PARTY POLITICS IN UTTAR PRADESH
A select annotated bibliography 1985-97
DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Mnittt of Hibrarp & Snformation ^timtt 1996-97 f BY ZAKIR HUSSAIN KHAN Roll. No. 96 LSM - 01 Enrol. No. X - 4836
UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF ^'"''Z-C A.^ Prof. Shabahat Husain CHAIRMAN
DEPARTMENT OF LIBRARY & INFORMATION SCIENCE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) ^Mfl^^^m
i^
DS3006 Phone: f 0571) 400039 Telex : 564^230 AMU IN Fax :91 0571 400528
DEPARTMENT OF LIBRARY & INFORMATION SCIENCE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY. ALIGARH—202002 (U.P), INDIA
Raf. No.- Dated October 06, 1QQ7
This is to certify that the M.L. 8. I.Sc. dissertation of Mr. Zakir Hussain Khan on 'Party politics in Uttar Pradesh: A select annotated bibliography*^ iwas compiled under my supervision and guidance,
(Prof Shabahat Husain)
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT INTRODUCTION TO BIBLIOGRAPHY I-V LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED VI-VII
PART ONE
INTROr JCTION
CHAPTER - 1:
1.1 HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 1-2 1.2 GEOGRAPHICAL ORIENTATION 2 1.3 MAJOR RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES 3 1.4 LIST OF DISTRICTS WITH POPULATION AND HEADQUARTERS 3-7
CHAPTER - 2: 2.1 POLITICAL PARTIES/ DEFINITION, IMPORTANCE, FUNCTIONS AND ROLE 8-11 2.2 POLITICAL PARTIES IN INDIA 12-13 2.3 PARTY SYSTEM IN UTTAR PRADESH 13-15 CHAPTER - 3:
3.1 ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN INDIA 16-17 3.2 ELECTIONS HELD IN INDIA SINCE INDEPENDENCE 17-19 3.3 ELECTIONS HELD TO VIDHAN SABHA IN UTTAR PRADESH 19-23 CHAPTER - 4:
MZVJOR POLITICAL PARTIES IN UTTAR PRADESH 4.1 BAHUJAN SAMAJ PARTY 24-25 4.2 BHARTIYA JANTA PARTY 26-27 4.3 BHARTIYA KRANTI DAL 28-29 4.4 THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA 2-9-20 4.5 CONGRESS(I) 30-31 4.6 JANTA DAL 32 4.7 JANTA PARTY 33-34 4.8 SAMAJWADI PARTY 34-35
CHAPTER - 5:
FUTURE PROSPECTS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN UTTAR PRADESH 36-38
PART TWO
BIBLIOGRAPHY 39-159
LIST OF SUBJECT HEADINGS 160-163
LIST OF PERIODICALS SCANNED 164
PART THREE
INDEX:
AUTHOR INDEX 165-169 TITLE INDEX 170-179 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First of all I would like to bow my head before the
Almighty Allah for the grace and blessings which enabled me to complete this work.
I feel proud and privileged to express my deep sense
of gratitude and profound regards to my supervisor Prof.
Shabahat Husain/ Chairman, Department of Library and
Information Science, A.M.U., Aligarh, for his able guidance and valuable suggestions not only during the completion of
this work but also during my student life in the last two
years.
I would like to pay my regards to my teachers.
Prof. S. Hassan Zammarrud, Department of Library &
Information Sceince, Mr. S. Mustafa K.Q. Zaidi, Reader,
Department of Library and Information Sceince, Mr. Naushad
Ali P.M., Mr. Asif Fareed Siddiqui and Miss Nishat Fatima,
Lecturers, Department of Library and Information Science,
for their suggestions and help during the completion of this work.
The words are not enough to express my thanks to my elder brother Mr. Farooq Hussain Khan and Mr. Reyaz Ahmad
Bhat who have always been a source of inspiration through out my career. I will be failing in my duty if I don't thank my father Kh. Ghulam All Khan Sb. and my mother Ms Mursa Begum for their love and affection which cannot be expressed merely in words. My sincere thanks are due to my sisters
Zahida Baji and Shahida Baji and brother-in-law Mr. Mohd.
Ramzan and Mr. Javed Iqbal for their continued encouragement.
My heartful thanks are also due to my elder brother Tariq
Hussain Khan, sister Nahida Khan and also to my brothers- cum-friend*Parvez and Tanvir (Latta).
I am indebted to my maternal uncle Kh. Ghulam Hassan
Akhoon for his love and affection and encouragement at the times I needed most.
I appreciate the help rendered by Mr. Wall Mohd,
Mr. Mansoor and Mr. Rais-ul-Hasan of Maulana Azad Library,
Mr. Reyaz Abbas and Moin Zaidi, Department of Library and
Information Science and Mr. Ghulam Anwar, Reading room attendant Mchd Habib Hall. My sincere thanks are due to all the staff members of Department of Library and
Information Science.
My heartful thanks are due to all my friends classmates and well wishers especially to Mr. Mubashir Adil,
Asif, Zaheer, Ausaf, Ahmad Hasan, Muddasir and Asim.
I owe a debt of thanks to all those writers and publishers whose works I have consulted to make this study complete and authoritative in every form. Last but not the least, I am thankful to Mr. S. Masahab All for taking the pain of typing this script in a very short time.
ALIGARH [ZAKIR HUSSAIN KHAN] INTRODUCTION TO BIBLIOGRAPHY
AIM AND SCOPE
Uttar Pradesh the largest populous state of the country is a politically volatile entity of the Indian fedral structure. It has the largest share of 85 representatives in the Indian Parliament. In the pre- independence period, it was called United provinces of Agra and Oudh joined together for administrative purpose by the
Britishers and later after 1935 the name was shortened to
United province.
Though the state of Uttar Pradesh as it was named after independence was dominated by the single party that is
Congress, now has a totally changed scenario with a large number of regional parties on the scene. This new grouping of the political forces in the last decade has given a twist to the state politics and its impact on the national politics is visible with bare eye.
From the last one decade whereby the one party domination of Congress came to an end and new forces emerged in the state. Everybody intends to read and know about the changing political equations of Uttar Pradesh.
The present study contains in the form of annotated, bibliography, significant literature appearing in some periodicals dealing with party politics in Uttar Pradesh. IX
Although the bibliography is selective in nature an attempt has been made to cover all major aspects of the politics of
Uttar Pradesh. In all 200 articles on the topic have been included in the present work.
The bibliography is divided in to three parts:
Part one deals with the description of work.
PART two which is the main part of the present
study, consisting of an annotated list of 200
articles on the subject.
Part three includes author and title index.
METHODOLOGY
The procedure followed in preparing the bibliography was as follows:
(I) Firstly the secondary sources "Guide to Indian Periodical Literature" and "Index India" were consulted in Maulana Azad Library, A.M.U., Aligarh to find out the location.
(II) The relevant bibliographical details were noted on
5" X 7" cards following Indian standards for bibliographic information.
(III) On completion of the abstracts subject headings were assigned.
(IV) The entries were then arranged in a alphabetical sequence (letter-by-letter). XXl
(V) A list of periodicals with their frequency and place of publication is also given. (VI) Two separate alphabetical indexes, author, index and title index provideing reference to various entries by their respective numbers were gil/en at the end.
SUBJECT HE2\DINGS
Attempt has been made to give co-extensive subject headings as much as possible and allowed by natural language, if more than one entry comes under the same subject heading, these are arranged alphabetically by author(s) name(s).
STANDARD FOLLOWED
For giving the bibliographical references care has been taken to follow strictly the rules and practice of Indian standard for bibliographical references (18:2 381-1963) for each entry of the bibliography. Names of the periodicals have been given in full and the months are given in abbreviated form. Thus it gives uniformity for the bibliographical references throughout the bibliography.
ARRANGEMENT
The bibliographical part has been arranged alphabetically according to subject headings. The items of the bibliographical reference for each entry of periodicals IV
are arranged in the following order:
(a) Name(s) of the author(s).
(b) Full stop.
(c) Title of the article including sub title, if any.
(d) Full stop (.).
(e) Title of periodical (underlined).
(f) Full stop (.).
(g) Volume number.
(h) Comma (,).
(i) Issue number.
(j) Semi colon (;).
(k) Year of publication.
(1) Comma (, )
(m) Month of publication with date, if any.
(nO Semi colon (;).
(o) Inclusive pages of article.
ABSTRACT
The entries in the bibliography contain abstracts giving the essential information about the article. Attempt has been made to prepare abstracts in a manner so that it can fulfil the needs of consultant to a maximum level.
SPECIMEN ENTRY
GOYAL (DR) BJP evolves caste strategy for U.P. elections. Wew Age. 46, 28; 1996, July 14;7.
Comments that after failing in its bid to retain power at the centre, the Bhartiya Janta Party is now bending all its energies to capture Lucknow. Victory in the largest state of the country is crucial for it. At one side they have to boost the morale of their cadre greatly depressed by the defeat in Parliament, and on the other hand it has to evolve a formula to make a base among the OBC's, so that BJP can comeout with a sound majority and can install government on its own.
INDEXES
The index part contains the list of the author index and the title index in alphabetical sequence. Each index entry is followed by an entry number in the bibliographical part. The index will be of great help to the users of the bibliography. VI
ABBREVIATIONS USED
Apr April Aug August
BSP Bahujan Samaj Party
BJS Bhartiya Jana Sangh
BJP Bhartiya Janta Party
BKKP Bhartiya Kisan Kamgar Party
BKD Bhartiya Kranti Dal
CPI Communist Party of India
CPM Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Dec December
DMKP Dalit Mazdoor Kisan Party
Feb February
HMS Akhil Bhartiya Hindu Mahasabha
INCI Indian National Congress (Indira)
INCO Indian National Congress (Organisation)
INCU Indian National Congress (Urs)
IND Independents
Jan January
JD Janta Dal
JNPSC Janta Party Secular Charan Singh
JNPSR Janta Party Secular Raj Narain
LKD Lok Dal Vll
Mar March MUL Muslim League Nov November Oct October Sep September SOC Socialist Party SP Samajwadi Party SWA Swtantrata Party
VHP Vi'shwa Hindu Parishad Part - One CHAPTER - I
INTRODUCTION
1.1 HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY
History of Uttar Pradesh is very ancient and interesting. It is recognised in the later vedic age as
Brahmarshi Desa or Madhya Desa. Many great sages of the vedic times like Bhardwaja, Vasesta, Vishwamitra and Valmiki appear to have flourished in this state. Several sacred books of the Aryans were also composed here. Two great epics of India, Ramayan and Mahabharata appear to have bean inspired by Uttar Pradesh.
In the sixth century B.C Uttar Pradesh was associated with two new religions, Jainism and Budhism.
Mahavira founder of the Jainism is said to have breathed his last at Deoria in Uttar Pradesh. It was at the Sarnath that Buddha Preached his first sermon and laid the foundations of his order. In the post Buddhist period, several centres in Uttar Pradesh like Ayodhya, Pryag^Mathura and Varanasi became reputed centres of learning. Sri
Sankaracharya the great Hindu reformer, established one of his Ashrams at Badrinath Uttar Pradesh. In the medieval period Uttar Pradesh passed under muslim rule and led the way to a new synthesis of Hindu and Islamic cultures.
Ramananda and his muslim dictple Kabir, Tulsidas, Birbal and many others contributed to the growth of Hindi and Urdu
languages.
Uttar Pradesh preserved its intellectual leadership under the British administration. The Britishers combined
Agra and Oudh into one province and called it united
provinces of Agra and Oudh. The name was shortened to
United Provinces in 1935. After independence in January
1950, United provinces was renamed as Uttar Pradesh under
free India as a federal entity.
At present Uttar Pradesh has an area of 2,94,411
sq. km., with a population of 1,39,112,287. Capital of
Uttar Pradesh is Lucknow and the official languages are
Hindi and Urdu with secondary status.
1.2 GEOGRAPHICAL ORIENTATION
Uttar Pradesh the largest state of the Union of
India and key role operator in politics of India is bounded
by Tibet and Nepal in north, Himachal Pradesh in north west,
Haryana in west, Rajasthan in south west, Madhya Pradesh in
south and Bihar in east. It can be divided into three
distinct regions -
(1) Northern mountains,
(2) Southern hills plateau, and
(3) Gangetic plain 1.3 MAJOR RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES Hindus form the largest chunk of the state population with 92,365,968 Muslims on second place with a population of 17,657,735. Christians 162,199, Sikhs 45,647 Buddhists 54,542 and small groups of others. Casteism has a great role in the state. Though the caste factor was there since independence but the caste, class clashes have come to forefront in the recent past. The caste and class war is playing a crucial role in state politics. At present some regional parties in the state are totally existing on the caste basis, for example Samagwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party. Among Hindus major caste groups are the Rajputs, Thakurs, Yadavs, Kurmis, Ahirs etc. and the lower caste Harijans. This division on the basis of caste, class and community has disturbed the political scenario of the state and violence has become an inevitable part of Uttar Pradesh politics.
1.4 DISTRICTS OF UTTAR PRADESH
S.No. DISTRICTS AREA Sq.Km. POPULATION HEADQUARTERS
1. Agra 4 ,027 2,704,545 2. Aligarh 5,019 3,296,758 3. Allahabad 7,261 4,909,919
4. Almora 5,385 824,134 5. Azamgarh 4,214 3,148,830
6. Bahraich 6,887 2,748,327 7. Ballia 2,988 2,249,596
8. Banda 7,624 1,851,014
9. Bara Banki 4,401 2,422,763
10. Bareilly 4,120 2,822,988 11. Basti 4,284 2,705,764
12. Bijnor 4,715 2,444,989
13. Budaun 5,168 2,440,135
14. Bulandshahr 4,352 2,842,391
15. Chamoli 9,125 441,667
16. Dehradun 3,088 1,014,700
17. Deoria 5,445 4,427,345
18. Etah 4,446 2,240,328
19. Etawah 4,326 2,128,151 20. Faizabad 4,511 2,983,950
21. Farrukhabad 4,274 2,431,426
22. Fatehpur 4,152 1,890,697 23. Pauri Garhwal 5,397 666,165 Pauri 24. Ghazipur 3,377 2,398,746
25. Ghaziabad 2,590 2,755,636
26. Gonda 7,352 3,571,797
27. Gorakhpur 3,324 3,067,280
28. Hamirpur 7,165 1,465,401 29. Hardoi 5,986 2,739,003
30. Jalaun 4,565 1,217,021 Oral 31. Jaunpur 4,038 3,205,091
32. Jhansi 5,024 1,426,751 33. Kanpur (Rural) 5,137 2,136,504
34. Kanpur (Urban) 1,040 2,285,490
35. Kheri 7,680 2,413,463
36. Lalitpur 5,039 748,997 37. Lucknow 2,528 2,744,578
38. Mainpuri 2,759 1,306,161
39. Mathura 3,811 1,923,920
40. Mau 1,727 1,441,027
41. Meerut 3,911 3,404,000 42. Mirzapur 4,952 1,653,834
43. Moradabad 5,967 4,114,119
44. Muzaffar Nagar 4,049 2,833,856
45. Nainital 6,794 1,557,415
46. Pilibhit 3,499 1,277,331
47. Pithoragarh 8,856 557,148
48. Pratap Garh 3,717 2,210,680
49. Rae Bareilly 4,609 2,320,620 50. Rampur 2,367 1,498,294
51. Saharanpur 3,860 2,298,495
52. Shahjahanpur 4,575 1,981,950
53. Sitapur 5,743 2,846,450 54. Sultanpur 4,436 2,560,805 55. Tehri-Garhwal 4,421 575 352 Narendra Nagar
56. Unnaoi 4,558 2,195,513
57. Uttarkashi 8,016 237,772 58. Varanasi 5,091 4,798,729
59. Sidharath Nagar 2,944 1,706,634 Navagarh
60. Haridwar 1,994 1,122,781
61. Firozabad 2,362 1,532,282 62. Sonebhadra 6,358 1,068,637 Robertsganj 63. Maharajganj 2,948 1,679,324
64. Mahoba 3,068 568,165
65. Bhadohi 1,056 1,077,633
66. Padrauna 2,832 2,296,279
67. Ambedkar Nagar N.A N.A.
68. Udham Singh Nagar N.A N.A.
3 DATA SOURCE : Census 19^
Some districts have been added by Mayawati government during 1997.
