African Studies Association of Australasia and the Pacific – AFSAAP 37th Annual Conference – Dunedin – New Zealand – 25-26 November 2014 Conference Proceedings (published January 2015)

Africa: Diversity and Development

Low Status People: An “integration challenge”

Mandisi Majavu

Refugee studies is a big and interdisciplinary field. One of the intellectual features that define the field, however, is the dominant discourse of integration that characterizes policy debates and research around refugees. Refugees are consistently seen against the “dominant discourse of integration, and publicly marked by the rhetorical presence of ‘integration problems’” (Frykman 2001: 13). It is worth noting that this paper neither argues for nor against the discourse of integration. Rather, what this paper does is to explore how Western societal institutions utilize the discourse of integration with regards to black African refugees.

The paper is part of my ongoing PhD research, and it explores two propositions1 which were developed based on a reading of the literature. The first proposition states that a

“Dickensian perspective”2 is invariably deployed to talk about pre-resettlement experiences of black African refugees. This perspective largely explains African civil wars by highlighting local political events such as tribalism and African dictators without connecting these political events to the global political economy. The second proposition states that Western societal institutions utilize the integration discourse not to prioritise what is important for black African refugees in order for black Africans to gain control over their lives, but instead, to highlight

1 According to Michael Dummett (2008), one can express a proposition without committing oneself to its truth, or to anything at all. Thus, a proposition may be true at certain times and false at others.

2 I got the idea of a “Dickensian perspective” from The Wire, an American crime drama television series.

1 the norms and values of the dominant group that must be internalized by black African refugees if they are to achieve “successful integration.”

I begin the debate by exploring the first proposition.

A Dickensian Perspective

One of the themes that runs through the books of Charles Dickens is the notion of the ruin of the individual (Schor 2001). From the Bleak House to the Great Expectations, Dickens writes about societies that fail to provide for the poor (Smith 2001). When Dickens discusses the

French Revolution in the Tale of Two Cities he paints a terrifying picture of mob violence: the woodman is preparing the axe which will chop down trees that will make up the guillotines, and the wine which spills on the streets of Paris foreshadows blood and death (Schor 2001).

Although Dickens critiqued a society that, as far as he was concerned, was willing to tolerate poverty and suffering, he was hardly anti-capitalist, nor anti-imperialist (Flint 2001). And that is what I mean by a Dickensian perspective; it is a critique of oppression and injustice that fails to engage with the global political economy.

When used to explore political events in Africa, a Dickensian perspective (e.g., see McGown

1999, Browne 2006; Ibrahim 2012; Beaglehole 2013; Ramsden & Ridge 2012) does not adequately account for all the key players behind the conflicts from which African refugees fled from. Hence, I argue that to accurately account for the conflicts that have produced thousands of refugees in Africa, it is vital to frame African history within the global political economy. In this paper, I use the Cold War to illustrate the point that many of the conflicts from which African refugees fled from are partly attributable to the actions of Western powers (Philo, Briant and Donald 2013).

According to the UNHCR website, the number of refugees of concern to this refugee agency stands at about 10.4 million worldwide. Twenty eight percent of those refugees are in Africa; with war-torn African countries such Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and

2

Somalia being the main source of refugees on the continent (Ibrahim 2012). It is for this reason that I explore the political economy of civil wars in the Horn of Africa and the DRC.

Another reason I focus on the Horn of Africa and the DRC has to do with the fact that all of my research participants (20 in total), except three, come from either the Horn of Africa or the DRC.

Central Africa and the Cold War

It was in the 1960s that the ideological struggle for global dominance during the Cold War expanded to include proxy wars in Africa. At the time, according to declassified US government documents (2013), the United States was concerned about “dangerous, pro-

Communist” African radicals who were supposedly going to turn to the Soviet Union for political support and military assistance. In 1960, when 16 European colonies in Africa became independent, the US Secretary of State, Christian Herter, told the US National

Security Council that Africa had become “a battleground of the first order”( Gleijeses 2002:

6).

