Regional Cooperation and Integration
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
ORF Issue Brief 102 Jayshree Sengupta
ORF ISSUE BRIEF AUGUST 2015 ISSUE BRIEF # 102 SAARC: The Way Ahead Jayshree Sengupta Introduction he South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)—comprising India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Nepal, Afghanistan and Pakistan—has been in Texistence as a regional grouping for almost 30 years (with Afghanistan joining in 2007). It has yet, however, to succeed in bringing about closer integration between the member countries. The idea behind SAARC—whose seed was sown by the late Bangladesh President Ziaur Rahman—was to promote regional cooperation and foster economic development and prosperity throughout the region. While the objectives enunciated in the SAARC charter signed in Dhaka in 1985 were to accelerate economic growth in the region and build mutual trust among member states, serious problems of cohesion remain and South Asia now stands as one of the least integrated regions in the world. After three decades of existence, intra-regional trade in South Asia is lower than that of other regional groupings. Intra-regional trade as a share of South Asia's total foreign trade was only 5 percent in 2014, against 25.8 percent for Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries.1 The outcome of the 18th summit of SAARC, held in Kathmandu, Nepal, in November 2014, was not exceptional in any way. No concrete action was taken on the issues of terrorism, trade and foreign investment to validate the theme of the conference, 'Deeper Integration for Peace and Prosperity.' It was, as always, full of fanfare and rhetoric, and plenty of handshakes and promises were exchanged. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
REGIONAL CONSULTATION DEEPENING REGIONAL COOPERATION in SOUTH ASIA Expectations from the 18Th SAARC Summit Kathmandu, Nepal, November 23-24, 2014
REGIONAL CONSULTATION DEEPENING REGIONAL COOPERATION IN SOUTH ASIA Expectations from the 18th SAARC Summit Kathmandu, Nepal, November 23-24, 2014 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The annual consumption of energy of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region is currently close to 700 million tonnes of oil equivalents (mtoe). It is projected to rise to 2000 mtoe by 2030. As the countries in South Asia move towards greater development, the energy needs are also certain to go up exponentially and energy security is therefore bound to be a priority for most of the countries. Many countries in the region do not have sufficient resources or technology to explore the available resources to meet their energy needs and thus, rely on imports which additionally need to be affordable in order to sustain the economic growth. Currently, energy trade and regional cooperation between the countries are minimal due to several reasons such as political, economic and security concerns. To give impetus to regional cooperation, there is a need for strong and robust political and social mandate. The existence of well-defined, coherent & harmonious energy policies, predictable legal and regulatory frameworks are essential principles for regional energy trade and investment. There is an urgent need to put in place related mechanism that would not only facilitate but also encourage energy trade in South Asia. Hence, collective efforts should be initiated to harmonise the prevailing legal and regulatory mechanisms that have been put in place among SAARC nations. Further, there is a need to establish infrastructure to facilitate and/or impede regional energy and synchronisation of all existing regulatory agencies in the manner that it will be convenient for them to coordinate electricity trade. -
South Asia Satellite
South Asia Satellite Why in news? \n\n India launched ‘South Asia satellite’ on May 5 2017. This sends a positive signal to the neighbourhood. \n\n What are the facts about the satellite? \n\n \n The South Asia Satellite (GSAT-9) is a geosynchronous communications and meteorology satellite by the Indian Space Research Organisation. \n It is launched for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region. \n This idea was mooted by India in 18th SAARC summit. \n Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives and Sri Lanka are the users of the multi-dimensional facilities provided by the satellite. \n By launching the GSAT-9 ‘South Asia satellite’, India has reaffirmed the Indian Space Research Organisation’s scientific prowess, but the messaging is perhaps more geopolitical than geospatial. \n \n\n What are the benefits of the launch? \n\n \n The benefits the countries would receive in communication, telemedicine, meteorological forecasting and broadcasting. \n China is planning to launch a cloud for the countries in the south east region, but India wisely took the lead by lunching the SAARC satellite. \n It is prove once again that India is the only country in South Asia that has independently launched satellites on indigenously developed launch vehicles. \n More than scientific endeavour, this geopolitically strengthens India’s Strong neighbour’s policy. \n \n\n What is the hassle with Pakistan? \n\n \n In recent years Pakistan and Sri Lanka have launched satellites with assistance from China. \n Pakistan denied the trade permission between Afghanistan and India via the land route, this created distress mong the SAARC countries. -