69. Buddha Nagar, created out of Ghaziabad on April 1,1997
70. Kaushambi, created out of Allahabad on April 4, 1997
71. Jyotiba Phule Nagar from Moradabad on April 15, 1997
72. Mahamaya Nagar created out of Aligarh on May 6, 1997
73. Bhagpat has been given the status of a district 74. Shahuji Maharaj Nagar, from Banda on May 6, 1997 75. Auraia 76. Kannauj 77. Rudrapur 78. Sasni from Aligarh
Now the total nurtiber of districts has gone to 83. CHAPTER - II
2.1 POLITICAL PARTIES
Definition Political parties work as an instrument for crystalizing public opinion, and an agency which makes the democracy meaningful. They are the vehicles through which individuals and groups work to secure political power, and if successful, to exercise that power. They make people politically conscious, that is to make them aware of their role as citizens. They work as the representatives of the masses and have to safeguard their interests. Thus political parties are responsible for maintaining a continuous connection between the people and those who represent them either in the government or in the opposition.
Mac Iver defines a political party as an association organised in support of some principles or policy which by constitutional means it endeavours to make the determinant of government.
Lea Cock compares it to be a Joint Stock Company to which each member contributes his share of political power. Importance of Political Parties Political parties are indispensable for the working of a democratic government. Infact they supply the motive power which keeps the wheels of administration moving.
Without political parties, according to Mac Iver "there can be no unified statement of principles, no orderly evolution of policy, no regular resort to the constitutional device of parliamentry elections, nor of course any of the recognised institution by means of which a party seeks to gain or to maintain power. Political parties are permanent organisations and their primary business is to influence an electorate to support their programmes, to win election, and to form a government in order to persue the programme endorsed by the electorate at the general elections. And for that purpose political parties have to be operative continuously if a democratic system is to work effectively.
Therefore political parties, perform necessary service; they are inevitable like the tides of the ocean. Lowell says "Their essential functions and the true reason for their existence is bringing public opinion to a focus and framing issues for a public verdict". They are the instruments for carrying on popular government by concentrating public opinion.
The importance of political parties can be summed as followed in the words of Bryce. 10
He says "In popular governments, however, parties have a wide extension, if not a more strenous life, for every where a citizen has a vote, with the duty to use it at election, each of the parties which strive for mastery must try to bring the largest possible number of voters into ranks, organise them locally, appeal to them by the spoken and printed works, bring them upto the polls".
Functions of Political Parties
Every political party comes into existence to perform certain functions which are general for every party with different manifestos. Some of the main functions performed by a political party are as follows. 1. The selection of candidates for elections. 2 . The planning and execution of the election
campaign.
3. The maintenance of party loyality and party
discipline.
4. The formulation of long term policies and short term,
programmes, propaganda, research and political
education of the electorate.
Thus political parties, present their programmes to choice of electorate. In their programmes political parties make simple the social and economic problems which confront the people and their country. They also attempt the task of 11
foresight by formulating long term policies and short term programmes.
Role of Political Parties
In a democratic political system, the role of political parties is very significant. Not only they have to bring about articulation and aggregation of interests of the people but also they have to formulate and offer to the later alternate policies and programmes of action in regard to problems of peace and security as well as of national development. There may also be references to any need for administrative change, so as to make administration as an effective instrument. The role of political parties in summarised way may be as follows.
To sort the issues for electorate. To supply the majorities without which the governments cannot remain in power.
To serve as a unifying agency, where consider able separation and division of power exists, as under the presidential system of the government. 12
2.2 POLITICAL PARTIES IN INDIA
Political Parties are indispenable for the successful working of the parliamentary form of the government adopted in India. India follows a multiparty system. '• According to an estimate there have been near about 200 political parties in India since independence. But the country has generally experienced single party dominance. Some prominent features of the party system in India are.
1. India has a very large number of political parties. Their number exceeds 50.
2 . Power has generally been concentrated in the hands
of Indian National Congress. Except for certain
intervals, 1977-80, 1989-91 and 1996 onwards.
3. The membership of political parties in India is very
small, and party discipline is not much rigid.
4. A large number of regional parties exist in India.
5. Political parties are yet to mature in terms of
policies, ideologies and programmes.
6. Leadership occupies an important place in the party
system and a number of parties are formed around
distinguished personalities.
7. Political parties in India tend to give precedence
to party interests over national interests. 13
National and Regional Parties
There are bcth National and regional political parties in India. The necessary recognition in this regard is accorded by the election commission. According to rules, a party which secures four percent of votes polled in the four or more states can be recognised as a national party. On the other hand a party which secures at least four percent of votes polled in the state can be recognised as a state or regional party.
2.3 PARTY SYSTEM IN UTTAR PRADESH In the immediate Post-Independence period politics in Uttar Pradesh had a stable unchanging and Pridietable character which was reflected in its single dominant party system. Indian national congress since the independence was the single party which dominated the Indian polity though there were other parties also but they had a very small share. Communist party of India was the major opposition party. But since the mid 1980's the party system in the Uttar Pradesh has become unstable and fluid with the opposition parties gaining a momentum and the parties constantly undergoing a process of alignments and realignments. This is because of the two interlinked processes operating in the state of Uttar Pradesh; the 14
decline of Congress Party and rise of new political forces attempting to fill this vacuume.
Since the 1980's Uttar Pradesh has become the battleground between the opposing social and political groups. It has experienced successive waves of castes and communal mobilization, which has introduced new ideas brokendown the prevailing power structure and has brought new social groups in to state politics, creating high levels of confrontation and conflict. As a result the regional and social base of parties in Uttar Pradesh has undergone a fundamental transformation which is visible over the Lok
Sabha and assembly elections held in the state since 1980's.
With glance on the past till 1989 Congress was ruling the state but now it has got reduced to nothing at present it is having a vote share of 8.14% in the state. The reason for Congress losing its stronghold is the intensified factionalism and splits which have virtually destoyed it. Party's decay started with the loss in 1977 election to Janta Party. In 1989 Assembly and Lok Sabha elections Congress margin of seats was first time lower than opposition.
New forces in the state that is Janta Dal, BJP, BSP and SP have left the Congress far behind in the race for state of Uttar Pradesh Janta Dal came into power once in the state, BJP also ruled state and BSP and SP forming an 15
alliance also ruled the state. But since the ouster of
Congress no party is able to give stable government to the
state of Uttar Pradesh.
Thus the party system in Uttar Pradesh has undergone a total transformation since the late 1980's a process which the 1996 elections have taken forward. In the Post
Congress period of realignments the BJP has for the time
emerged as a potent force. However the party system and
the regional and social base of the parties still remains
in the flux. It is nov; a multiparty system sharply
polarised around four poles: the Congress (I), Bhartiya
Janata Party, Samajwadi party, and Bahujan Samaj Party. A
regoruping of the political formations representing the
backwards and Dalits; which remains a strong force, is a distinct possibility in such a polarised party system and
every one thinks of his own existence. 16
CHAPTER - III
3.1 ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN INDIA
The electoral system in India is largely based on
British pattern. The Constitution of India does not provide any details about the electoral system and left it to the
Parliament to determine. Accordingly Parliament has passed a number of laws to regulate the electoral system. Some prominent laws passed by Parliament for this purpose include the representation of People Act 1950; Representation of
People Act 1951; Presidential and Vice-Presidential election Act 1952; Delimitation Act 1952 etc.
The main features of the electoral system are :
1. It is based on universal adult franchise, which
means that all citizens above the age of 18 years
are entitled to take part in the elections,
provided they have registered themselves as voters
and fulfil certain conditions laid down in this
regard.
2. There is a single electoral body and the system of
communal representation, which existed in the pre-
independence period has been done away with.
3. Representation is based on the territorial
principle. There is common electoral roll for each
constituency. 17
4. Elections are held on the basis of single member constituencies and only one representative is elected from one constituency.
5. Political parties are an indispensable part of the electoral process and serve as an important link between the people and government,
3.2 ELECTIONS HELD IN INDIA SINCE INDEPENDENCE
So far elections to the Indian Parliament have been
held 11 times. The first general election was held in
1951-52. The Congress emerged as single largest party in
all the states and captured over two third seats in the
Lok Sabha. The Communist Party emerged as second largest
party. In the second general election in 1957 Congress
retained a clear majority in all the states except Kerala
and Orissa with Communist Party on second number. Third was
held in 1962 Congress retained the majority Party status
and retained power at the centre. Fourth election were
heldinl967. This election totally altered the pattern of
the political power in the country. It ended the one party
dominance of congress. Though congress remained in power but
its strength in Lok Sabha was considerably reduced. Fifth
general elections were held in 1971 before the scheduled
time, because the then Prime-Minister Indira Gandhi sought dissolution of Lok Sabha before the expiry of its term. 18
Congress captured 352 seats in the Lok Sabha. All the opposition parties except CPI and DMK suffered a major setback. Sixth elections were held in 1977 after the lifting of national emergency. And first time after independence congress was ousted from power by Janta Party and its allies by winning 297 seats Morarji Desai became first non-congress Prime-Minister. Due to the dissension in
Janta Party India went to the polls 7th time in 1980.
Congress again came to power with 351 seats and Lok Dal on second place with 41 seats. EightK general election took place in 1984 and congress had a landslide victory taking
401 seats under the leadership of Rajiv Gandhi. Again in
1989 congress was ousted from power after 9th Lok Sabha elections and National front second force in the parliament formed government with the outside support of BJP and left parties Vishwanath Pratap Singh became Prime-Minister.
Tenth Lok Sabha elections took place in 1991 after resignation of Chandra shekhar government congress(I) emerged as single largest party with 226 seats and BJP on second place with 119 seats. Congress formed a minority government under the leadership of PV Narasimha Rao. The government of Rao completed full term and the 11th Lok Sabha elections were held in 1996 first time BJP emerged as single largest party with congress on second. BJP formed the government but could not prove its majority on the floor of 19
house. United front formed government with outside support of congress and H.D. Deve Gowda became Prime-Minister of
India.
3.3 ELECTIONS HELD TO STATE ASSEMBLY IN UTTAR PRADESH SINCE INDEPENDENCE
India is a quasi federal state. There is a government both in the Centre and State and the representa tives are sent by the people after elections. As the elections are held to the parliament in the same way elections are conducted to the state assemblies to elect the representatives.
Since Independence elections are taking place for both parliament and assemblies after an interval of five years and sometimes mid-term polls had to be conducted in case of failure of the previous government. In the state of Uttar Pradesh elections take place in the same way as in other federal constituents of India.
First election to the state assembly took place in
1952 after independence along with the general elections held throughout the country. Congress which had played a vital role in the independence movement won 316 seats out of the 35 2 seats contested. Govind Balabh Pant became the first Chiefminister of state after independence. Socialist party with 19 seats was the second largest party in the house. Independents and others won 17 seats. 20
During the second assembly elections in 1957 though congress once again emerged as single largest party with
22 4 seats out of 341 contested, a major chunk of seats went to Independents and Praja Socialist Party. Independents took 61 seats, PSP 35 and Bhartiya JanaSangh 15 seats.
Congress once again formed the ministry with Dr. Samporna
Nand as Chiefminister of the State.
In the third assembly elections in 1962 congress took 245 seats out of the 430 seats conte ted. BJS got 49,
PSP 39, SOC 24, SWA 15, CPI 14, RPI 8 and HMS 1. First time after this election assembly showed a multiparty scenario.
Communist party of India first time made its presence known firstly Chandar Bahan Gupt became the Chiefminister and remained on the post till 1963, then Miss Suchita Kirplani became the Chiefminister and remained on the post till 1967.
She was the first lady to be the Chiefminister of Uttar
Pradesh,
Fourth assembly elections took place in 1967 after a scheduled time of five years.Indian national congress once again emerged as the single largest party with 206 seats out of 425, BJS 98, IND 34 SSP 44, CPI 13, PSP 11, RPI 10,
SWA 8 and CPM first time took one seat from Uttar Pradesh.
Bhartiya Jena Sangh with 98 seats was the second largest party in the house. Charan Singh became the Chiefminister of a coalition government which lasted from 13th of April
1967 to 25th February 1968. 21
Fifth election to assembly took place before time in
1969 congress once again came out with a clear mandate having 217 seats. BKD emerged as the second largest party with 98 seats. BJS got 48, SSP 33, IND 16, SWA 5, CPI 4,
PSP 3, RPI, HMS, CPM and KMP one each. Chandar Bhan Gupt was sworn as the Chiefminister of State.
Once again assembly completed its full term and elections took place in 1974 6th time Congress took 215 seats, BKD in its new from as Bhatiya Kisan Dal took 107,
BJS 62, CPI 16, NCO 10, IND 5, SOC 5, CPM 2, SDI, HMS, MUL,
SWA one each. Heemwati nandan Bahugna took charge as
Chiefminister of the state.
Seventh time once again mid-term, polls took place in
1977 first time congress got a Jolt both at the centre and states. In U.P. Congress was reduced to a mere 46 and
Janta Party which was a coalition of opposition parties took
3 51 seats. CPI took 9 seats, IND 16, CPM 1 and two seats remained vacant. Ram Naresh Yadav became the Chiefminister of state.
In 1980 once again state went to polls 8th time because of the deba of Janta Party government. Congress got a clear majority with 310 seats out of 425, JNPSC was second with 56 seats IND 17 and jana Sangh in its new form as BJP took 11 seats, CPI 7, INCO 13, JNPSR 5, JNPSP 6. 22
Vishwanath Pratap Singh was sworn as the Chief Minister he resigned from the post in 1982 and Sripati Misra was next
Chiefminister.
1985 state once again went to polls after five years and Congress once again came out with a majority with
Bhartiya Lok Dal and Bhartiya Janta Party on second and third position respectively. Bir Bahadur Singh of Congress was sworn as the Chiefminister of state.
Once again in 1989 state went to polls 10th times one year before the scheduled time. This time again their was an anti Congress wave which reduced the Congress to 94 out of 425, BJP took57 and the new formation of opposition parties Janta Dal won 205 seats and came to power with
Mulayam Singh Yadev as Chiefminister.
In the 11th election in 1991 which was once again mid term BJP first time eirerged as the single largest party with 221 seats Janta Dal 92, Congress 46, SJP 36 and BSP 12.
BJP formed the government with Kalayan Singh as
Chiefminister. For BJP it was the Ayodhya issue which came to its rescue and laid to the government formation.
Twelfth elections also came mid way in 1993. This time a new alliance of Backward class parties BSP and SP emerged as major force. BJP was largest party with 177 seats and SP-BSP alliance on second position with 176 seats.
Congress won 28 seats and JD 27 others took the remaining 23
13 seats. Mulayam Singh Yadev became the Chiefminister of state second time. The alliance between the two again could not lost long and government once again failed and
Presidents rule was imposed in the state.
In the year 1996 elections once again 13th time were declared. After the results party position was not clear and no party had clear majority necessary for the formation of ministry. BJP was first with 176, SP 117
BSP 68, Congress 33 and BKKP 7 seats. After the six months of Presidents rule BJP and BSP made a unique alliance of routing government for six months to each for one year with BSP taking first turn and Mayawati elected as Chief- minister. Now from Sep 21 Kalayan Singh has taken oath as the Chiefminister. 24
CHAPTER - IV
MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES IN UTTAR PRADESH
4.1 BAHUJAN SAMAJ PARTY
The Bahujan Samaj Party was launched in 1984 by
Kanshi Ram after a long struggle of 20 years. Earlier
Kanshi Ram started with an association and later changed it in Dalit Soshit Samaj and finally in to Bahujan Samaj Party in 1984. It contested the 1985 assembly polls in Uttar
Pradesh though it did not get any seat it grabed the congress support of Dalits and OBC's, making a dent in
the Backward class vote bank of the Congress. It won a total 7.5 lakh votes comprising about 2.3 per cent of the whole. In 1989 it emerged as apartyof Dalits independently winning two Lok Sabha seats and 13 assembly seats. In 1991 elections it got 1 Lok Sabha seat and 12 assembly seats.
During the 1993 election it became a most sought after force, every party was roaming around to have a
settlement with it and ultimately it was Mulayam Singh
Yadav's Samajwadi Party which succeeded in having a alliance with BSP. It was an alliance which changed the political scenario of Uttar Pradesh. The alliance brought together the Dalits, OBC's and muslims under a single banner. Though the alliance was not successful enough to get a clear majority needed for formation of government it 25
contained the BJP from taking the ministry of Uttar
Pradesh. But due to the prevailing political uncertainity in the state alliance could not lost long.
After this alliance BSP became addict of alliance politics shortly after the failure of its alliance with SP it joined hands with BJP to form government. This marriage of convenience again could not lost long and resulted in the debacle of BSP-BJP alliance government led by Mayawati.