Thus from 1960, the US launched a covert operation in the Congo lasting almost seven years, which was initially aimed at eliminating Patrice Lumumba. In addition to plans to assassinate Lumumba, the covert operation included organizing mass demonstrations, distributing anti-Communist pamphlets, and providing propaganda materials for newspapers3. The USA’s stated objectives were to identify and isolate Marxist groups, and in the process to ensure that the Congo had “moderate, pro-Western leaders” who would collectively adopt “a generally pro-Western posture4.” After Lumumba’s death, the USA’s

3 This information is taken from the U.S. Department of State. (2013). Foreign Relations of the United States, Volume XXIII: Congo, 1960 – 1968.

4 Ibid

3 main objective was to “have the Congo emerge as a country unified along acceptable political and economic lines5.” Throughout this whole period, the USA’s main man in the

Congo was Joseph Mobutu, whom the CIA subsidized from 1960 to the late 1970s.

When a Maoist group rebelled against the US funded government in the Congo during the

Kwilu revolt in 1964, “the non-combat, psychological mission of the CIA unit was changed with State Department approval to one of active combat participation6.” Additionally, as far as the US was concerned, Congolese forces needed Belgian or other white officers to be effective in the battle field. This also meant that “to provide a ‘cutting edge’ necessary for military victories, the U.S. should encourage the use of a requisite number of mercenaries7.”

Enter the “White Giants”. According to Gleijeses (2002: 71), the year 1964 would be the year of the White Giants---“‘tall, vigorous Boers from South Africa; long-legged, slim and muscular

Englishmen from Rhodesia’---who would restore, in Zaire, the white man to his proper place.”

In many ways, the white man was restored to his proper place in the Congo. In 1965,

Mobutu successfully staged a coup d’etat deposing the then Congolese President, Joseph

Kasavubu. The US government saw Mobutu’s government in the Congo as representing “the last hope for the West in the Congo… There is little chance that, should his regime fail, it will be replaced by a regime acceptable to the West8.” Although the US acknowledged the fact that Mobutu could be “cruel to the point of inhumanity,” the US government made it clear that the military and financial support Mobutu was receiving was depended on “his ability to keep

5 Ibid 6 Ibid 7 Ibid 8 Ibid

4 his soldiers from harming the white population in Kisangani and other cities9.” At stake were the lives of about 100 Americans and 12,000 European whites.

It is worth pointing out that the USA’s covert operation was not limited to the Congo.

Gleijeses (2013: 9) writes that from 1974, the US and apartheid South Africa “worked together to crush the left-wing Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA)” and to install leaders acceptable to the West instead. The US rationalised its covert operations in

African countries such as the Congo, Angola and Mozambique as legitimate fights against communists. In the words of Henry Kissinger, “I don’t see how we can be faulted on what we are doing. We are not overthrowing any government; we are not subverting anyone. We are helping moderates combat Communist domination10.”

The ripple effects of the USA’s operations and actions in Central Africa and Southern Africa have been devastating. The Congo has never seen political stability. This is partly due to the fact that during the Cold War, countries such as the Congo, Angola, Mozambique and the

Horn of Africa were flooded with weapons and “after the superpowers withdrew support to their clients, warlords and their followers used these weapons to try to gain control of their country's resources” (Loescher 2001). Thus, this paper argues that to accurately account for conflicts from which African refugees fled from, it is necessary to highlight how the Cold War impacted on African countries.

The Horn of Africa and the Cold War

For most of the 1970s and 1980s, the Horn of Africa was used by the United States and the

Soviet Union as a proxy for Cold War. Both superpowers attempted to influence the

9 Ibid 10 U.S. Department of State. (2011). Foreign Relations of the Unites States 1969 – 1976, Volume XXVIII

5 ideological orientation of local actors in the region through arms and aid (Lefebvre 1996).