The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
At a glance March 2015 The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) SAARC was founded in 1985, and is an economic and geopolitical organisation of eight countries located in southern Asia. However, the organisation has not advanced much in its three decades of existence, mainly because of the historic rivalry between India and Pakistan. This tension has blocked initiatives on several occasions, including at the November 2014 summit. Goals and structure The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established, following a Bangladeshi initiative, in December 1985 in Dhaka. Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka were the founders, while Afghanistan joined in April 2007, to become the eighth member. The main goals of SAARC, as stated in its Charter, are: increasing the welfare of the peoples of South Asia, and the improvement of the quality of life through accelerated economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region. The Charter provides for annual, or more frequent, summits between the heads of state or government, but in reality this has often not been the case. The most recent SAARC Summit was held in 2014, three years after the previous one. The Council of Ministers formulates the policies of the Association and decides on new areas of cooperation. Foreign Ministers of the respective countries are members of this Council, which meets twice a year. A Standing Committee, composed of Foreign Secretaries, is in charge of the approval, monitoring and coordination of the SAARC's cooperation programmes. Meetings may also be convened at ministerial level on specific themes. -
1. India and Myanmar: Understanding the Partnership – Sampa Kundu
MYANMAR AND SOUTH ASIA 1. India and Myanmar: Understanding the Partnership – Sampa Kundu, Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis, New Delhi, India; PhD Candidate, School of International Studies, Jawarhalal Nehru University, New Delhi, India Abstract: India’s bilateral relations with Myanmar has raised both optimism and doubts because of a number of ups and downs which portray India’s vague willingness to remain favoured by the Myanmar government and Myanmar’s calculated desire to get advantages from its giant neighbours including India. Scholars and practitioners have explained many times why both India and Myanmar need each other. Some may call it a realist politics and some may call it a fire-brigade alarm politics which implies that both of them act according to the need of the time. The objective of this paper is to explain the necessities of India and Myanmar to each other and how they respond to each other in different times. Connectivity, security, energy and economy are four major pillars of Indo- Myanmar bilateral relationship. Hence, each of these four sectors would have their due share in the proposed paper to illustrate the present dynamics of Indo-Myanmar partnerships. Factors like US, China and the regional cooperation initiatives including ASEAN and BIMSTEC are the external factors that are most likely to shape the future of the Indo-Myanmar relationships. Hence, a simultaneous effort would also be taken to explain the extent of their influence on the same. Based on available primary and secondary literature and field trips, this account will help the readers to contextualise Indo-Myanmar relationship in the light of international relations. -
Map of Myanmar
94 96 98 J 100 102 ° ° Indian ° i ° ° 28 n ° Line s Xichang Chinese h a MYANMAR Line J MYANMAR i a n Tinsukia g BHUTAN Putao Lijiang aputra Jorhat Shingbwiyang M hm e ra k Dukou B KACHIN o Guwahati Makaw n 26 26 g ° ° INDIA STATE n Shillong Lumding i w d Dali in Myitkyina h Kunming C Baoshan BANGLADE Imphal Hopin Tengchong SH INA Bhamo C H 24° 24° SAGAING Dhaka Katha Lincang Mawlaik L Namhkam a n DIVISION c Y a uan Gejiu Kalemya n (R Falam g ed I ) Barisal r ( r Lashio M a S e w k a o a Hakha l n Shwebo w d g d e ) Chittagong y e n 22° 22° CHIN Monywa Maymyo Jinghong Sagaing Mandalay VIET NAM STATE SHAN STATE Pongsali Pakokku Myingyan Ta-kaw- Kengtung MANDALAY Muang Xai Chauk Meiktila MAGWAY Taunggyi DIVISION Möng-Pan PEOPLE'S Minbu Magway Houayxay LAO 20° 20° Sittwe (Akyab) Taungdwingyi DEMOCRATIC DIVISION y d EPUBLIC RAKHINE d R Ramree I. a