The pray of alliance did not end here it made another alliance with congress to contest the 1996 elections but this could not succumb long and resulted in its failure because of the imposition of Presidents rule in Uttar
Pradesh and than BSP's alliance with BJP having a consensus on routing of chiefministership for six mcnths resulted in the failure of alliance with congress. Now it is having government in Uttar Pradesh with Mayawati as the
Chiefminister. Though BSP does not have got that number of seats in any election that it would claim to form its government on its own, but in the ongoing struggle for power it has gained such a strength, and has consolidated its base to a level that every political party wants to have alliance with it. The BSP supremo Kanshi Ram knowing the strength of Dalit vote is cashing on every move and that is reason that he has installed BSP government with a mere number of 68 legislators in Uttar Pradesh. 26
4.2 BHARTIYA JANTA PARTY
Earlier it was Bhartiya Jan Sangh which came into existence in 1948 after Gandhi Ji's assasination. The origin of jana Sangh is traced back to the suppression of
Hindu Mahasabha and RSS by government because of Nathu Ram
Godsey's association with the organisations. As these two were banned Jana Sangh came into existence to take forward the Hindu nationalism. But Bhartiya Jan Sangh as a formal party was declared in October 1951 with Dr. S.P. Mockerjee as its first President. From the first general election in 1952 to the fourth in 1957 the party has been making a steady advance with regard to the seats and percentage of votes both at the centre and states.
In Uttar Pradesh party had a sound basis since its inception. In the 1957 assembly elections it got 15 seats in the house and in the next in 1962 its number reached to
98 and became the second largest party in the assembly. It made gradual advances till 1976 with the weapon of Hindu nationalism. In 1977 elections it became the part of Janta
Party which ousted congress from power in the state. But this alliance could not lost long first it was Charan Singh who went away with his supporters. Second split in the
Janta Party was of Jana Sangh going away from its fold and formed a new party named Bhartiya Janta Party in 1980 with
Atal Bihari Vajpayee as its President. 27
Bhartiya Jan Sangh in its new form as BJP won only
10 seats in the 1980 elections and made a little advance in
1985. The Hindu nationalism of BJP rouse to its peak during the time and they indulged in the communalisation of politics making the religion a weapon. The famous issue of
Ram Janam Bhoomi Babri Masjid brought the party in lime
light and in 1989 elections it won 57 seats out of the 276 contested. In 1991 elections when communal wave had covered whole of Uttar Pradesh BJP won 221 seats and came in to power first time in the state. But soon after taking the reigns of Uttar Pradesh Karsevaks demolished the Babri
Masjid and centre using Article 356 dissolved the BJP governments in all the four states where it was ruling.
BJP in its new fold has totally changed the polity.
But the anti BJP forces have contained it both at the centre and states from grabing the power. During the recently concluded elections in 1996 it was not able to come out with a clear mandate. No party was in a position to form government. But BJP working out a special formula of coalition with BSP once again came into power.
Inspite of secular forces uniting against the BJP keeping it away from power they have not been able to make any impact on its vote bank. The increase in its vote percentage shows the increasing communalisation of politics in India. 28
4.3 BKP (Bhartiya Kranti Dal)
BKP was formed in 1967 by chaudhry Charan Singh after his resignation from Congress (I). The reason for the origin of BKP may be well traced back to the land ceiling measures devised and passed in 1960 & 1964. During the period land consolidating measures were also taken.
Notwithstanding the loopholes in the implementation of land reforms, there is little doubt that they led to the empowerment of peasentry. The impact was first felt in the
Jat dominated area of western Uttar Pradesh and gradually in the eastern fringes of this vast state. Infact it was the symmetry between the peasants power on the ground and their inability to influence the formal instruments of the state that prompted Charan Singh to walk out of the Congress after the fourth general elections of 1967.
In the 1969 elections Charan Singh's Bhartiya
Kranti Dal mopped up a sizeable Chunk of the votes in the eastern Uttar Pradesh regions of Upper Doab,Lower Doab and
Ruhilkhand. In the eastern districts the socialists still seemed to have a control over a section of peasantry. This lacuna was overcome by the 1974 elections in the state when a bridge was built between the west and east by Charan Singh with the ideological instrument of AJGAR (a combination of
Ahirs, Jats, Gujars and Rajputs). Yadav's and other backward caste leaders joined hands with Jats to form a formidable 29
alliance under a reconstituted Party, which was called Bhatiya Kisan Dal. In its new form as Bhartiya Kisan Dal it improved its position in the 1974 elections and got 107 seats and became the main opposition party in the state. Later in 1977 after the emergency it merged in to Janta Party and played a decisive role in getting 355 seats in Uttar Pradesh ousting Congress (I) from the power first time since independence.
4.4 THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
The emergence of the Communist Party of India was the direct result of the October revolution in Russia.
Between 1921 & 1925, some Communist groups were working in different parts of the country. In December 1925 these groups gathered together at a conference in Kanpur and formed the Communist Party of India.
The communist party of India went to polls in 1952
India's first general elections. The outcome of the election was remarkable and the party emerged as a principal opposition group in the Parliament. The result of the second general elections registered further advance for the CPI which was now the second largest party in the country and the main opposition party in the parliament. In the states the party ousted congress in Kerala and formed communist led government. But after 28 months following large scale disturbances and turmoil the communist ministry 30
of the Kerala was dismissed by the centre. But in the Uttar
Pradesh where its first Conference held to give it the formation of national organisation, party made no remarkable existence since its inception. The reason well may be cited the stronghold of congress, later the emergence of regional forces and the caste and class politics left the party far behind in the race for Uttar Pradesh. In the first general elections though Communist party emerged as second largest party at the national but made no headway in
Uttar Pradesh. In the second elections it got 6 seats and in the next elections in 1962 and 1969 it got 14 and 13 seats respectively.
4.5 CONGRESS (I)
Indian National Congress was founded in 1885 and waged a historic struggle for the independence of the country, and proceeded to build a new India based on the principles of democracy, secularism, socialism, non-align ment under the leadership and inspiration of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawahar Lai Nehru inspiration for the development of modern India. It gave the country a strong economic basis.
Pandit Nehru has a great vision and took the country towards the industrial revolution. The strength provided by the strong leadership of Indian national congress and the enthusiasm instilled among the people, enabled the nation to face three military invasions and many other crisis. 31
Above all, the Congress gave durable political stability to the country and enabled it to make rapid all round progress through planned and integrated development.
The reason for congress being strong administrator was the peoples mandate. It remained in power continuously for
30 years at the centre.
In Uttar Pradesh the most poplous state of the
country congress had a strong hold over the electorate
since independence and in its first election won 316 seats
out of 352 in the second election it took 224 seats out of
341 and remained in power at least up to 1989 with a short
break in 1977 when Janta Party came into power. Most of the
primeministers of the country were from this state of Hindi
heartland. But due to the organisational defects which was the backbone of Congress it started losing its stronghold.
In 1989 elections when it was facing a stiff resistence
from one of its main leaders V.P. Singh who defected away
from its fold and became the main force to make Janta Dal.
This resulted in the loss of Congress at the hands of Janta
Dal and it lost power at Uttar Pradesh. From then the graph of vote percentage of congress has declined to mere 8:7%
from 51% at the first election in 1952. Due to the failure of congress both at the centre and stat s regional parties have gained momentum and are becoming a decisive factor both at regional and national level. 32
4.6 JANTA DAL
Janta Dal was formed before the elections of 1989 when V.P. Singh emerged as the main threat to the congress.
The major constituents of the Janta Dal were Bhartiya Lok
Dal and Jan Morcha formed by V.P. Singh. It emerged as a major force after 1989 elections and installed the government in the centre with the help of BJP and in the
Uttar Pradesh where it got 208 seats it formed the government with Mulayam Singh Yadav as Chiefminister. But due to the BJP's Rath Yatra opposition by its leaders they denounced their support and both their governments at the centre & Uttar Pradesh, failed. After this there was split in the Janta Dal with Chandrashekar breaking away with his supporters and formed the government with the support of
Congress; which could not lost long. In the 1991 elections it was not able to retain its status except in Bihar where it retained because of the Cherasmatic leadershiop of
Laloo Prasad Yadev. And in the 1993 elections again it lost some previous seats. But in the 1996 elections with a few seats from Karnataka and its stronghold Bihar it was
able to form a coalition government with the help of
Congress. But with ongoing splits in the party ill health of its mentor V.P. Singh and the Laloo Prasad Yadav under the clouts of fodder scam party is running towards a disaster. 33
4.7 JANTA PARTY
The Janta Party came into being following release of top opposition leaders from detention and the announcement by Congress government in January 1977 that Lok
Sabha polls -will take place in March 1977. As the time ^^^as too short hurried consultations among the opposition leaders took place in order to form a joint front and bringing into existance a viable alternative to congress.
As a result five national parties Congress (0) Jansangh,
BLD, Socialist party and the Swatantrata Party joined hands to form the Janta Party and fight elections under its banner. Janta party won 297 seats and first time after
30 years of independence ousted the congress from government. Morarji Desai became first non Congress
Prime-Minister.
In the state of Uttar Pradesh which ever since the independence due to its largest share of votes played a vital role. Janta Party here also unseated the congress by winning out 355 seats out of 425 and formed the government. But the differences among the constituents of the Janta Party could not let the governments. The central government due to the sacking of Charan Singh by Moraji
Desai and later his resignation from the cabinet led to its debacle. Same was the fate of government in Uttar Pradesh.
First split of Janta Party took place when the Charan Singh 34
and H.N. Bahuguna defeated and formed the Janta Party secular which later became Lok Dal. The Janta Party suffered yet another split in early 1980 and a breakway group mainly compared of erestwhile Jan Sangh founded a seprate party named as Bhartiya Janta party.
4.8 SAMAJWADI PARTY
The Samajwadi Party has come into prominence in 1989 when its President Mulayam Singh Yadev became the state
Chiefminister. The tough stand taken by him against the
Karsevaks in Ayodhya endeared him to the Muslims but put the
BJP in power in four states, with a respectable representation in the Lok Sabha in 1991 elections.
Earlier he was in Janta Dal when Janta Dal brokeaway he was part of SJP of Chandra Shekher and contested 1991 elections as SJP and later during 1993 got the status of independent party as Samajwadi party with
Mulayam Singh Yadav as its mentor. The party supported the
Mandal commission recommendations. It rejected the creamy layer concept and went a step further than Mandal in its manifesto demanding reservation of jobs for those upper castes who are economically backward. He had a strong base among the backwards and Muslims.
In the 1993 assembly elections it joined hands with the Bahujan Samaj Party to counter the communal stance of 35
BJP observers came out with a view that the alliance has a major impact on the politics of Uttar Pradesh. It was major threat to the BJP and Congress (I) as they were going to make a dent in the backward class vote bank of congress.
Though the SP supremo was thinking that the duo will come out with a majority but they fell short of the required number of legislators for government fonnation.But inspiteof this they formed the government with the help of Congress and ultimately succeeded in keeping the BJP out from power. At the present political scene Samajwadi is playing an important role in the state politics as well as the national level. The SP supremo Mulayam Singh Yadev is the most sought after man in the state because of his political wit and cunningleness. He is playing a major role in the power statistics of the state. By now Samajwadi Party is constituent of the United front which is ruling at the centre and Mulayam Singh Yadev the chief of SP is working as
Defence minister of country. Another minister from SP in the centre government is Beni Prasad Verma who is considered to be the next man to Mulayam Singh in Samajwadi Party. 36
CHAPTER - V
FUTURE PROSPECTS OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES IN UTTAR PRADESH
Political Parties are a necessity in a democratic
set-up, without political parties which are formed with
certain objectives and duty of performing certain functions
there can be no democracy in the real sense. India being
proclaimed by the Constitution as a secular, democratic and
socialist country since its independence though dominated
by a single party has a multi party system. Now at present
the party scenario has totally changed, due to the failure
of Congress(I) as a national party regional parties have
gained momentum.
Uttar Pradesh being the largest, populated state of
the Indian union has witnessed worst ever results of the
changing party scenario. It is a fact that parties should be formed with a manifesto giving priorities to the
administrative issues and issues of public interest. But
in the politically volatile state of Uttar Pradesh parties
are based on caste and religion. Religion and caste have made deep in roads in the politics of state. There is no concern among the political parties over the administrative
issues they are busy in calculating the vote proportion of different caste groups, classes and communities and busy in 37
devising new tactics to win over them. Parties have no
morals and ethics every fair and unfiar mean is used to stay in
the fray and to get the power. In the last one decade
parties have left the ideologies apart, even the parties of
the confronting ideologies come together to get the power.
Parties are either backed by the criminals or criminals
themselves have entered into the party fold.
Criminalisation of the politics in the state has reached to
such a proportion that every party has most of its leaders with criminal records, have the cases registered against
them pending inquiry. Due to the criminalisation there is
total anarchy in the state no body feels himself secure.
Politicians who are elected by the masses to provide
security and fulfil their interests feel themselves
insecure.
Political parties should be accoiintable to the extent that inspite of the confronting ideologies they
should be having unanim ty over the administrative issues.
Every party knows that administration is insensitive to
citizens convinience, corruption is to be combated, decentralisation of political power is urgent, judiciary
should be separated from the executive, justice should become cheap and speedy and local government institutions should be strengthen in order to make the democracy reach to the door step of villagers, poor and downtrodden. But in 38
Uttar Pradesh no political party seem to have concern for
these things. Caste and religion have affected the state
polity to a proportion that every party which comes to
power by hook or crook takes into account - interests of the
groups of caste or a particular corrjnunity among whom it has
a strong base. The ruling party takes steps to appease
its own electorate. Communalisation has given a new twist
to the politics of state. For some parties the community
is the prime preference in the manifesto causing threat to
the secular character of the country.
In the future if the state has to move forward it
should have total restructuring at the political front.
There should be a sense of secularism and political parties
should instill among the people this sense and make them
politically concious. The religion and community based
politics which is causing a threat to the democratic
governance should be given up. Politicians having
confrontations which is a healthy gesture for the
development of democracy, if they are on sound issues
should come together on the administrative matters for the wholesome betterment of the masses. Part - Two 39
UTTAR PRADESH, PARTY POLITICS 1. PAI (Sudha). Trends in the party system. Mainstream.
34, 39; 1996, June 15; 9-11.
Discusses the changing scenario of the party
system in Uttar Pradesh from mid 1980's. Since 1980's
the party system in state has become unstable and
fluid, and the parties are undergoing a constant
process of realignment. Ir> the Post Independence
period Congress was a single dominant party but from
late 1980's factionalism intensified and party under
went many splits which have virtually destroyed it.
Gives the analysis of the performance of major parties
in the last two elections of 1991 and 1993 highlighting
their gains and losses.
2. PROCESS OF Exclusion. Statesman. 127, 7637; 1988, July 21; 6.
Describes the proposed Lok Dal (B) merger with
the Jan morcha, the Janta Party and the Congress(S).
The blunt statement by the Lok Dal (B) general
secretary, Mr. B.P. Maurya that there is no question of
the party accepting Mr. V.P. Singh as future prime-
minister even if Devi Lai is in favour is an early
indication that even if a coalition exists, it will 40
suffer from teething troubles. Mr. Bahugana's
supporters made a printed references of a merger with
Janta Party alone, ignoring the other two, to scuttle
Mr. V.P. Singh's emergence as unquestionable
opposition leader. Criticises wilful sabotage of
unity proposals by Mr. Bahugna and Mr. Chandra Shekhar
has provided powerful ammunition to the ruling party.
, , ASSEMBLY, VIOLENCE 3. SINHA (DP). Desperate Charges. Indian Express. 56, 121; 1992, Dec 21; 11.
Describes the pitched battle between the MLA's
of BJP and SP-BSP combine in state assembly a shameful
act. The violence brokeout on the 16th of December
when BJP members after staging a dharna before the
house entered the assembly after governors address
protesting against the Kalyan Singh's detention. Some
of the members of BJP moved toward' s speakers chair and
tore up the days agenda papers and shouted the slogans
of Jai Shri Ram. In retaliation slogans of "Jai Bhim
Rao" were raised from SP-BSP benches. This led to the
abuses of each other and finally resulted into violence
leaving 38 MLA's injured including the senior BJP
leaders like Ram Prakash Tripathi and Keshri Nath
Tripathi former speaker. 41
, f BSP 4. EMERGENCE OF BSP in U.P. Politics. Third Concept. 9,
103; 1995, Sep;l.
Politics in Uttar Pradesh has always exerted
influence on all India politics except in a few cases
like the government of Narsimha Rao where party bagged
only five seats in 1991 general elections. As far as
BJP is concerned their area of influence is mostly
among higher caste hindus & has been fluctuating.
Voters have become conscious and are judging each case
with its merits. On the other hand Dalits have become
much committed to Bahujan Samaj Party and its leaders^
Miss Mayawati and Kanshi Ram have emerged as messiah of
the Dalits and now they feel themselves as rulers who
can dictate terms in the political arena. Every party
is trying to make an alliance with BSP, whoever makes
alliance with BSP, its BSP who will benefit from it,
particularly in the U.P. politics.