Between 1974 and 1978, the United States was “militarily entrenched” in Ethiopia, and the

Soviet Union was aligned with Somalia and Sudan (Luckham & Bekele 1984). From 1977 /

1978, the United States changed allegiances and was aligned to Siad Barre’s murderous regime in Somalia, whereas the Soviet Union established a military relationship with

Ethiopia. Up until the late 1980s, both the US and the Soviet Union assisted the governments of these two countries financially and militarily. Through the military support from the two superpowers, these two countries waged war against each other and engaged in civil wars that have produced millions of refugees.

The US’s involvement in the region went farther than just supporting Somalia. The US supported Israel’s efforts to destabilise the Horn of Africa. According to Lefebvre (1996),

Ethiopia and Israel were drawn together by their mutual fear of Arab and Islamic encirclement. He (1996: 394) adds that even when Mengistu Haile Mariam publicly terminated the Israeli connection with Ethiopia in 1978, “there were several subsequent instances of secret and informal cooperation between the two states.” Throughout the

Eritrean war of independence against Ethiopia, Israel supported Ethiopia in one way or another. Lefebvre (1996) argues that Israel viewed the war in Eritrea as a southerly extension of the Arab-Israeli conflict. This was partly due to the fact that when the Eritrean

People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) launched its war of secession against Ethiopia in 1962,

Gamal Abdel Nasser permitted the EPLF to establish its headquarters in Cairo where members of the EPLF also received military training. Another strong ally of the EPLF was

North Sudan. During Eritrea’s 30-year struggle for independence, North Sudan was the most important regional ally for the Eritrean resistance (Lefebvre 1996).

While North Sudan gave support to the Eritrean resistance, Ethiopia helped Israel assist the

Anya Nya rebels who were fighting against North Sudan. Ethiopia allowed Israel to establish military centres to train the rebels. Moreover, according to Robert Collins (2007), Israel

6 brought Anya Nya officers to Israel to attend short courses in the use of weapons and explosives, as well as the transmission of radio messages. In addition to being driven by ideological reasons, Israel’s involvement in the Horn of Africa has also been about making sure that the Red Sea does not “become an Arab Lake” from which Arab states could threaten Israeli shipping in the southern Red Sea region (Lefebvre 1996: 394).

The foregoing partly explains why the refugee crises have been more severe and persistent in the Horn of Africa than anywhere else in the world (Assefaw 2006). In this new millennium, the “war on terror” has significantly contributed to the generation of refugees in the Horn of Africa. After September 11, the U.S. “has reformulated its long-standing effort to control” the Horn of Africa as a front line in the war on terror (Chomsky 2012: 45). In fact, ever since the 1998 bombing of US embassies in East Africa, which were followed by the US retaliatory strike against Sudan, the US has regarded Africa as the next front in the war on terrorism (Ploch 2009). According to Ploch (2009: 70), the US Department of Defense officials claim that “Africa has been, is now and will be into the foreseeable future ripe for terrorists and acts of terrorism.” As far as the US is concerned, civil wars in Africa have created “ungoverned spaces” and “failed states” which terrorists groups use to operate from

(Ploch 2009).

The Second Proposition

This proposition states that Western societal institutions utilize the integration discourse not to prioritise what is important for black African refugees in order for black Africans to gain control over their lives, but instead, to highlight the norms and values of the dominant group that must be internalized by black African refugees if they are to achieve “successful integration.” I use Alastair Ager and Alison Strang’s (2008) conceptualization of integration to explore this proposition. Ager and Strang developed a conceptual framework with ten defining features of successful integration. These include employment, language, education,

7 housing, health, social bridges, social links, safety and security, as well as rights and citizenship. In this paper I use these ten defining features of successful integration to critically discuss the experiences of black African refugees in New Zealand and Australia.

This discussion is based on a reading of the literature.

Employment, Language and Education

Although there is a consensus that employment is arguably the most important factor that could assist black African refugees to gain control over their lives, research shows a high unemployment rate among black African refugees in New Zealand (NZ) and Australia. For instance, research by McMillan and Gray (2009) found that established refugees experience discrimination when seeking work, and when they are employed, they tend to work in a few industries, typically those with poor terms and conditions of employment and low rates of pay. A study by Love Chile (2002) found that most black African refugees in NZ find it difficult to participate in social and economic activities due to discrimination and prejudice.

