North Vietnam. It also came from members of Kennedy’s own administration, who were themselves more and more pessimistic about the government 1 National Security Action Memorandum 115, November 30, 1961, http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/Z8-vBiaBdEW2Cz9g6NUB7g.aspx (accessed on February 7, 2012). 2 Ranch Hand included only those spraying missions conducted by fixed-wing aircraft. The overall name for the entire aerial spraying effort, including those missions carried out by helicopter and by hand, was Operation Trail Dust. Operation Mule Train provided logistical support to US operations in South Vietnam. The association of these names with the ‘taming’ of the Western United States was probably not coincidental. Ranch Hand operations sprayed about 95% of all herbicides used in South Vietnam, according to a key recent article on Ranch Hand, written by a team of epidemiologists who modified and improved the Air Force’s own records of herbicide use to analyze the levels and effects of spraying operations from 1961 to 1971. Jeanne Mager Stellman et al., “The Extent and Patterns of Usage of Agent Orange and Other Herbicides in Vietnam,” Nature 422, no. 6933 (April 17, 2003): 681. 1 of South Vietnamese President Ngô Đình Diệm and its ability to both form a viable state and ward off Communist advances. Aerial herbicide spraying might address all of these concerns; at the very least it would provide evidence in Sài Gòn and in Washington that the administration was acting decisively and using the latest technology in its fight against global Communism. Operation Ranch Hand depended on chemicals that had been developed for use during World War II but were never used in combat.3 Phenoxy herbicides, which would include the bulk of the agents used in Ranch Hand, entered the civilian market for land clearing and weed control agents shortly after the war. They were an entirely new class, largely the product of American scientific research. These chemicals were one of a roster of “techniques and gadgets” that the administration considered and approved for use in South Vietnam.4 Ranch Hand lasted from 1961 to 1971. After the initial approval by President Kennedy in 1961, the Air Force began the aerial spraying of Agents Pink, Green and Purple, formulations containing the phenoxy herbicides 2,4-dichlorophenoxyacetic acid (2,4-D) and 2,4,5-trichlorophenoxyacetic acid (2,4,5-T).5 The administration expanded the program in 1962 to include crop destruction, the “food denial” Kennedy referenced 3 For more detail on this history, see Barton Bernstein, “America’s Biological Warfare Program in the Second World War,” Journal of Strategic Studies 11, no. 3 (September 1988): 292-317. 4 Walt W. Rostow memorandum to Kennedy, April 12, 1961, Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States 1961-1963: Volume I: Vietnam 1961 (Washington DC: United State Government Printing Office, 1988), 68. 5 In 1962, the United States began using Agent Blue, an arsenical. Since this is not a phenoxy herbicide, it falls outside the scope of this study, but the larger strategic, logistical, and moral problems are quite similar. Stellman et al., 682.
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