5. JANAK SINGH. BSP New focus for discontented poor. Times of India. 150; 127; 1987, May 8;7.
Discusses the emergence of Bahujan Samaj party
in the by-elections as a serious threat to the
Congressd) in U.P. It derives its support from
Scheduled Castes and other weaker sections which 42
earlier constituted the Congress vote bank. Although
about 100 IAS officers in U.P. are from reserved
category and most of them occupy good posts but still a
large number of the weaker sections are rooted in
poverty over the decades of planning. The ruling
party after its performance in the by-elections
thought high power tariff responsible for the losing
elections and reduced it by Rs.5 per horse power. But
this also failed to appease the farmers who collected
in thousands at a rally to deminstrate their
discontent.
, , BSP-BJP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, CRITICISM 6. MISHRA (Amaresh). U.P.: from 'Goonda' to 'Kanoon raji
Economic and Political Weekly. 32, 25; 1997, June
21-2 7; 144 6- 7.
Criticises Mayawati governments claim that it is
end of Goonda raj and the beginning of kanoon raj
during his regime. It seems that politics in U.P. has
moved decisively beyond the caste and social equations.
But there are reports that BSP-BJP alliance government
is harrasing the SP workers and sympathisers many of
them have been put behind the bars underf ake cases.
Mulayam Singh Yadav on the other hand is warnning of
dire consequences. Overall the situation is worsning
widening, the gap between the two for a possible truce
between the two - 43
, BSP-BJP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT FORMATION
7. MURALIDHRAN (Sukumar). BJP's Predictament: Struggling
for a ministry making strategy. Frontline. 14, 1;1997,
Jan 24; 2 8- 9.
Highlights the efforts of BJP to form a
government in U.P. After the verdict of Allahabad high
court that governor was not under any constitutional
obligation to call single largest party to form the
government BJP is unable to formulate a clear political
line. The BJP leadership is divided on the question of
either forming a coalition government with BSP or
supporting a BSP government from outside. Only one
option left behind is the supreme courts verdict on an
appeal against high court decision. Till than BJP
leadership will remain in a see-saw position.
, , , , , MAYAWATI
8. MAYAWATI AND Hashimpura. Radiance. 32, 28; 1997, July 5; 3.
Discusses the reaction of Mayawati U.P. Chief-
minister on the two letters from homeminister Inderjit
Gupta, one asking for a status report from the state
government relating to the follow-up on the decade old
Hashimpur massacre of muslim youth, in which according
to governments admission 19 PAC personnel were 44
censured. Second letter is regarding the harrasment of SP
workers by BJP-BSP combine in the state- concludes
that if the BJP and ESP are really even-handed and have
no double standards of justice, they should prove it to
the hilt.
9. PRADHAN (Sharat). Change of fortune. Sunday. 24, 20; 1997, May 25-31; 30.
Mayawati overruled the Mulayam Singh Yadav
governments decision to defend Phoolan Devi. She has
decided to withdraw the special leave petition (SLP)
filed before the supreme court in her defence during
the reign of governor Romesh Bhandari on the obvious
advice of Mulayam Singh Yadav, who during his
government withdrew all the cases against Phoolan Devi
and in 1995 Lok Sabha election gave her a party
ticket. Though the withdrawl of SLP has once again put
the Phoolan on run, the action taken by Mayawati is
clear gesture of her rivalery with Mulayam Singh
Yadav.
10. VIJAYAMOHAN (D). Different designs. The week. 15,16;
1997, Apr 6; 32- 4.
Comments that BJP by its revolving arrangements with BSP has opened a new phase of coalition politics. 45
BJP "The Party with a difference" as it called itself
during the campaiging for the last general elections,
realised that only being a part of coalition can end
its character of untouchable and its isolation. But the
revolving arrangement with ESP has given an
opportunistic to the experiment it began in Maharashtra,
with the Shiv Sena, and extended in Haryanato Bansi Lai's
HVP and Punjab with the Akali Dal. VJith the new
strategy of coalition politics BJP's aim is to gain
power with the help of regional parties and end its
isolation.
, , , , , , LAW AND ORDER 11. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). Confrontation in U.P. Front
line. 13,12; 1997, June 27; 38-4a
The law and order situation in Uttar Pradesh
once again came into focus with union home ministers
letter to Mayawati Chiefminister of U.P expressing
concern over her governments failure to check the rising
incidents of crime. On the other hand SP supremo
Mulayam Singh Yadav has announced action to protest the
repression against SP workers. The state crime record
Bureau (SCRB) reports also have shown the rise of crime
in the state. The controversy is bound to intensify
when the SP begins its anti government agitation on
June 19 with a mass rally in Lucknow. 46
12. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). Violence unabated. Frontline. 14, 7; 1997, May 2; 34.
Discusses the position of law and order under
the new government of BSP-BJP combine in U.P. Mayawati
has accused the SP and its leader Mulayam Singh Yadav
responsible for the continuing problems on law and
order front. According to, her SP leaders and workers
are creating the problems to tarnish the image of her
ministry. Concludes that inspite of making allegations
on its opponents government should confine itself to
improve the deteriorating law and order situation in
U.P.
13. , , , , , , NEW DISTRICTS
MISHRA (Subhash). Divide and rule. India Today. 22, 10; 1997, May 31; 74- 5.
Discusses the creation of five more districts by
Chiefminister Mayawati. She says that the creation of
more districts will improve the administrative
machinery of the state. Opposition parties and
intellectual circles on the other hand think it a
gimmick by Mayawati to win the votes. But this seems
giving her nothing , claims UPCC President Jitendra
Prasada. The creation of new districts will ruin the
states economy further. Though she had created them 47
but how she plans to foot the Rs.700 crore annual bill
for their sustenance is unclear.
, , , , SP, CRITICISM 14. MISHRA (Subhash). Rally versus Rally. India Today. 22,
14; 1997, June 30; 33.
Mulayam Singh Yadav is lobbying hard for
Mayawati's dismissal, citing poor law and order and
persecution of SP workers. Discusses the prospects of
Mulayam Singh Yadav's "hallaboll" and "Jail Bharo And
olan" to dismiss the Mayawati government. At present
the most threatening action which prompted the SP
supremo to take immediate measures is the Ambedkarisa-
tion of the state by Mayawati which is undermining
Mulayam Singh who is also a backward class leader.
Due to this the worst affected according to him are
Yadav's and Kurmis who are Mulayams strength.
15. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). Rallying forces. The Confron
tation in UP enters a new phase. Frontline. 14, 13;
1997, July 11; 31.
Comments that the' rallies at Lucknow and Etawah
by UF and BSP threatened each other of dire conse
quences. At one hand UF leaders asked the BSP-BJP laid
government to stop oppression of Samajwadi Party 48
workers and the rampant corruption in the administra
tion. A Jail Bharo Andolan call has been given to
start from 22nd July. BSP leader Chiefminister
Mayawati who organised a parallel rally at Etawah has
decided to oppose the agitation tooth and nail.
Concludes that both the rallies and the proposed
agitation by SP against BSP-BJP government have created
a social tension in the state.
, , BSP, BY-ELECTIONS, PERFORMANCE 16. GROWING CHALLENGE. Indian Express. 55, 140; 1987,
Mar 30; 8.
Describes the performance of the Bahujan Samaj
Party (BSP) in the by-elections in U.P. doubtlessly
impressive. The driving force behind the BSP is its
founder, Mr. Kan shi Ram before he led the party in
electoral contest, he was mainly engaged in organising
the sheduled caste and backward class government
employees. Extension of the reservation and enlarge
ment of the scope for promotion of these people were
his chief concern. In each Lok Sabha and assembly
elections in which BSP contested it has attracted a
large number of voters from Congress. Janata and Lok
Dal which too are concentrating for a base among the
sheduled castes are worried about the growing
popularity of BSP. 49
, , BSP compared with SZVMAJWADI
17. KAPOOR (Pradeep). Mulayam, Mayawati Slug it out.
Blitz. 57, 23; 1997, June 7; 3.
Highlights the rousing confrontation between
the Defence minister and Samajwadi party leader Mulayam
Singh Yadav and UP Chiefminister Mayawati. Mulayam
Singh succeeded in his mission when he raised the issue
of alleged attrocities on his SP workers and leader by
the ruling alliance of BSP and BJP at the steering
committee meeting of UF of which SP is a constituent
and demanded the dismissal of UP government on moral
grounds. Mayawati retaliated by ordering CBI inquiry
against R.K. Sharma and SP's leader Balram Yadav in
Rs.32 crore Ayurveda scam. Concludes that the
confrontation between the two has exposed the politico-
criminal nexus operating in the state.
18. MISHRA (Subhash). Collision Cou^rse. India Today. 22, 12; 1997, June 16; 32-3.
The battle of supermacy between the two backward
class messiah's Mulayam Singh and Mayawati in UP has onceagain taken top priority with Mayawati taking as the Chiefminister of state. She has attacked Mulayam Singh's strong holds in the state, her first target 50
has been the bureaucracy, there is no Yadav DM or SSP in 74 districts of UP under her rule. A large number of SP workers has been killed by police and thousands of them arrested on criminal charges. Mulayam Singh has retaliated against her by getting passed a resolution in the UF steering committees meeting against the deteriorating law and order situation and is also planning to start a mass movement against her government.
19. RANJIT BHUSHAN. Ambedkar Armada. Outlook. 3, 27;1997, July 2; 10-2.
The rivalry between the Mulayam Singh Yadav and
Mayawati in UP is intensifying day by day. Mayawati
has introduced aggressive Ambedkarism in the states
fragmented politics, making even socialists who
support reservations, wince. Mulayam Singh on
the other hand attacked on this new ideology by
claiming that who has done more for the propogation
of Babasahed Ambedkar's ideology than I have.
Alleged that the ruling BJP-BSP coalition is pursuing
caste politics which was denied by Ram Manhor Lohia. 51
,BSP, DISSIDENCE 20. CHIB (Ranjit) . Why do they go wrong. Mainstream. 32,
17; 1991, May 15; 7-9.
Describes the role of dissidents politics in
U.P. The attitude of BSP MLA's and supremo Kanshi Ram
towards the phenomenon of dessidence, and the role they
are going to play with their Dalit Card in the coming
days. They are playing a neutral game at present and
are ready to make alliance with any political party.
There is no question of confronting ideologies what is
more important before them it should provide them with
fair dividends.
, , , ELECTIONS, 1996, DALIT VOTE
21. JOSHI (Rajesh). Would be Kingmaker. Outlook. 11, 15; 1996, Apr 10; 20-1.
Discusses the dilemma before the Dalit voters in
the state that even if they vote for the BSP the
chances of its winning are thin. Inspite of this fact
Kanshi Ram has decided to go alone in the next Lok
Sabha election creating ripples in Political Circles.
It cannot garner enough votes to even come close to
power. It has only a strong chance of tilting the
political balance in the state by making alliance with
other parties and play the role of kingmaker. 52
, GOVERNMENT, DEBACLE 22. BJP DUMPS Mayawati. Democratic World. 24, 21; 1995,
Nov 15; 10.
Uttar Pradesh once again went under a crisis due
to the resignation of Chiefminister Mayawati forced by
none other than the party BJP which helped her to
install a government. This has plunged the U.P
politics back into turmoil. Presidents rule has been
imposed and the assembly put under suspended
animation. Efforts are going on to forge any other
alliance for making government Congress is trying to
pursuade Mulayam Singh but he seems unwilling at the
time as he is looking for the Lok Sabha elections and
does not think an alliance with Congress in his favour.
, , KANSHI RAM
23. ON KANSHI RAM. New age. 42, 17; 1993, Dec 21; 7.
Discusses role of Kanshi Ram BSP supremo in
uniting the Dalits to be a recknoning force and force
which can change power equations of the country. It is
a remarkable achievement on his part to have
dramatically brought Dalits to the centre stage of U.P
politics and to have aroused in them new awareness of
their own importance. Whether he is able to advance
further or not, he has succeeded in posing the problems 53
of Dalits and in so altering the opinion that even upper caste parties are compelled to woo the Dalits. Today due to his efforts not only in U.P BSP is emerging as a big force throughout the country.
, , , MAYAWATI 24. KAPUR (Pratap). Bouncing back. Democratic World. 23,
11; 1995, Mar 23; 30-1.
Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh is in such
a position that it can dictate terms with any party in
a state where no party can get clear majority. Comments
that Mayawati has come bouncing back into the scecne
just when people were getting ready to write her off.
By forcing the BJP to change their Yajna location at
Mathura she had countered the Mulayam Singh Yadav's
claims of saving Babri Masjid to win over the muslims.
She is now emerging as new supremo of BSP and in the
future BSP will not have to depend upon Kanshi Ram to
fight the elections.
, , , , BUREAUCRATS
25. PRADHAN (Sharat). Mayawati vs the bureaucrats. Sunday.
22, 43; 1995, Nov 4; 24.
Discusses how Chiefminister Mayawati during her 130 days rule antagonised civil servants by 54
making frequent transfers and suspending several IAS and IPS officers on baseless grounds. Mayawati s mentor. BSP supremo Kashi Ram tried to give the impression that he was packing the bureaucracy with Dalit officers. But the reality was different. Caste was not a considera tion. Anyone who failed to fill the Chiefministers
cofferes was a marked man.
, , , , VIOLENCE, ALLEGATIONS
26. RASTOGI (Vinay Krishna). Powerful display. The Week. 14, 3; 1996, Jan 7; 22-3.
The news in states leading news paper Dainik
Jagran that Chiefminister Mayawati has some photographs
which she is using to blackmail her mentor and BSP
supremo Kanshi Ram. Another bombshell thrown was that
Mayawati has a 12 years old daughter. Both the allega
tions attributed to former BSP minister Dina Nath
Bhaskar,caused panic in the BSP ranks and they were on
rampage. It turned the whole Lucknow all into hell ,BSP
workers stormed the Dainik Jagran office, burnt the
bundles of newspaper copies. It took police about five
hours using tear gas and water cannons to beat back
the challenge. 55
UTTAR PRADESH, PARTY POLITICS, BJP
27. BHARTYA JANTA Party: National alternatives. Economic
and Political Weekly. 16, 17; 1991, May 2; 786.
Describes the parties role in widening the
social interests which it represents today. BJP and
its predessors drew their support from the northern
urban mercantile and some feudal elements and this had
always imposed severe limitations upon its
effectiveness at the national level. Unless and untill
it can garner the more significant industrial and
landlord support, it cannot become a visible national
alternative. There are other limitations also , like
its links with RSS, in the present situation no one can
come into power on solely communal basis. In both
these ways, the BJP has to go a long way before it can
present itself as a national alternative.
28. CHOICE BEFORE BJP. Statesman. 124, 3091; 1988, Apr 21;6.
For a party which never seemed clear in its
aims and resolutions in their pursuit the BJP's
appearent uncertainity of purpose at its national
council meeting was revealing. The national front idea
became a subject of speculation and controversy, and
was appearently viewed with considerable misgivings by
a large section of the party delegates from U.P. 56
BJP if it wants a tie up with others have to severe its relations with RSS and change its stance on the issue of Ram Janam Boomhi Babri masjid issue. Concludes that by severing the links, the party can try to acquire a more liberal image, but there would than be little difference or make it more effective than Janata Dal or the Lok Dal.
, , BJP-BSP, ALLIANCE 29. ASHWINI SINGH. Is the BJP-BSP Honymoon over.Democratic
World. 24, 15; 1995, Aug 15; 9-10.
The BJP-BSP honeymoon in U.P. does not seem lost
long^ there are signs of strains among the two. The
state BJP has asked the Mayawati government to
de-Yadavise the state police and administration, which
the BJP feels a pre-requisite for free and fair polls.
Whether BSP government bows to this dictate of the BJP
will determine the warmth or otherwise of the relations
between the two partners. On the other hand campaign
in U.P. will be concentrated on the construction of Ram temple which will again widen the fissure between the
BSP and BJP. 57
30. BAJAJ (Amita Nayar). BJP wants to walk alone. Blitz.
57, 20; 1997, May 17;8.
BJP think thanks are suspicious about the BSP
its ruling ally. They think that BJP should not enter
into the mess of coalition politics at all, since it
has no surity about the commitment of its coalition
partners. BJP suspects that there is a possibility
that the BSP may not handover the reins of power to the
saffron party after six months of Mayawati's rule are
over. The BJP also suspects that there is gome deal
being worked between the Congress, Janta Dal and BSP
that will work to keep them out of power. So they
believe that as BJP has to plan its future strategy on
its own strength, it should go alone.