Similarly, in Australia, Correa-Velez & Onsando (2009) found that the black African refugee community has high levels of unemployment due to significant barriers to finding work such as language and discrimination. According to Harte, Childs and Hastings (2009) black

African refugees are one of the most disadvantaged groups to resettle in Australia over the past 60 years.

Another common factor in both countries is the denial of the existence of racism11. The exclusion of blacks from the labour market is rationalized by arguments that give “language

11 I utilize Essed’s (1991) concept of “everyday racism” to define racism in terms of actions, cognitions and procedures that contribute to the perpetuation of a system in which whites dominate blacks. Like Essed (1991), I am of the view that the system is continually constructed and acted out by social agents in everyday life on a daily basis. Hence, this paper does not utilize the traditional sociological definition of racism that is based on distinguishing micro, meso and macro levels of racism.

8 barriers” and lack of educational credentials as the reasons for the high unemployment rate among black African refugees. Given the virtual lack of government action against racial discrimination in both countries, it is “highly functional to perpetuate the idea that Blacks do not speak” proper English (Essed 1991: 202).

Writing about Australia, Hebbani and Colic-Peisker (2012: 530) argue that

Contrary to popular assumptions, many African humanitarian arrivals have formal

educational qualifications, and a considerable number have worked in professional jobs

before migrating to Australia… Most speak at least some English on arrival and all who

need to improve their English can attend free English classes. Yet, a large proportion of

African humanitarian arrivals experience unemployment, underemployment… and a loss

of occupational status in Australia.

In his research study of black African refugees in New Zealand, Mugadza (2012) found that his research participants did not see the benefit of doing further studies because after attaining NZ qualifications, they still could not access employment opportunities in NZ.

Adelowo’s (2012) research findings identify accent to be a barrier to employment for black

Africans in NZ.

Black Africans in Australia struggle with English accent issues as well. According to Hebbani and Colic-Peisker (2012), an Australian Human Rights Commission report identified accent to be a barrier to employment for African Australians. In their research study on racial discrimination faced by African men in the Australian labour market, Correa-Velez &

Onsando (2009: 120) found that 85 percent of their 173 research participants cited their accents as the most common reasons for the discrimination against them. Thus Torezani,

Colic-Peisker & Fozdar (2008) challenge the argument which rationalises unemployment

9 among black Africans in Australia as being necessarily related to a lack of English proficiency and lack of job skills.

Writing about the United States, Lippi-Green (2011) argues that with the introduction of tighter anti-discrimination laws, language and accent have become an acceptable excuse to refuse to recognize the Other or acknowledge their rights. Language and accent discrimination are partly informed by the Standard Language Ideology (SLI), which Lippi-

Green (2011: 67) defines as “bias toward an abstracted, idealized, homogenous spoken language which is imposed and maintained” by mainstream societal institutions. The SLI tends to be drawn primary from the spoken language of the dominant group in society.

Additionally, the SLI envisions the nation-state as having “one perfect, homogenous language” (Lippi-Green 2011: 68).

Housing

Ibrahim (2012) found that in NZ, black African refugees with large families had to live in overcrowded houses because Housing New Zealand has limited numbers of houses suitable for large families. Research in this area shows that officials who work for government agencies like Work and Income and Housing New Zealand do not take the needs of black

African refugees seriously. According to Mugadza (2012), some black African refugees were told by officials from Housing New Zealand that there were New Zealanders waiting to get houses, and therefore refugees should be grateful for whatever they were given. What compounds the situation is that private landlords are reluctant to rent their properties to large-sized families. Ibrahim (2012) found that some landlords refuse to rent their houses to

Somali refugees because they claim that Somali refugees do not know how to look after

New Zealand houses.