Naypyitaw Loikaw w a KAYAH STATE r r Cheduba I. I Prome (Pye) STATE e Bay Chiang Mai M kong of Bengal Vientiane Sandoway (Viangchan) BAGO Lampang 18 18° ° DIVISION M a e Henzada N Bago a m YANGON P i f n n o aThaton Pathein g DIVISION f b l a u t Pa-an r G a A M Khon Kaen YEYARWARDY YangonBilugyin I. KAYIN ATE 16 16 DIVISION Mawlamyine ST ° ° Pyapon Amherst AND M THAIL o ut dy MON hs o wad Nakhon f the Irra STATE Sawan Nakhon Preparis Island Ratchasima (MYANMAR) Ye Coco Islands 92 (MYANMAR) 94 Bangkok 14° 14° ° ° Dawei (Krung Thep) National capital Launglon Bok Islands Division or state capital Andaman Sea CAMBODIA Town, village TANINTHARYI Major airport DIVISION Mergui International boundary 12° Division or state boundary 12° Main road Mergui n d Secondary road Archipelago G u l f o f T h a i l a Railroad 0 100 200 300 km Chumphon The boundaries and names shown and the designations Kawthuang 10 used on this map do not imply official endorsement or ° acceptance by the United Nations. -
Experiences of Vietnam in FDI Promotion: Some Lessons for Myanmar
CHAPTER 4 Experiences of Vietnam in FDI Promotion: Some Lessons for Myanmar Thanh Tri VO and Duong Anh NGUYEN This chapter should be cited as: Vo, T T and Nguyen, A D., 2012. “Experiences of Vietnam in FDI Promotion: Some Lessons for Myanmar.” In Economic Reforms in Myanmar: Pathways and Prospects, edited by Hank Lim and Yasuhiro Yamada, BRC Research Report No.10, Bangkok Research Center, IDE-JETRO, Bangkok, Thailand. Chapter 4 Experiences of Vietnam in FDI Promotion: Some Lessons for Myanmar Thanh Tri VO, Duong Anh NGUYEN ______________________________________________________________________ Abstract Since 1986, Vietnam has carried out various measures to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), in line with deepened integration into the regional and world economies. The legal framework for FDI entry into the country has improved since 1987, with the promulgation of and numerous amendments to the Foreign Investment Law, alongside other legal-economic reforms concerning trading rights, the tarification of non-tariff barriers, etc. These structural and procedural changes facilitated FDI inflows to Vietnam, though such inflows varied during different periods. There are, however, some concerns about the effectiveness of recent FDI inflows, particularly regarding the low ratio of implemented capital over registered capital, and the State’s limited ability to manage capital inflows. Vietnam also took some practical steps, and experienced a string of success, in various aspects of FDI promotion – such as the introduction of export processing zones and industrial zones, the supply of infrastructure facilities, the delegation of FDI management authority to local governments, and the dialogue mechanism with the Government of Japan to support FDI operations. -
Myanmar/Bangladesh Repatriation and Reintegration Operation
PROG IAL RAM EC M SP E MYANMAR/BANGLADESH REPATRIATION AND REINTEGRATION OPERATION AT A GLANCE Main Objectives and Activities Bangladesh Protect and assist 22,000 refugees remaining in the camps; facilitate their repatriation to Myanmar while ensuring the voluntary nature of returns; and promote interim solutions for those remaining refugees unable or unwilling to return by encouraging self-sufficiency activities. Myanmar Continue to work with the Government on the successful rein- tegration of returnees; promote the stabilisation of the pop- ulation of Northern Rakhine State through multi-sectoral assis- tance and monitoring in areas hosting returnees. The establishment of a UN Integrated Development Plan in Northern Rakhine State continued to be a key factor in UNHCR’s strategy to phase down its assistance activities throughout 2000. Impact • In Bangladesh, only 1,130 refugees were repatriated dur- ing 1999 because of procedural difficulties in obtaining clearance for those scheduled to return to Myanmar. Some 22,000 refugees remained in the camps, dependent on external assistance. • No major population movement to Bangladesh has been reported since mid-1997. This can be attributed to UNHCR’s continued monitoring and protection activ- ities, combined with an extensive assistance programme which contributed to the stability of the population in Persons of Concern Northern Rakhine State. HOST COUNTRY/ TOTAL IN OF WHICH: PER CENT PER CENT TYPE OF POPULATION COUNTRY UNHCR-ASSISTED FEMALE < 18 • The situation of women and children in the refugee Bangladesh (Refugees) 22,000 22,000 51 60 camps was improved by integrating protection and assis- Myanmar (Returned in 1999)* 1,130 1,130 50 - tance concerns through increased participation in camp * During 1998, 100 Myanmar refugees returned. -
Barometer-Book-Final