31. NAMBOODIRIPAD (EMS). Negation of principles: The BJP-
BSP alliance in U.P. Mainstream. 32, 14; 1994, July 13;
7-9.
Describes the BJP-BSP marriage of convinience in
U.P. for installing government in Uttar Pradesh is the
negation of principles of BJP's "Hindutva" and BSP's
"Manuvad". The philosophy of the superiority of vedic
civilisation on which the BJP politics is based and the
blind hatred for manuvad on which the BSP is based are
both unacceptable to genuine secular democrats. 58
Concludes that to save the nation secular democrats
have to fight against the BJP's philosophy of Hindutva
and as well as the BSP's hostility to Manuvad.
32. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). Opportunism Inc.: The BJP- BSP government and the prospects. Frontline. 14,6; 1997, Apr 18; 13-9.
BJP and BSP which have conflicting political
philosophies of Dalit assertiveness and Hindutva and
divergent support bases, descided to burry the
differences to overcome the six month long deadlock of
hung assembly formed a popular government. According
to Kanshi Ram whoever accepts the BSP's policy of
social transformation can be its ally. Though the
parties goal of Chiefministership has got fulfilled and
half the ministerial positions, but it once again gave
a boost to the opportunism which is a bad impression of
democratic set-up.
33. SINGH (NK) and AWASTHI (Dilip). Blatant Power Play. India Today. 22, 1; 1997, Jan 15; 34-6.
Inspite of opposition from Kalayan Singh and
the OBC factor in BJP the BSP and BJP inch closer
towards another opportunistic alliance despite in
herent differences among the two. BJP sources maintain 59
that Kalayan Singh has been offered a post in the
central headquarters in exchange for his silence on the
issue. The party middle men making talks with BSP are
trying to persuade the BSP to form a coalition
government. Concludes that whatever may be the results
the situation has once again brought to forefront the
opportunism of Parties in U.P.
34. ZIA-US-SALAM. Lord Ram to Kanshi Ram. Nation and the
World. 3, 90; 1995, July, 1; 19-20.
BSP supremo Kanshi Ram's desire to be more than
a king maker finally sounded the death knell for the
18 months old SP-BSP alliance in the electorally most
important state of U.P. Resulting in a marriage of
convenience between the oddest political couple around
BJP and BSP. It was sure barely after a few months
when SP-BSP combine assumed the reins of power, BSP
general secretary Mayawati declared in March 1994 that
if Mulayam Singh Yadav failed to protect the scheduled
castes "Hum Sarkar ko rafa dafa kar denge". Thus the
tone was set about 15 months back and finally when the
fever of attacks and counter attacks passed the Jenvin
limits BSP ministers resigned from Mulayam Singh Yadav
cabinet. Shortly after the fallout of Mulayam Singh
Mayawati became the first Dalit Chiefminister with the
unconditional support of BJP. 60
, , , , CRISIS 35. SINGH (NK). Convinience to Confrontation. Janta. 13,9;
1995, Jan; 12-4.
Describes the frontal attack launched by Kalyan
Singh on Mayawati a question mark on the durability of
government in Uttar Pradesh. This has also brought to
the fore the differences within the BJP over the
question of continuing support to the state government
led by Mayawati. There is a feeling among the BJP men
that Mayawati is turning the state in to a schedule
caste "Citadel" which hearts the BJP's upper caste vote
base.
, , , , GOVERNMENT
36. MAYAWATI SURVIVES political Convulsions. Democratic World. 24, 18; 1995, Sep 30; 13-14.
Mayawati appears to have established an
encouraging rapport with top national leaders of the
BJP to remain at the helm of affairs in U.P. Chief-
minister claims that she is receiving a tremendous
response from the masses where ever she went in the state.
On one hand Kalyan Singh is making allegations of under
hand dealings in the transfer of officer, Mayawati
claims that she told Mr. Joshi and Advani about the
allegations and they are satisfied over the 61
performance of government. Whatever may be the claims
for either side the alliance between the two does not
seon live long.
, , , , , COALITION 37. RAMAKRISHNPvl^ (Venkitesh) . Strained Coalition. Frontline,
14, 19; 1997, Oct 3; 29-30.
Discusses the dilemma of power transfer in U.P.
which has put both the coalition partners BSP and BJP
under suspension. The power shift has brought many
strains among the two and the BJP is going to be more
uneasy. In the state BJP unit factional feud has come
to fore on the question of Chiefministership. There
are many theories regarding their stra'ned relation on
the state politics. Concludes that whatever is the
analyses the state of uneasy co-existence is going to
confuse BJP more than BSP.
, , , , , DEBACLE 38. GHIMIRE (Yubaraj). opposites dont attract. Outlook. 1,
4; 19 95, Nov 1; 13.
At last it was BSP's decision not to accept the
BJP's dictates that led to the crisis in U.P. BSP
supremo claims that they wanted their five members
elected to the legislative council which led to 62
differences. But the state President of BJP Kalraj
Mishra lists the irregularitiesin the government deals,
Sale of sugar mills, ,confrontation with VHP on the
question of Krishna Janambhoomi in Mathura and over
all delebrate insult of Lord Rama which is a poll plank
of BJP since its success in last elections led to the
breakdown of alliance between the two.
, , , GOVERNMENT, CONFIDENCE MOTION
39. AWASTHI (Dilip). Living on the edge. India Today. 20,
13; 1995, July 15; 48-50.
Comments that despite winning the vote of
confidence due to the support of BJP to remain in
power. Mayawati may alienate BJP with her large scale
bureaucratic transfers and aggressive style and will
put her fragile government in Jeopardy. In her early
actions she has transferred 57 IAS and 108 IPS officers
so far and 60% has been replaced by Dalits. But inspite
of this BJP does not seem in a position to openly decry
any of the Mayawati's actions for fear of losing Dalit
support.
, , KALYAN SINGH 40. KAPOOR (Pradeep). Despising Kalyan. Blitz. 57, 38,1997,
Sep 20;2.
Discusses the concern of various political 63
parties and muslim organisations against Kalyan Singh
Chiefminister designate who is Chargesheeted by the
special CBI court in the Babri Masjid demolition case.
Congress MLA's have decided to boycott the swearing in
ceremony and have decided to observe the Sunday as
blackday. Political observers feel that in case of
Kalayan Singh taking charge as Chiefminister the
possibility of muslims deserting BSP and joining
Samajwadi cannot be ruled out.
, BJP, BY-ELECTIONS
41. PANDE (SK). Different strokes. Frontline. 8, 24; 1991.
Dec 6;9.
Describes the results of Lok Sabha by polls in
Amethi, Bulandshahar and Etawah a major containment of
BJP which sweeped the 1991 assembly polls with a clear
majority to form the government. Further more the
elections in 17 assembly segments showed three clear
trends. The containment of BJP in some areas by SJP,
the steady decline of the congress (I) and beginning of
the decline of JP, clearly dividing it into two one
headed by V.P. Singh and another b^ Ajit Singh.
Concludes that the decision of the left parties to
remain out of any alliance and not to contest
benefited the SJP and JD at some places. 64
, ELECTIONS, 1991, COMMUNALISM
42. RANA (Anil). Ram wave appearent in U.P. Statesman. 130,
9331; 1991, May 18; 9.
Describes the influence gathering momentum of
the BJP in U.P. in the first two days of the election
campaign, as Mr. L.K. Advani drew closer to the temple
of dispute at Ayodhya, response of the crowds which was
usual in any political gathering in western U.P.
Peaked at Gonda in Central U.P. where cries of "Jai
Shri Ram" welcomed Mr. L.K. Advani. "Jo hindu hit
kiBaat Karega, Wahi Desh par raaj kerega, and Mandir
wahi Banayga greeted L.K. Advani whereever he visited.
Concludes that after two days of electionnearing in
U.P. L.K. Advani was satisfied with the Ram wave
covering the whole of Uttar Pradesh.
43. ROY ( Tushar K) . Rath has done the trick in U.P. Financial Express. 17, 55; 19 91, Apr. 21; 7.
BJP seems to have caught imagination of the
masses, transcending the caste barriers. Advani*s
meetings in eastern U.P. was reminiscent of the Rath
Yatra days in sheer response. Its clear that what the
BJP could not achieve in 1989, was made sure by a
naive Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav. Removal of the canopy
over the Shilanyas spot, mass arrests restrictions on 65
movement, on parikranas and worship in Ayodhya and finally the killing of unarmed Kar Sevaks, only helped the BJP to seize the political lead in the U.P.
, , , ELECTIONS, 1996 44. KIRPA SHANKAR. SP-BSP Division comes to BJP'S Aid.
Mainstream. 34, 28; 1996, June 15; 7-8.
Discusses the impact of the breakdown of SP-BSP
alliance which helped the BJP. In 1993 due to their
alliance they had emerged as the largest party in the
assembly. The combined vote tally of the two was more
than that of BJP candidates where ever they lost had
they been together this time BJP would have lost the
character of opposition Party in Lok Sabha. Muslims in
this election voted for those candidates who were in a
position to defeat the BJP. They even supported the
Congress candidates in Rampur, Amethi, Bagpat
Shahjahanpur, and Pratapgarh where the party won.
, , , , , CASTEISM 45. GOYAL (DR) BJP Evolves caste strategy for U.P.
elections. New Age. 46, 28; 1996, July 14; 7.
Comments that after failing in its bid to retain
power at the centre, the Bhartiya Janta Party is now
bending all its energies to capture Lucknow. Victory in
the largest state of the country is crucial for it. 66
At one side they have to boost the morale of their Cadre greatly depressed by the defeat in parliament and on the other hand it has to evolve a formula to make a base among the OBC's so that BJP can come out with a sound majority and can install government on its own.
, , , , COMMUNALISM 46. NAYAR (Kuldip). Malady in U.P. Radiance 31, 26; 1996,
May 9; 4-6.
The Malady in U.P is that politics and power
have got intertwined that even the realisation to keep
them separate is not there. This is telling upon the
system. But still there is no movement or agitation to
reverse the process what has been done in U.P., India's
one sixth, in population, to keep the BJP out of power
may push liberal elements, if not the party into the
background. RSS the Party's mentor may bring back
militant Hindus to the centre stage to revive the old
agenda on the destruction of mosques, particularly in
Mathura and Varanasi, which shares the premises of two
Hindu temples.
, , , , RESULTS 47. GHIMIRE (Yubaraj). BJP stunned on homeground. Outlook
11, 43; 1996, Oct 23; 18-20.
BJP ranks attributes the loss in U.P. to many reasons. But most of leaders are of the view that it 67
was some wrong decisions of Kalyan Singh which
restricted the party from any advancement. The refusal
of tickets to 46 sitting MLA's is one of the major
issues of criticism. BJPs vote percentage has also
shocked the party ranks which declined from 34.5% to
32%. The verdict once again thwarted the hopes of
Kalayan Singh to become Chiefminister. The over trends
showed that BJP is losing its base in its strong
hold.
, GOVERNMENT
48. RAI SINGH. BJP govt heralds new era in UP. Link. 33, 47; 1991, June 30; 11-4.
BJP government headed by Mr. Kalyan Singh marks
a new era in the politics of UP the most popular state
of the country. Author is of the view that BJP has to
show that it cannot only be a strident opposition but
can face the issues with courage as a ruling party.
Congress(I) in the state crumbled in view of the
consolidation of the electorate on the basis of caste
and religion. BJP has got a good share of 209 in the
assembly with an effective strength of 400. The Janta
Dal had bagged 90 seats and congress has the most poor
performance with 45 seats. BJP has gained mostly from
the districts affected by frequent riots. Concludes 68
with the criticism that BJP should be thankful to
Rajiv Gandhi and Mulayam Singh Yadav for helping the
electorate to support it.
, , , POLITICAL CRISIS 49. BJP CANT rest on its laurels in UP. Democratic world.
24, 22; 1995, No. 30; 7.
After the fall of BSP government based on the
support of BJP the political scene in the state
continues to be fluid. BJP has staked the claim of forming a government which seems impossible. Now the speculations are about the new elections. Bhartiya Janta Party which is the only party in the state with
some reasonable cohesiveness, would like the assembly elections held earlier than that since they feel that
their moves within the state and their record of
previous rule would hold them in good position in the
eyes of state electorate.
, , BJP-VHP, CRITICISM
50. AWASTHI (Dilip). Battle stations: Yadav takes on
BJP-VHP. India Today. 15, 18; 1990, Sep 30; 40-5.
Discusses Mulayam Singh Yadav's attack on BJP-
VHP combine and his efforts to thwart their plans to
communalise the state politics. He has formed a
committee to counter them and a number of meetings 69
have been planned to garner support for secular forces at grass root level. This confrontation of secular forces and communal forces is going to change political equations in the country because BJP is distancing from JD both at the Centre and U.P concludes that these differences between the two are bound to finish Mulayam Singh's government in U.P.
, , BY-ELECTIONS, 1988, FORECASTING
51. ZAFAR AGHA. Allahabad hogs media attention. Link. 30, 44; 1988, June 5; 13-4.
Comments that it is not Kanshi Ram factor alone
that is being measured in terms of caste. Every
community and caste vote is now being calculated by the
rival groups. And the big guessing game is who will
sway which caste. Kanshi Ram has upset all permuta
tions and combinations in Allahabad. Harijans
constitute the largest vote bank. Earlier they have
been voting for the Congress. But Kanshi Ram's
presence has upset the Congress applecart. Congress
circles feel confident that as the Brahmins have
generally voted for the Congress, they will therefore
vote for Sunil Shastri. With Amitabh Bachchan out of
the fray V.P. Singh has lost his immediate target.
The rivals are engaged in a last ditch battle in
Allahabad. Concludes that what will happen on June 16 70
will be clear after counting begins. Till then
Allahabad will keep hogging media attention.
, , , V.P. SINGH 52. SAHAY (Ambikanand). V for victory P for Premier. Statesman. 127, 8619; 1988 2;1.
Vishwanath Pratap Singh tasted his first victory
at Allahabad despite the Congress(I) best efforts,
money was poured in by the ruling party and a minister
even went to the extent of capturing booths with the
help of hooligans V.P. Singh was backed by a galary of
top opposition leaders including Devi Lai, Ramakrishna
Hegde, N.T. Rama Rao George Fernandes ,Ajit Singh,Datta
Samant, C. Rajeshwara Rao^Atal Behari Bajpayee. All of
them belonged to different parties but the common goal
was the Raja's victory. Author concludes that will it
have a lasting effect and take V.P. Singh to the chair
of premier or will just fizzle out.
, , ,1997, POLL ALLIANCE
53. KAPOOR (Pradeep). Congress-SP Vs BJP-BSP. Blitz- 57, 22; 1997, May 31; 4.
Describes the support of each other by Congress
and SP a healthy political activity. BJP-BSP alliance
in UP had brought Congress and SP close to each other.
In a bid to make the cordial relations. Congress is 71
55- AWaSTHI (Dilip). Unprecedented Polarisation. India
Today. 21, 18; 1996, Sep 30; 70.3.
Caste equations are going to play a vital role
in the assembly elections in U.P. As the three main
grouping, BJP, BSP - Congress and SP and its UF allies
are calculating their caste holding the state politics
has once again indulged into the polarisation with the
heat of elections coming closer. Also gives an
analysis of lead of different parties in caste
sweepstakes, BJP is ahead with 33.52% having stronghold
among upper caste Hindus followed by SP 20.65% and BSP
20.53% both having their support from Dalits and
other backward classes.
56. DAMODARAN (Ashok). Taking Caste to the Grassroots. Radical Humanist. 40, 19; 1993, Sep; 17-9.
The reservations for OBC's and SC's have played a vital role for Mulayam Singh Yadav in the Panchayat elections amid the charges of BJP of foul play. This has once again shown the interference of caste in the state politics. But this seems a timely
act on the part of OBC's and SC's. They are not now to be taken so because with the emergence of BSP as a strong force they cannot be taken in favour- BSP is messiah of Dalits which provided them a platform for the expression of their demands. 72
supporting SP candidate in the Farukhabad by-elections
and SP has reciprocated by extending support to the
Congress in the by-poll to the East Delhi Parliamentry
seat. Mulayam Singh Yadav and Jitendra Prasad UPCC
President are of the view that the convergence of the
two parties will help consolidate the secular forces
against the BJP.
, , CASTEISM
54. AWASTHI (Dilip). Caste is the criterion. Indian Today.
19, 17; 1994, Sep. 15; 26.