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According to Lino Lejukole (2013), the lack of access to affordable housing and accommodation remains an important barrier to integration of Sudanese refugees into

Australian society. Dhanji (2010) points out that black African refugees interested in renting private property in Australia face the challenge of obtaining a ‘housing reference’. “In many ways, obtaining a ‘housing reference’ is as difficult and challenging as obtaining a ‘work experience reference’” (Dhanji 2010: 111).

Health

According to Matthews (2008: 39), “most Australian and New Zealand studies take it that trauma comprises the defining feature of the refugee experience.” Thus, Tilbury (2007) points out that many of the circumstances that may cause immigrants to be inclined to higher levels of mental illness are heightened in refugees. In their research of Somali refugees in

NZ, Guerin, Guerin, Diiriye, & Abdi (n.d.) found that past traumatic experiences have an impact on the current daily lives of Somalis.

Marlowe (2009) cautions against the dominant psychologisation discourse of refugees. He advocates for the conceptualization of refugee lives beyond trauma-dominated perspectives.

Marlowe (2009: 144) is of the view that acknowledging refugee lives beyond the refugee camp narrative, and all the traumas associated with that narrative, is a vital step towards recognizing refugees “as peers participating in rather than victims surviving within Australian society.”

This paper also highlights the medical perspective that often portrays black Africans as the diseased Other. Many diseases and disorders have been “effectively coded ‘white’ or ‘black’, depending on whether they are associated with modernity (‘white’) or socially backward

(‘black’) ways of life” (Hoberman 2012: 66). For instance, Birukila (2012) argues that the inclusion of black Africans as a “risk group” for HIV is controversial and raises questions

11 regarding race and stigma. Perrin and Dunn (2007), demonstrate how ex-One Nation leaders Pauline Hanson and David Oldfield used medical codes as metaphors to portray

Africans as a reservoir of diseases,12 and to effectively argue that African refugees were a threat to the health of whites. According to Perrin and Dunn (2007), Pauline and Oldfield associated African refugees with the threat of diseases such as tuberculosis, hepatitis, AIDS and other contagious afflictions.

Similarly, in the imagination of the NZ public, Africans are constructed as a source of HIV infection (Birukila 2012). Worth (2002) points out that the first settlement of African refugees in NZ in 1993 led the public, politicians and government officials to call for mandatory HIV testing of all African refugees. Further, Peter Mwai’s case unleashed the population's anxiety about Africa as a deviant and viral continent; additionally, Mwai himself became the harbinger of AIDS into the population in general (Worth 1995). Peter Mwai, a Kenyan musician, was charged with the possible infection of women with the HIV virus (Worth 1995).

Birukila (2012) adds that it was not only Peter Mwai as a person who was on trial “but what he represented; blacks, Africans and Africa.” Consequently, black men reported being spat at while walking down Queen Street in Auckland (Birukila 2012).

Social Bridges & Social links

Research shows that New Zealanders view Somalis less favourably than all other immigrant groups (Ward & Masgoret 2008). Guerin, Guerin, Diiriye, & Abdi (n. d.) found that Somalis in

New Zealand are routinely subjected to racist bullying and harassment. The 2008 Migrant

Experience report by the NZ Ministry of Social Development found that “people who are visibly different, for example in terms of skin colour or dress, are susceptible to experiencing negative forms of recognition and discrimination.” Thus, people in cars yell abuse at Somalis

12 The phrase “reservoir of diseases” is borrowed from Hoberman (2012).

12 and tell them to go home (Duerin, Guerin, Diiriye, & Abdi (n. d.). These negative forms of recognition “act as status reminders by their implicit suggestion of unworthiness” (Franklin &

Boyd-Franklin 2000: 36).

In Australia, black Africans have been the target of racist violence. The Hunter Migrant

Resource Centre has received hate mail and threatening telephone calls because it assists

African refugees (Perrin & Dunn 2007). The groups behind these intimidation tactics have gone as far as to attempt to generate moral panic about African youth being involved in crime and rape (Perrin & Dunn 2007). What the foregoing reveals is that in both NZ and

Australia, there exists a moral climate that discourages the presence of black Africans

(Gardner 1995). This climate leads to the marginalization of black Africans and impedes their upward social mobility.