FORUM -ASIA SOUTH ASIA JUDICIAL BAROMETER FORUM -ASIA © FORUM-ASIA and Law & Society Trust 2020 The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a Bangkok based regional network of 81 member organisations across 21 Asian countries, with consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has sub-regional offices in Geneva, Jakarta, and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org FORUM-ASIA Law & Society Trust 3rd Floor, S. P. D. Building 3, Kynsey Terrace 79/2 Krungthonburi Road Colombo 8 Khlong San Bangkok Sri Lanka 10600 Thailand Tel : +94 11 268 4845 Tel : + 66 (0) 2 1082643-45 : +94 11 269 1228 Fax : + 66 (0) 2108 2646 Fax : +94 11 268 6843 Web : www.forum-asia.org Web : lstlanka.org Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Facebook : www.fb.me/lstlanka Twitter : @lstlanka ISBN : 978-955-1302-94-8 Table of Contents Acknowledgements v Contributors vii Preface xi Introduction - Migrant Workers in South Asia: A Review of the 1 Challenges Faced and the Legal Protections Available - Sakuntala Kadirgamar 1. International Labour Migration from Bangladesh: Risk, 21 Protection, and Policy Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikder 2. At the Mercy of the Law: Legal Protection for India’s 81 Migrant Workers Raghuram S. Godavarthi 3. Labour in The Maldives: A Snapshot of Discrimination 127 against Migrant Workers Shahindha Ismail 4. -
Report of Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar
A/HRC/39/64 Advance Edited Version Distr.: General 12 September 2018 Original: English Human Rights Council Thirty-ninth session 10–28 September 2018 Agenda item 4 Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention Report of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar* Summary The Human Rights Council established the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar in its resolution 34/22. In accordance with its mandate, the mission focused on the situation in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan States since 2011. It also examined the infringement of fundamental freedoms, including the rights to freedom of expression, assembly and peaceful association, and the question of hate speech. The mission established consistent patterns of serious human rights violations and abuses in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan States, in addition to serious violations of international humanitarian law. These are principally committed by the Myanmar security forces, particularly the military. Their operations are based on policies, tactics and conduct that consistently fail to respect international law, including by deliberately targeting civilians. Many violations amount to the gravest crimes under international law. In the light of the pervasive culture of impunity at the domestic level, the mission finds that the impetus for accountability must come from the international community. It makes concrete recommendations to that end, including that named senior generals of the Myanmar military should be investigated and prosecuted in an international criminal tribunal for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. * The present report was submitted after the deadline in order to reflect the most recent developments. A/HRC/39/64 Contents Page I. -
Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition
United Nations University Centre for Policy Research Crime-Conflict Nexus Series: No 9 April 2017 Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition Dr. Vanda Felbab-Brown Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution This material has been funded by UK aid from the UK government; however the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies. © 2017 United Nations University. All Rights Reserved. ISBN 978-92-808-9040-2 Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Myanmar case study analyzes the complex interactions between illegal economies -conflict and peace. Particular em- phasis is placed on understanding the effects of illegal economies on Myanmar’s political transitions since the early 1990s, including the current period, up through the first year of the administration of Aung San Suu Kyi. Described is the evolu- tion of illegal economies in drugs, logging, wildlife trafficking, and gems and minerals as well as land grabbing and crony capitalism, showing how they shaped and were shaped by various political transitions. Also examined was the impact of geopolitics and the regional environment, particularly the role of China, both in shaping domestic political developments in Myanmar and dynamics within illicit economies. For decades, Burma has been one of the world’s epicenters of opiate and methamphetamine production. Cultivation of poppy and production of opium have coincided with five decades of complex and fragmented civil war and counterinsur- gency policies. An early 1990s laissez-faire policy of allowing the insurgencies in designated semi-autonomous regions to trade any products – including drugs, timber, jade, and wildlife -- enabled conflict to subside.