Criticises the mass level transfers made by
Mulayam Singh Yadav in his nine month tenure. Out of a
total of 1700 transfers made during this period, 326
are IAS officers 276, IPS, 364 PCS or state civil
services officers. This shows the proportion of the
transfers. All the transfers are politically motivated
as higher caste has been replaced with SC, OBC and
muslim officers. The statics reveals that out of 1700
officers transferred 70% involve the higher castes
replaced by the SC, and OBC's. Shows the caste
composition changes in the bureaucracy in 63 districts
47 have a senior IAS or IPS officer who is either SC or
from OBC. Also discusses the differences between the
state chief secretary T.R. Subramanium and chief
minister Mulayam Singh Yadav resulting in the replace ment of chief secretary. 73
57. GIDWANI (D) . Caste in a controversial mould. India
Today. 20, 10; 1995, May 31; 31.
Describes the manner in which Dinanath Bhaskar
an Uttar Pradesh minister made headlines, and gained
notoriety when Doordarshan viewers saw him grappling
with a rival BJP candidate in one of the election
campaigns• on the surface Bhaskar seems a victim of
higher caste Ire. He allegedly initiated caste
violence after killing of BSP leader and his close
associate Ram Autar Paswan. Bhaskar's call "Ek Ke
badle teen" eventually resulted in three deaths.
Despite the controversy, Bhaskar enjoys the support of
BSP Chief Kanshi Ram and a certain immunity from
Mulayam Singh who belongs to a different party.
58. KATYAL (KK). Yadavisation of U.P. Hindustan Times. 47, 19; 1993, May 19; 6.
Discusses the importance of four Yadav leaders
of different parties in Uttar Pradesh. The four Yadav's
Ram Naresh, Balram Singh, Chanjderjeet and Mulayam
Singh are seen as potential leaders who may be able to
knit their community in to a powerful vote bank for
their parties. Right now all the Yadav leaders are still
testing the waters in their own parties, which way the
Yadav vote will go depend on which Yadav is able to 74
establish himself as supreme commander of allied Yadav
forces.
59. MUSHIRUL HASAN and NAQVI (Saeed). Caste is the vote. Outlook. 11, 19; 1996, May 8; 74-8.
Discusses the opinion of people and their
indlination towards the political parties. The higher
caste Hindus are vocal in their electoral support. The
muslims and OBC's are suspicious about their support
there is no clerity of opinion. Every Brahmin is loyal
to BJP. If the muslim vote is not split between the
BSP and Samajwadi party, it may not be easy for the
BJP to recover its lost grounds in U.P. Muslims and
OBC's are not averse to BSP but they do not see it as
a winner what makes them suspicious to support it.
Whatever the permutations may be caste factor is once
again going to play a vital role in U.P.
60. RASTOGI (Vinay Krishna). Caste war. Radical Humanist. 52, 14; 1995, Sep; 13-5.
U.P. is not important only that it send'" 85
members to Lok Sabha but also because of its role in
deciding the fortune of key contestents Congress this
time seems divorced as it is finding no campaigner with
N.D. Tiwari first time in opposition after floating his
new party Congress (T). The caste has to play a major 75
role in the elections-Dalits and backwards are going to
decide the fate of parties in U.P. For Mulayam Singh
this election is very crucial. Because this election
will give him and his party its maiden entry in to Lok
Sabha.
61. REDDY (Siddhartha). Saffron Surge. Sunday. 22,29;
1995, July 16-12; 84-5.
Describes it a shrewed game plan of the BJP
leaders to Prop up the BSP government in Uttar Pradesh.
It is clear that BSP vote bank comprises scheduled
caste and backward classes,in the coming elections this
vote bank will be transferred to BJP. Uttar Pradesh
has always been a battlefied for political parties. The
Congress had a committed following in Uttar Pradesh.
The scenario began to change as the BSP caught
imagination of schedule castes who began to desert
Congress and flocked to the BSP. The BJP has made a
tactical move by supporting BSP government in Uttar
Pradesh which will provide them with greater dividends
inLok Sabha elections.
62. SHUKLA (Kiran). Role of caste in U.P. politics.
Economic and Political Weekly. 32, 27; 1997, Aug 7.9-12.
Deals with the role of caste in the politics of the state of U.P. Caste is going to play a vital role 76
in the elections for village Panchayat, Vidhan Sabha and Lok Sabha. It tries to show to what extent the caste and politics of U.P. is influenced by the socio economic and educational factors and how far caste itself has influenced these fields. Concludes that there seems no effect of the education to change the minds of people and instill among them greed for democratic set-up.
63. SINHA (DP). Caste dynamics: A study from Uttar Pradesh.
Economic and Political Weekly. 18, 21; 1985, Aug 7;
9-11.
Discusses the overhadowing influence of
casteism on U.P. politics. The offshoots of casteism
are getting deeper and deeper. In each and every
sphere caste is playing a vital role people are getting
the previleges because they belong to a particular,
caste. The phenomenon of casteism is getting more and
peculiar and of penetrating boom. It has over-
influenced the political parties in Uttar Pradesh and
is effecting the political equations in Uttar Pradesh.
64. U.P. HARIJANS gain new confidence. New Age. 4, 9;
1991, Apr 15;7.
Highlights the retreat given to harijans which ensured among them a sort of relaxation economic 77
security, security of their status, dignity and the
financial impulses, including the impulses of
reservation which can make them more self reliant and
sure that their future was bright and their were no
hurdles in their path of progress either it is path of
economic progress or progress of status ^ they feel
themselves secure.
, , , MANDAL 65. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). Caste cauldron: The
politics of polarisation. Frontline. 11, 20; 1994,
Oct 7; 10-1.
Mandal could come to Mulayam Singh Yadav's
rescue once again in Uttar Pradesh. In the state
assembly Dalit-backward class legislators belonging to
various parties including the BJP are upset on the
question of mandal issue and they are feared to cross
over and support government. Once again the caste
politics had covered Uttar Pradesh under its shadow.
Concludes that in coming days it is crucial question
to answer that either mandal politics will have primacy
or it will be some other factors.
'*r Act No. "^^ 78
, COALITION 66. DEFELOPING CRISIS IN U.P. New Age. 7, 13; 1994, Oct
17; 9.
Gives a description of coalition government in
U.P. The U.P. government was heading towards a crisis.
The differences between the ruling Samajwadi Party and
Congress(I) are of mere importance, more or less it is
the political interest of the later which makes it to
criticise the government and has increased the
differences. There is a great pressure on the central
high command from state unit of Congress to withdraw
support to Mulayam Singh Yadav government.
67. PANDE (SK). Stalemate Continues. Frontline. 13,2 5; 1996, Dec 28; 29.
Discusses the situation in UP where the unity of
new BJP forces caused a major blow to BJP in Rajya
Sabha elections and it lost 9 seats out of 14. But the
decision of BSP and Congress expressed in two letter
written to governor that the alliance was timely and
their is no chance of continuation in future. The
reason for the collapse of ministry making discussions
is the fear that Mulayam Singh will call the shots at
the helm of affairs. Because of his good relations
with Congress leaders Pramod Tiwari and Ammar Rizvi,
Mayawati feared a collapse of discussion. 79
, COMMUNALISM 68. MANOJ PRASAD. Religion and Politics in U.P. Radical Humanist. 52, 4; 1995, Nov; 3-5.
Highlights the Interactional pattern of religion
and politics among the Hindus and muslims in U.P.
shows that how far the present political system is
responsible for the conflict. Attempts to explore the
tenents of the secular ideology of the country and its
social bases. Evaluates the diverse nature of the
Indian social structure and views of the scholars and
politicians on the communal organisations in the
country and the national political pattern which is
being overshadowed by the caste and religion.
69. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). Secular victory in U.P. Frontline. 10, 25; 1993, Dec 17; 9-10.
Uttar Pradesh assembly elections held on Nov 18
and 2 0 have struck a decisive blow for the secular
forces. The results led to a hung assembly with the
BJP and SP-BSP combine making a close finish at the
top. But the qualitative aspect is that the forces of
Hindutva have been effectively checkmated. The SP-BSP
put up its best show in eastern and central U.P. The
factors that contributed to the SP-BSP success are
many. The most important is the tactical voting by 80
the muslims and the consolidation of Yadav shedule
caste votes along with the muslim votes.
70. RSS CARD in U.P. Rashtriya Sahara. 12, 9; 1987, Feb 21; 5-7.
Describes the political unstability in U.P.
which is not a recent phenomenon. It was Ushered in
with the installation of BJP government and its
decision to combine with RSS to keep the other groups
in the party out of power. This not only created
political imbalance but also administrative
inefficiency and incompetence. The communal politics is
the main responsible factor for this political
instability.
, , , POLICE ATTROCITIES 71. MURDEROUS MEN in uniform. Nation and the World. 2, 3;
1991, Sep 16; 31.
The U.P. police's gunning down ten innocent Sikh
pilgrims in a fake encounter shows the hollowness of
BJP claims that minorities would be safe under its
rule. The victims were pilgrims from Nanital, they
were taken out from the bus by Kachhla Ghat police near
Badaun and killed in a fake encounter. The BJP inquiry
team tried to whitewash the crime by saying that two of
them were innocent and rest were militants. The 81
controversy again unmasked the communal face of U.P. such is the Ire among the Sikhs that a giani of Gurdwara says that he will harbour terrorists and never bother about what the police did.
, , CONGRESS(I) 72. AWASTHI (Dilip). Desperate measures. India Today. 12, 5; 1987, June, 15; 53-4.
Discusses the impact of ban imposed by the
Congress(I) government on May 27 employees rally at
Lucknow. The communal violence came as a blessing for
the Chiefminister. Ban was imposed on the public
meetings in the communally sensitive districts,
administration of the Lucknow imposed ban on the
proposed employees rally through a press release. It
was an exhibition of the raw state power. During the
fortnight an urgent meeting of the Congress workers was
called by Ashok Bajpai son of Dr. Rajender Kumar Bajpai
and expelled Mr. V.P. Singh from the primary membership
of the Congress, criticises that the whole drama was
workedout only to contain V.P. Singh in Uttar Pradesh. 82
, CONGRESS(I) - BSP, ALLIANCE
73. CONGRESS-BSP alliance does not augur well for UF. Democratic World. 25, 14; 1996, July 31; 8.
The alliance between BSP and Congress is seen as
a effort by Congress to garner the support of Dalits
and minority vote in the largest state of the country
to re-emerge as a political force at the centre. The
tie-up between Kanshi Ram and Narsimha Rao has caused
considerable concern among some of the constituents of
UF, particularly to Samajwadi Party which has its mass
base in U.P. and projects itself, messiah of Dalit 4
and OBC's: Apart from this it has caused some concern
to Janta Dal and BJP also and the alliance is also
criticised from within the Congress.
74. RAMACHANDARAN (Rajesh). Clinching the deal. The Week.
14, 29; 1996, July 7; 28-31.
Discusses the importance of BSP in national
politics. For time being Congress has clinched the deal
by making an alliance with BSP. But the UF on the
other hand is not ready to give-up for whom the coming
U.P. election is an acid test. Every condition Kanshi
Ram imposed was accepted by Congress for the previlege
of riding piggy back on him in U.P. The Congress also
hopes to win the Dalits to its fold in the due course. 83
With the remote possibility of combine pulling an
electoral victory. Congress leaders are hoping to get ministerial births which they could not get on their own
in near future.
75. SHUKLA (Rajiv). Numbers game. Sunday. 23, 27; 1996,
July 7-13; 18-20.
Describes the alliance between Congress and BSP
in UP a number game. After neglecting the north
during his tenure Narasimha Rao realised that without
the support of some regional force in the politically
crucial state of UP he is sunk. It is in this,
background that he got negotiations with Kanshi Ram's
BSP, and agreed even on a seat share of 300-125 in a
house of 425. The alliance between the two has changed
the scenario of UP electorate, the higher caste support
of Congress will desert from it and go to BJP and the
muslims who supported BSP due to its alliance with a
party headed by Narasimha Rao may go away. In this
situation the overall beneficiary seems the BJP.
76. SWAMI (Praveen). Unequal allies: The BSP-Congress deal
in U.P. Hindu. 114, 5; 19 95, May 9;1.
Describes the alliance between BSP and Congress an unequal alliance. It is said that with the alliance 84
though Congress will gain some seats but will suffer organisationally. BSP workers think it a historic triumph for their party. On the other hand Congress ranks are divided on the question of alliance between the two because Congress has accepted the terms of BSP which they think are not in favour of Congress. The alliance has Jolted the SP-Janta Dal left combine and caused happiness in BJP. BJP thinks that it will distribute the votes and the measure beneficiary will be none other than BJP.
, , , , KANSHI RAM 77. PRADHAD (Sharat). Desperatly seeking Kanshi Ram.
Sunday. 23, 27; 1996, July 7-13; 13-6.
Kanshi Ram has got much more importance in the
national politics which is evident from the alliance
between the Congress and BSP in UP. He has got such an
importance that every party except CPI or the CPI(M)
wishes to have or has had an alHance with him. He has
complete control over the party as its mentor. Just
now after a struggle of 30 years things are going fine
for him. Besides his alliance with Congress Party in
UP, he stands on the threshold of forming a government
in UP and is getting much closer to his ambition of
getting India's top job. 85
, CONGRESS(I), DISSIDENCE
78. MUKHERJEE [(Dilip) . Squabbles in the Congress: The
special pioblems of U.P. Times of India.2, 21; 1986,
Feb 10.8.
Comments that the Uttar Pradesh politics had got
a new direction and changes which is the result of the
resignation of its most high profile leader V.P. Singh
called the man of all seasons. Mr. V.P. Singh had a
great impact over the infrastructure and internal
happenings of the Congress, which created a phenomenon
of separation in U.P. politics. He is said to be
having a sound base amcng Thakur's of U.P. Thus his
resignation is ought to be a great setback for Congre&s
in U.P. in coming days.
79. U.P. AFFAIRS. Economic and Political Weekly. 18, 23;
1985, Sep 13; 30-2.
Deals with ongoing rift in the legislature on
the question of assigning portfolios and consideration
of the caste. All was not well with ministry in U.P.
A long list of complaints had been submitted to the
Primeminister by a deputation of Congre&s legislators.,
All these developments showed that some drastic
measures were necessary to appease the dessidents.
Primeminister called on Chiefminister Vir Bahadur Singh,
but he was unable to correct the situation. 86
, CONGRESS(I), ELECTION, PROMISES 80. BOBB (Dilip) and PREMI(s). promises to keep. Hindu.
74, 12; 1985, July 13;9.
Discusses the prospects of Rajiv Gandhi in
Amethi, constituency of his brother Sanjay Gandhi. Now
he has a tidious phase to follow that is to contest
with rivals who are set-up and knowing pros and cons
of the regional politics. But for Rajiv Gandhi \methi
symbolisis something far more than just a passport to a
berth in parliament. He is ratifying the promises of
erecting the Hindustan Aeronautics ltd factory and
fertiliser. But the question is the materialisation of
these promises which seems a far cry and the promises
will remain a campaign stint to fool the people next
time.
81. SETHI (Sunil). Amethi: Waiting for the second coming.
Financial Express. 13, 22; 1987, Sep 3;6.
The people in Amethi seem shattered in the
constituency which is being represented by the two
son's of first family Sanjay Gandhi and now Rajiv
Gandhi. After two decades of promises people are still
waiting for the fulfillment of election time
commitments of an industrial estate at Jagdespur and
Sanjay Gandhi memorial hospital. There are seven roads 87
which criss-cross the Amethi villages but all of them are in a bad condition only one road that is Amethi- Rai bareily which wind smoothly down the country side. The people in Amethi humorously call it the "Ma Beta road".
, CONGRESS(I), ELECTIONS, 1985 82. JOSHI (VT) . Cong poised for big win in UP. Times of
India. 148; 61; 1985, Mar 2; 13.
With the countdown on for the Vidhan Sabha
elections, the Congress party appears poised for
another big win in UP. It is evident from the Lok
Sabha results that opposition can expect not more than
28 of the 425 Vidhan Sabha seats. Observes have marked
a change in the political scenario since the Lok Sabha
polls in December. The ruling parties propaganda in the
December poll has made the party confident of a wide
sweep and rendered the opposition combat shy. One
major act of the Congress is that it had denied tickets
to the persons who have criminal records and are
involved in corrupt practices. In the ongoing elections
near about 50 senior leaders of different parties are
seeking new term. 88
83. MISHRA (KK). Revamping called for. Link. 2 7, 32; 1985,
March, 17; 14-5.
Conunents that there was no anti Congress or pro-
opposition swing. There was apathy all around and
everybody took it for granted that the Congress will
win hands down. The December Lok Sabha polls convinced
the Congress of a pro-Congress wave in its favour.
Over 70% of sitting opposition members lost the
election. Less than one third of sitting Congress
members lost, from this it is clear that there was no
anti Congress bias. Near about 50,000 disappointed
ticket seekers was a great number, due to this
thousands of Congressmen sat idly through the election
or supported the opposition candidates, or contested
independently, and near about 12 among them won the
election.