Safety and Stability

Research (e.g. see Wille 2011, Refugee Voices 2004) shows that black Africans from a refugee background consider their lives in both NZ and Australia to be safe and secure.

However, Australian societal institutions, particularly the media often portray African youth as being prone to violence and anti-social tendencies. For instance, Nunn (2010: 186) discusses a newspaper article that quotes an Assistant Police Commissioner saying that

Sudanese-Australians come from “a culture of violence and boy soldiers.” In their research project with police informants, Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (2008: 46) found that informants understood Somalis as people who “have been living off their wits for years in the civil war; they’ve had to defend themselves; some have been child soldiers.” Writing about refugees in Canada, Kumsa (2006) argues that refugees are seen as the origin of difference and danger. In other words, in the public imagination, refugees represent the violence that created them (Kumsa 2006).

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Rights and Citizenship

According to Ager and Strang (2008), there are four models of citizenship: imperial, ethnic, republican and multicultural. Based on this view, they write that to develop an effective policy on integration, governments need to articulate policy on nationhood and citizenship, and thus the rights accorded to refugees. Although New Zealand is officially a bicultural society, it has, in recent times, become a “de facto multicultural nation”, according to Ward and

Masgoret (2008). Australia, on the other hand, officially adopted multiculturalism in the

1970s “as a policy...for managing diversity” (Babacan & Babacan 2007). Critics of multiculturalism (e.g., see Hage 1998; Clarke 2006) are of the view that white racists and white multiculturalists share a conception of the nation structured around whiteness. In such a state of affairs, indigenous peoples and other people of colour become mere objects to be moved or removed according to a white national will (Hage 1998).

It is against this background that black Africans struggle with questions of belonging. Both the NZ and the Australian national identity have historically been considered to be of white-

Anglo heritage. Thus, black Africans are at best constructed as “visible minorities”, and at worst, considered to be outsiders (Baak 2011). For instance, Ndhlovu (2013) found that

Sudanese immigrants are viewed as being “’too tall, too dark’ to be Australian.” Black

Africans from a refugee background living in NZ and in Australia feel that the label refugee is used to stigmatise and marginalize them (see: Marete 2011, STATT 2012). Writing about

Somali refugees in Canada, Kumsa (2006: 242) points out that her research participants consider refugees to be backward “not only as uncivilized and savage but also as incomplete in evolution…”

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Conclusion

To borrow Hyndman’s words (2000), this part of the paper is less a conclusion than a consolidation of findings discovered in the course of interrogating the two propositions stated in the introduction of this paper. One such finding is that when researchers fail to frame the conflicts from which African refugees fled within the global political economy, researchers run the risk of perpetuating what Miller (1985) terms “Africanist discourse”. The assumption that underpins the Africanist discourse is that “Africa produces monsters” (Miller 1985: 4).

Further, Africanist discourse views Africa as being incompatible with time and progress, with this perspective having been largely perpetuated by texts on Africa dating back before the

19th century which “tended to repeat each other in a sort of cannibalistic, plagiarising intertextuality” (Miller 1985: 6). Additionally, one of the defining features of the Africanist discourse before the 19th century was the “guess-work” upon which knowledge about Africa was generated (Miller 1985). This approach to knowledge creation saw information shaped

“about itself” rather than “shaped by the inquiry, creating the illusion of a ‘preexisting essence’” (Miller 1985: 21).

Another key finding is that a Dickensian understanding of pre-resettlement experiences of

African refugees inadvertently colludes with how Australian and NZ societal institutions utilize the discourse of integration to resettle black Africans. Since one of the themes of a

Dickensian perspective is the notion of the ruin of the individual, Australian and NZ societal institutions regard black Africans as damaged, pathological and diseased Others who pose an “integration challenge.” Obviously, it is not the goal of this paper to criticize the efforts of individuals who research and work within refugee studies, but rather, the main objective is to highlight some of the ideological contradictions that exist within refugee studies (Hyndman

2000).

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