, , , , , DEBACLE
84. AWASTHI (Dilip). Going VP's way. India Today. 14, 23;
1989, December, 15; 77.
Describes the compromise on principles, communal
ploy, and a host of corruption charges root cause of
loosing electorally crucial state of Uttar Pradesh by
Congress (I). Raja rode roughly over his former party
winning most of the states 85 Lok Sabha seats leaving
Congress(I) with barely 13. The Congress(I) could 89
only blame itself for the debacle. Janta Dal drawing gains from Congress (I) mistakes came up with a winning secular campaign, with V.P. Singh travelling throughout the state. But the underdogs who proved giant killers were the BSP candidates. The clearest message was this that every caste and community was angry with the Congress(I) misrule and simple ineptitude.
, , , , 1989, CAMPAIGNING 85. ZAFAR AGHA. Whither Congress in U.P. Campaign. Link. 32, 15; 1989, Nov 19;5.
The Congress party is surely in for trouble in
Uttar Pradesh. The anti Congress wave has already
started gathering momentum in the state. The Congress
nominees are finding it difficult to campaign in their
constituencies for fear of being manhandled. Rajiv
Gandhi meetings are poorly attended. In many places he
was hooted down in Allahabad even Chapals were thrown
on the dais when Rajiv Gandhi was addressing a public
meeting. Concludes that so great is now the anti
Congress Sentiment, it is feared that Congress will
repeat the 1977 performance when it did not won even a
single seat in Lok Sabha elections. 90
, DEBACLE 86. CHANDRA SHEKHAR. Congress rout : it was sugar that did it. Link. 32, 17;1989, Dec. 3;11.
Describes the rising price spiral of essential
commodities of sugar in particular as the root cause
for the Congress(l) defeat in Uttar Pradesh. People
are no more convinced by the bloated electoral promises
of the Congress and demanded an explanation of its
achievements in the five years that it was in power.
The voters in Uttar Pradesh wanted a change and voted
the Congress out of power in the state. Concludes that
the Congress party in the state have to find out the
causes for its failure in the elections. The party has
to clean its rank and file if it has to re-emerge on
the political map of the state.
, 1991 87. CHERIAN (VK). Congress makes no headway in U.P. Financial Express. 17, 48; 19 91, Apr. 14;1.
Describes the elections in Uttar Pradesh an acid
test of various political parties in the wake of Mandal
AND Mandir-Masjid issues on the peak . In the last
election also there was multi cornered contest in U.P.
The BJP, Congress and Janta Dal had fielded candidates
against each other ensuring triangular contest at many 91
places. At present the enthusiasm in the BJP and
Congress (I) camp stems from the fact that a divided
Janta Dal proves beneficial to them. They realise that
both are sharing the same vote base now in U.P. and
are trying to reach other sections of society with new
campaign tactics to widen their base. But inspite of
all these efforts and speculations Congress seems
making no headway in U.P.
88. DEVADAS (David). Sympathy factor may cost BJP floating votes in U.P. Economic Times. 31, 100; 1991, June 13;2.
Bhartiya Janta Party's loss may become the
Congress(I)'s gain in Uttar Pradesh. Sympathy votes
that will flow to Congress(I) because of the
assasination of Rajiv Gandhi will be at the expense of
BJP. The general concensus is that if Son!a Gandhi
had taken as President , The Brahmins would have
switched back to the Congress(I) even if leadership
would have been given to N.D . Tiwari situation would
have been different. Inspite of dying enthusiasm all
the eyes are set on Uttar Pradesh.
, , FACTIONALISM
89. NARAYAN (R) . Congressmen in UP feel north is loosing
importance. Economic Times. 31, 95; 1991, July 8;2.
Narasimhci Rao's election as the Congress (I) 92
President has put senior Congress leaders from U.P. in
an uncomfortable dilemma. Some of them are maintaining
a discrete silence, otheri insist that it is merely a
temporary phase. Rao's election is said to be an adhoc
move to fill the vacuum created by the death of Rajiv
Gandhi and it is said that he will not contest Lok
Sabha elections thus paving way for somebody else to
become Primeminister. Congressmen in UP feel that
they cannot be sidelined with major share of Lok sabha
seats. Many of them are thinking that N.D. Tiwari will
be the next Primeminister concludes that UP cannot be
sidelined which once provided almost every Prime-
minister to the country.
90, U.P. CONGRESS meet. Radiance. 17, 24; 1986, Dec 12; 1.
Discusses the role of Congress and its
performance in the politics of U.P. The remarks
exchanged at the meeting by the members of UPCC(I) in
the presence of AICC members and president showed that
Congress in U.P. remains divided as ever. The main
cause of fighting at UPCC(l) meeting was failure of the
group in power to accommodate the Congressmen who
opposed the negotiations between AICC President and
Primeminister, in the council of ministers. 93
, CONGRESS(I), GOVERNMENT, EIR.BAHADUR SINGH 91. MINISTRY I'M U.P. Statesman. 12 7, 3529; 1986, Jan 26;6.
Describes the expansion of the Bir Bahadur Singh's ministry. The expansion of the ministry is attributed to the caste considerations. As soon Mr. N.D. Tiwari left to join the union cabinet making Mr. Bir Bahadur Singh Incharge criticism of state government for pro»( Thakur bias started surfacing. But the strong support of Mr. Arun Nehru minister for internal security has helped the chiefminister to contain traditional infighting within the U.P. Congress(I).
92. SINGH (SP). Man from the grassroots. Hindustan Times. 70, 43; 1989, June 18;2.
Bir Bahadur Singh came from a poor Rajput family of Gorakhpur. Had his M.A. degree from Gorakhpur University, contested his first election from Panyara in 1967. In 1976 first time became minister in Charan Singh's BKD led government. During emergency, he was state minister in the N.D. Tiwari ministry. After that there was no looking back and became Chief- minister of the largest state of the country in 1985. He was the first new generation barefooted poor Rajput leader to lead the Congress(I) in U.P. in times of 94
supreme crisis. He was a committed party workera Thakur leader, an efficient organiser and relentless fighter. Congress(I) has to find a substitute for him to contain the growing influence of V.P. Singh among Rajputs.
93. SRINAVASAN (K). Void called Bir Bahadur. Hindustan
Times. 70; 26; 1989, Feb 5;2.
The death of Bir Bahadur Singh in Uttar Pradesh has
altered the political equations of the state. He was
the man who was the hope for Congress in the times of
crisis. His importance was to counter the V.P. Singh a
dissident from Congress and also a Rajput. He was a
man who lost his faith among the minorities due to
Ramjanambhoomi and Maliana massacre but he was popular among the hindus. His measure achievement is considered his survival for three years inspite of a tussle with states most sought after leader in the centre N.D. Tiwari.
94. TACKLING V.P. Singh. Hindustan Times. 64, 168; 1987, June 18;9.
Describes that politics is a cynical game. But
there is something wrong with U.P. Chiefminister Bir
Bahadur Singh who stopped Mr. Vishwanath Pratap Singh
so that he could not address a meeting of farmers and 95
intellectuals at Gorakhpur. Mr. Bir Bhadur Singh's
administration not only prevented Mr. V.P. Singh from
addressing the audience but also pushed him into a
police van and drove him to a government guest house.
Concludes that it is immaterial whether Mr. Bir Bahadur
Singh is functioning on his own or following the orders
of leaders in Delhi. The end result is that the ruling
party is harming itself and it is worse if it is not
aware of it.
95. ZAFAR AGHA. Fate of Bir Bhadur Singh. Link. 29, 45; 1987, June 14;14.
Highlights the question and doubts that is Bir
Bahadur Singh going to be eased out of the office.
The reason for his reir.oval is thought to be the tussle
between Bir Bahadur Singh and one of his state
minister in the central government. Gives the views of
some leading politicians about the future of Veer
Bahadur Singh some of them are of the view that his
days are numbered, but some of them think of him
undispensible for the centre. The high command is
looking forward for his efforts to contain Mr. V.P.
Singh from establishing any foothold in Uttar Pradesh,
and he has to prove himself for remaining in the
chair. 96
, N.D. TIWARI 96. ZAFAR AGHA. Midnight accolades for Tiwari, Pawar.
link. 30, 48; 1988, July 3; 12-3.
Discusses the fate of Congress governments of
Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra during Rajiv Gandhi's
Premiership. It was a midnight drama, orders were
issued by the high command to state legislatures to
replace the chiefministers with the highcommcind
nominees. In Uttar Pradesh Bir Bahadur Singh was
replaced by N.D. Tiwari Union Finance Minister and in
Maharashtra Shared Pawar replaced, S.B. Chavan. The
Congress MLA's in Maharashtra elected Pawar without
any hesitation. In Uttar Pradesh Chiefminister refused
to quit, but when summoned to Delhi and asked to step-
down he resigned. Criticises the changes made in two
politically vital states without taking into confidence
the state legislature parties in both the states.
, , , ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES
97. MISRA (KK). Tiwari puts the clock forward. Illustrated
Weekly of India. 17, 98; 1985; Aug 9; 11.
Narain Dutt Tiwari has shown in his second term as CM. of U.P. that he is an able administrator, by taking forward the state where nothing seemed to be working right. With half the people living under the poverty line and the quality of life about the lowest 97
in the country, a lack of resources, an inept leader ship and a complete absense of work culture. He has done a lot to instil new dynamism and streamline the administration, besides evolving a new strategy to involve the people in development at the rural level.
, , , , , LANGUAGE POLITICS
98. RAWAT (RS). UP Chiefministers master stroke. Link. 33,
6; 1989, Sep. 24; 13.
Describes the decision to make the Urdu second
official language in Uttar Pradesh a master stroke by
Chiefminister N.D. Tiwari. By making Urdu the second
official language, he has created the impression of an
emotional triumph to the muslims. All organisations
of muslims and the thinking class have hailed the
decision. By making a compromise with Mahendra Singh
Tikait he has taken the entire farming coir.munity in
favour of the Congress. These two patch-ups with two
major com-munities has for time being scotched all the
speculations of his removal from the post of Chief-
minister. 98
, CONGRESS(I) - JD, ALLIANCE 99. AUSAF SAIED VASFI. JD-Cong alliance in the Offing.
Radiance. 26, 52; 1991, Oct, 13-19;1.
Discusses the efforts being done to bridge the
gulf between the Cong (I) and Janta Dal. The main
hurdle in the process is the revolt of Mr. A jit Singh
against the authority of Mr. V.P. Singh. It obvious
that elections to fill 16 vacant seats in the Lok Sabha
and 58 assembly seats from 15 states are to be filled
from U.P. and Bihar in the hindi heartland. Results
of these elections will determine the direction of
political wind. Concludes, that the truth is that at
the current Juncture both the Congress(I) and Janta
Dal are in need of each other.
, , CONGRESS(I) - JANTA DAL (S), ALLIANCE 100. MUSTAFA (seema). UP Cong not for deal with Mulayam.
Economic Times. 31, 25; 1991, Mar 29;7.
Discusses the prospects of poll alliance between
Cong(I) and Janta Dal(S) Mulayam Singh Yadav is
driving a hard bargain for the seat adjustment
demanding 25 Lok Sabha seats and 270 of 425 assembly
seats as and when the state elections are held. The
Uttar Pradesh Congress (I) is up in arms against these
negotiations. All the leaders including Mr. N.D.
Tiwari Rajindra Kumari Bajpai, Mahavir Prasad and 99
others are opposed to any adjustment with the Janta Dal(S). Mr. P.V. Narshima Rao negotiating on behalf of party offered 13 Lok Sabha seats to Mulayam Singh Yadav. Rajiv Gandhi still appears to be of the view that an alliance with Mulayam Singh Yadav will help the party cut into the muslim and backward vote of the Janta Dal.
, , , GOVERNMENT, MULAYAM SINGH
101. DIVORCE BEFORE marriage. Hindustan Times. 68, 94;1991,
Apr 5;11.
Discusses the Congress(I) withdrawal of support
to the Mulayam Singh Yadav government in UP, it also
marks the end of a possible state level electoral
accord between the Congress(I) and Mulayam Singh Yadav.
The denouncement is not at all surprising as they had
no common ground upon which an enduring relationship
could be built. Now Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav has to
face the greater challenge of leading a party like
Janta Dal-S in a state where electoiral stakes are
high for all major contenders for the power.
102. SHUKLA (JP). U.P.: Waiting for Mulayam's move. Front line. 8, 7; 1991, Apr, 12; 29-30.
Describes intermittent confabulations between Congress(I) President Rajv Gandhi and Mulayam Singh 100
Yadav more significant than the collective decision
taken at Janta Dal-S forums as the scope of the
understanding arrived at by the two leaders. The I situation has left State Congress(I) leaders demorlesed and defected. As the left parties are making their
presence felt in the company of the Janta Dal.
Concludes that the overconfidence of Mulayam Singh
Yadav looks as misplaced and unrealistic as the hopes
of BJP. The Janta Dal is yet to make an impact.
However, there are very few who can bet on the
re-emergence of Congress(I) on a large scale.
, , CONGRESS(I), LEADERSHIP, CRISIS
103. SHARAT CHANDRA. Wanted, a leader: The U.P. Congress flounders, rudderless. Sunday. 19, 53; 1993, Jan 10-16; 15.
Congress(I)in U.P. in traditional stronghold is
passing through a worst leadership crisis. With former
cabinet minister Narain Dutt Tiwari sitting on side
lines the party is finding it difficult to overcome
the crisis. Since there is no one else who commands
that kind of following in the Congress ranks in Uttar
Pradesh the state leaders are readily willing to
switch loyalities. But the only thing they seem to be
doing is make hay while the sun shines. 101
, LOK SABHA, BY-ELECTIONS, 1988, DEFEAT
104. GHOSE (Arabinda). How Allahabad was lost. Hindustan Times. 65, 177; 1988, June 26;11.
The lesson of Allahabad defeat for the
Congress(I) is that people vote in elections these days
more on issues than on caste and community
considerations. It is a lesson for the Congress(I)
that muslims and Harijans are no more there vote
banks. The unpopularity of Chiefminister Bir Bhadur
Singh in the area led to the further errosion of
Congress(I) base in the constituency. Some say that
it was the late announcement of the candidate, some
attribute the defeat to the lack of co-ordination
among campaigners. Concludes that at present the exploi
tation of religion and caste is no substitute for solid
developmental work, now announcing development schemes
at the time of election do not impress the electorate.
105. WHY CONGRESS lost in Allahabad. Radiance. 17. 2 3;1988, Nov 17;8.
Gives the reasons, fetors and conditions which
are responsible for the defeat of Congress (I)
candidate Sunil Shastri son of late Priminister Lai
Bahadur Shastri at the hands of dissident Congress
stalwart V.P. Singh. It gives the full details about 102
the conditions which led Mr. Rajiv Gandhi back to
Pavillion in the cricket of Politics in the most
crucial state of U.P.
, , , POLL ISSUES 106. IISISIDE U.P Congress. Illustrated Weekly of India. 22,
134; 1987, Apr 21; 8-9.
Describes the position of Congress in Uttar
Pradesh and its prospects of retaining its old status
of largest party in the state. The total picture of
U.P. is confusing. It is maintained in the higher
circles that Congress(I) if it can have concensus among
its different factions will be able to score its
previous number of seats in the Lok Sabha. If Congress
can set-up a proper election machinery and the state
administration implements the anti poverty programmes
successfuly, it can improve its position. concludes
that under the circumstances, opposition even if united
can hardly hope to improve its position.
, , , SP-BSP, ALLIANCE, CRISIS 107. AWASTHI (D). Crown of thorns. India Today. 19, 17;
1994, Sep. 15; 27.
Discusses the appoitment of Narain Dutt Tiwari
as UPCC(J) Chief and analyses his past achievements.
Highlights the condition of Congress(I) in UP and role 103
to be played by Tiwari and his partymen in reviving the
Congress. Also discusses the relationship between
Messiah of minorities Mulayam Singh Yadav and N.D.
Tiwari. Resentment of CLP leader promod Tiwari over
the withdrawal of support to Mulayam Singh Yadav
government. Concludes that with all these conditions
Tiwari has a grim task ahead to face as UPCC (I)
President.
108. BARBHAYA (Mona) New Challenge. Public opinion. 35, 8;
1995, Oct; 9-11.
Narain Dutt Tiwari shortly after his appoint
ment as UPCC(I) President has turned his guns for
Mulayam Singh Yadav and has emerged as a rival of
Narasimha Rao. No one thought that N.D. Tiwari as
President of UPCC(I) will raise the banner of revolt as
he was expected to follow the orders of centre like his
previous counterparts. By opposing the reservation
policy of Mulayam Singh Yadav and demand for
withdrawal of support to his government he has put the
high command under problems. He himself is in no position
to get his demand materialised as most of the central
leaders are divided on the question. 104
109. RAMAKRISHNA (Venkitesh). Battle of U.P.: Time of turmoil for Congress(I). Frontline. 11, 21; 1994; Oct. 8-21; 22-4.
Highlights the centre state conflict within the
Congress(I) on the question of the withdrawal of
support to SP-BSP alliance in U.P. Discusses the
opinion of the Congress leaders at the centre about
the withdrawal of support and resignation of N.D.
Tiwari to press the demand for withdrawal of support.
Due to the factional feud within the state unit
of Congress(I) on the question of withdrawal of
support. Promod Tiwari CLP leader does not attend the
(UPCC) meeting. Highlights the role of state
government in proreservation bandh of 13th September and
violence in the Allahabad highcourt. Concludes that
N.D. Tiwari should realise the changes in political
climate of the country and should not cause any loss to
the party.
, , , STRATEGIES
110, CHALLENGE FROM U.P. Mainstream. 18, 13; 1986, Aug 5;
13-7.
After the success of his strategy in Kerala,
Rajiv Gandhi faces a different kind of challenge in
U.P. The battle for U.P. had been of crucial 105
importance for any Congress government at the Centre. Comments that a large number of Congressmen from U.P. had no illusion about Choudhry Charan Singh's essentially reactionary stand on many policy issues. Most of ranked people are disillusioned with the central high coDmands unwanted influence in the affairs of party at the state level.
, CRIMINALISATION 111. CHIB (Ranjit). Tardy nexus. Sunday. 21, 17; 1994;
Nov 5; 7-9.
Discusses the links of Janta Dal and Congress(I)
leader in Uttar Pradesh with a smugglar Nazir Ali. The
controversy of links came to forefront with a picture
of Janta Dal leaders Ajit Singh, Malvya and Yadav in
Times of India with Nazir Ali who is embroiled in a
beroine smuggling racket. There was hue and cry in
the parliament on the nexus between smugglar and
Janta Dal leaders. But the counter attack by
opposition party leader Satyapal Yadav by showing the
photographs of Congress leaders with Ali moved the
eitadel towards the Congress. 106
112. MISHRA (Amaresh). UP: Growing Social Unrest. Economic
and Political Weekly. 32, 12; 1997, Mar 22; 571-3.
Discusses the entrance of criminals in the state
politics on the back of politicians. They after that
became the politicians themselves and now they are
becoming a threat to the social order. With their bid
to capture the institutions of civil society, there is
a complete breakdown of law and order machinery
lawlessnes is prevailing throughout the state. Nobody
in the present situation feels himself secure. The
political rivalries are becoming a gang tussle and
resulting into gang wars. This is going to be a major
blow to the institution of democracy not only in state
but the country as well.
113. UGLY NEXUS. Sunday. 21, 35; 1994, Sep 15;2.
Describes the gang war in UP a nexus between the
dacoit gangs and politicians, each of them are using
one another for their own ends. The massacre of 15
persons belonging to Mallah Caste in ?stha village of
Etawah district shows the lawlessness prevailing in UP.
No caste group feels himself secure and they have no
faith in police, everyone amongst them is trying to
take measures on their own, which is turning the whole
state in to a battlefield. 107
114. , , DISSIDENCE DISSIDENGE IN U.P. Statesman. 122, 3231; 1989, Oct 1;6.
The latest development in U.P. have a familiar
mould and may be more significant than is appearent on
the surface. Dissidence in the Congress (I) ruled statei*
has small beginnings but it is seldom without powerful
implictlt support either from a section of high command
in Delhi or from a leading personality or caste lobby
within the state. In the present situation in U.P.
both these factors seem to be at work. The emergence of
the national democratic alliance has introduced a new
element. The Lok Dal and BJP combine can be nowhere
more meaningful than in U.P. where the tv,o parties have
been competing with each other for more than a decade
for the second position in the state assembly next to
the Congress.
, , ELECTION, ISSUES
115. AWASTHI (Dilip). Uttar Pradesh: Mass appeal. India Today. 13, 2; 1988, Jan 31; 44.
Discusses the position of Janmorcha in Uttar
Pradesh. In the battle for Uttar Pradesh the political
heart of the recent victories have gone in favour of
the opposition. Inspite of ruling Congress(I) efforts
crowds gathered all around the routes V.P. Singh took. 108
The Janmorcha strategy for mobilising public opinion is simple, the rulers are being criticised for the hike in prices and the growing corruption. Brings to the fore front tactics used by Congress(I) to ruin V.P. Singh's meetings at different places which remained backfiring.
, ELECTIONS, ANALYSIS
116. ZOYA HASAN. Uttar Pradesh: Persistence of Polarisa
tion. Frontline. 13, 9; 1996, May 17; 36-8.
Describes U.P. with its measure share of Lok
Sabha seats as a pivot around which the national
political scene revolves. Gives an analysis of
different elections held in U.P. and the position of
different parties now and than. The share of votes
received by the parties in the elections held till
date. Highlights the chances of different parties in
the coming elections and the absence of an agenda which
seems a striking feature of the elections going to
take place. Concludes, though the caste influence
cannot be overstated the political situation in Uttar
Pradesh indicates the persistance of Polarisation
produced by Ayodhya and Mandal Issues. 109
, 1985, POLL RIGGING 117. TRIPATHI (SK). Opposition in U.P. gearing up. Indian
Express. 53, 74; 1985, Jan 17;6.
Highlights the rise of DMKP as the strong
opposition party in Uttar Pradesh. Protesting loudly
against the alleged large scale rigging and booth
capturing by the Congress(I) the DMKP has kept its
traditional electoral base intact. Despite 21-4 per
cent valid votes it polled, DMKP bagged only two Lok
Sabha seats out of 84. The vote percentage of the
party has remained same that it secured in its older
form as the Bhartiya Kranti Dal and the Lok Dal. In
the 1969 assembly polls it secured 21.29% in the 1974
polls 21.23% and in the 1980 poll 21.69%.
, , , 1989 118. SHAH (Sukumar). Congress up in Pre-election see-saw.
Economic Times. 16, 148; 1989, Aug 26;1.
Due to the feud among the Janta Dal ranks and
two Yadavs Mulayam Singh and Satya Pal Singh on warpath
Congress is thought to be gaining in U.P. The economic
issue which was the main thrust of political parties
as a poll plank has taken a backseat. The factional
feud has brought to fore the personal shortcomings of
the bigbulls which are now exploited by each other. 110
Congress(I) is using the dissidents leaders from Janta Dal Ram Naresh Yadav and Zafar Ali Naqvi in its rallies to expose V.P. Singh. The (CAG) comptroller and auditor general report on Boofors gun deal has also provided the Congress with a positive point.
, , 1989, COMMUNALISM
119. CHANDRA SHEKHAR. Tiger at the gate. Link. 32, 12; 1989,
Oct, 29;9.
Discusses the backdrop of increasing communali-t
sation of politics in the state of Uttar Pradesh.
Describes the foundation laying ceremony of the Ram
Janambhoomi temple at Singha Dwar on November 9 a grand
finale about a fortnight before the elections, which
is going to influence the polling. The ballot boxes
once again are going to feed the growing communal
monester. Concludes that the caste factor is no more
going to influence the U.P. elections, it will be the
communal factor which will give the direction to
ballot.
, , ELECTIONS, 1991 120. DECISIVE BATTLE ahead. Mainstream. 32, 39; 1991, Dec
15; 3.
Discusses the fast changing alignments and
realignments in ±he politics of Uttar Pradesh. This has Ill
after the assasinaticn he is concentrating more on BJP
and thinks the Congress(I) is out of race in Uttar
Pradesh. Compares BJP with Ravana and Janta Dal as a
Rama Bhakti V.P. Singh is making appeal for assembly
votes along with Lok Sabha votes. Discusses the role
of the Bihar Chiefminister Laloo Prasad Yadav he is
termed as a great crowd puller due to his role in
stopping Advani's rath yatra. The crowds are ranging
in thousands to here the duo of Mr. V.P. Singh and
Laloo Prasad Yadav who is a fire brand speaker.
12 3. JOSHI (Manoj). Anti Congressism receding. Frontline. 8, 9; 1991, Apr 27; 23.
Narain Dutt Tiwari leader of the Uttar Pradesh
Congress(I) legislature party, in the evening of his
long and even distinguished political career remains
Rajiv Gandhi's best bet in the state and key to the
Congress (I)'s electoral fortunes lies in the manner he
conducts the campaign. Narain Dutt Tiwari is of the
view that Congress (I) is the strongest party in U.P.
which he maintains on the proportion of applications
received for the tickets to contest the elections. 112
made it rather difficult to asses the prospects of various parties individually or collectively in the mid term Lok Sabha Polls. According to BJP circles the process of alignment and realignments has helped it to strengthen its position and prospects of getting power at the centre.
121. DEVADAS (David). Elections 91: U.P. holds the key.
Economic Times. 31, 22; 1991, Mar 26;8.
Uttar Pradesh presents the biggest enigma for
the coming election. U.P. with 85 Lok Sabha seats is
crucial. The Janta Dal appears riding high with a
combination of muslims, backwards and Jat communi
ties. In western U.P. Ajit Singh has not any appearent
challenge except from the areas dominated by the
influence of Mahindra Singh Tikait. In central U.P.
despite Hindu antipathy Mulayam Singh is expected to
get eight to 10 Lok Sabha seats. concludes that if BSP
lends its support to Janta Dal the combination of the
two can be formidable one.
122. DEVEDJVS (David). VP Singls out BJP in UP. Economic
Times. 31, 97; 1991, June 9; 6.
Describes the role of VP Singh in campaigning
after the death of Rajiv Gandhi in Uttar Pradesh.
Earlier he criticised both Congress(I) and BJP but 113
, COMMUNALISM 12 4. SUBRAHMANIAM (Vidya). UP: Strategies of Principal contestants. Mainstream. 29, 27; 191, Apr 27; 3-4.
Bhartiya Janta Party's new slogan Ram Ki
Bhakti; Desh Ki Shakti" proves anything, it is that for
the party there is no getting away from Ram and it is
Ram who is going to be the recurring theme of its
political campaign. The party resolved that Ram, rather
than Ram Janambhoomi, would be the focus of its
campaign. While emphasis on Ram Janambhoomi will bring
to the forevisions of country instability and disorder.
Ram would epitomise. Ram Rajya that is, stability,
peace and progress.
, , , , CONTESTENTS
12 5. DASGUPTA (Saibal). Star-Studded battle in U.P. Sans superstar's. Statesman. 130, 8613; 1991, Apr 28;12.
Discusses the candidature of stalwarts of
different parties in the forthcoming elections. There
are rumours about the Amitabh Bachhan Challenging BJP
leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee from Lucknow. Throughout
the state confusion prevailed as political parties did
not confirm their full list of candidates till last
time. Concludes that it is a star studded battle
throughout and the main issue of the contesting elections is the mandir masjid. 114
, JDVs CONGRESS 126. DAS (Arvind). Raja grounds the captain. Times of India.
1, 58; 1991, Nov 10,-15.
Discusses the most talked about fear in Amethi
constituency that it will be no more represented by a
member of first family of the country. The Janta Dal
and BJP have intensified their camoaign's in Amethi
finding it more vulnerable now. V.P. Singh is getting
popularity among the Thakur's of Amethi due to his door,
to door familial campaigning. Not only the BJP is
bothered about his pick up, but the Congress too has
got scared due to his door to door campaigning.
Concludes with the Janta Dal claims that BJP government
is sabotaging its campaign by denying V.P. Singh
appropriate security and accom.modation.
, , , , LOK SABHA, N.D. TIWARI 127. SINGH (NK) and AWASTHI (Dilip). N.D. Tiwari: Rising
stakes. Indian Today. 18, 1; 1993, Jan 15; 42.
Describes the lone factor of loosing 1991 Lok
Sabha elections as the main hurdle in the way of Narain
Dutt Tiwari for becoming Primeminister in case the post
falls vacant. The most popular leader from Uttar
Pradesh, Tiwari stands a chance if Arjun Singh chooses
to back him. His own record as a loyal party leader is
impeccable. In active politics since 1952 Tiwari 67 115
has been chiefminister four times and a union minister
for equal number of times. In Uttar Pradesh he remains
the most sought after political figure. But that may
not be enough for him to realise his dream.
, , MUSLIM VOTE
12 8. SIDDIQUI (Rana A) UP Poll: who will win the muslim
vote. Financial Express. 17, 42; 1991, Feb 19; 6.
Muslim vote which is decisive in 125
constituencies of Lok Sabha throughout India and in 300
constituencies they have a say. Because of the general
anti iraislim situation in the country in previous
elections the muslim turnout at booths, was not more
than 30%. But this time muslims have come out of the
opinion clutches of their so called leaders like Imam
of Shahi Jama Mas jid Delhi and others , have made up
their mind to vote for UFfor they do see a ray of hope in
the new government.
, , , PRE-POLL ANALYSIS 129. JOSHI (Manoj). U.P. undercurrents: The confused scene
in the biggest state. Frontline. 8, 9; 1991, Apr 27;
19-21.
Describes the elections for assembly and Lok Sabha seats in Uttar Pradesh most critical- state seems 116
to be gripped in lassitude of sorts. People seem to be
fed up with politics and politicians themselves seem to
be wondering whether they should take chances. The
Mandal and masjid issues make it more difficult in this
most populous state, which returnns 85 members to Lok
Sabha. For the Janta Dal, the BSP and the SJP are the
Jockers in the Pack and Mulayam Singh Yadav is hoping
a hung assembly so that he can pull a small group of
legislators his way and return to power.
, , , , VIOLENCE 130. TRIPATHI (SK). Parties worried about dying enthusiasm
in U.P. Indian Express. 59, 221; 1991, June 12;4.
Despite hectic campaigning by all top notchers
of the parties contending for power and racing against
time and renewed efforts by the candidates the poll
scene in Uttar Pradesh continues to be listless. The
assasination of the Congress President and former
Priminister Rajiv Gandhi in the midst of poll process,
which has not led to any manifestation of sympathy wave
so far, the large scale violence in the state which
left behind more than 100 persons dead and about 500
injured and the voting trend in the first phase denying
m.ajority to any party have their own bearing on the
sore and sullen mood of the voters, bordering on
cynicism. 117
, V.P. SINGH 131. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). The raja rides on. Frontline.
8, 9; 1991, Apr 27; 21.
Through the dust swept roads once again the raja
rode. And Fatehpur the sleepy tovfn -wokeup with
enthusiasm and received him not as one seeking election
but as one who is already a victor. At the circuit
house where he was staying women came and offered
traditional "aarti" .Farmers adorned him with green turbans and
the atn-osphere was rent with slogans in suppc-rt of him.
The political orientation of the tour was clear from
the character of the crowd that gathered from Hasawa
to Fatehpur to Banka.
, , ELECTIONS, 1996
132. KAPUR (Pratap). Heartland headaches. Rashtriya Sahara, *\ 14, 38; 1996, Sep 15; 27.
Its a triangular battle between BJP, the Samaj-
wadi Party and BSP. only difference in the assembly
polls is the allied contesting of BSP and Congress
which might effect the poll equations in U.P. The
personal fortunes of U.P. politics stalwarts Kalayan
Singh, Mulayam Singh and Miss Mayawati are also at
stake. The BSP-Congress alliance seems working better
than the UF. The series of joint rallies at different 118
places have been a grand success. According to Bhagvat Pal UP BSP President "the poll results will throw up suprises.
133. SIDDIQUI (Rana A). Conclusions drawn from U.P.
elections. Nation and the world. 6, 12; 1996, Nov 1;
10-1.
Discusses the proportion of muslim itembers in Uttar Pradesh assembly which got up from 30 to 38. This is being attributed to two factors, wanning of the virulent anti muslim fervour built by the BJP and restoration of muslims interest and faith in democracy. The most significant point is that National front has replaced Congress as the trust of muslims is concerned. UF has got 70% of muslim vote of which 57% by SP and 23% by BSP. Concludes with the statement of Kanshi Ram that Party's electoral agreement with Bukhari was of no consequence at all followed by Imam Bukhari's statement that Kanshi Ram's opportunism had caused a great set-back to Dalit muslim unity.
134. SURENDRA MOHAN. P.M's Faux Pas and its impact on U.P.
Polls, Mainstream. 34, 42; 1996, Sep 21; 15-6.
Highlights the criticism of P.M's meeting with Shiv Sena Chief Bal thackeray at the dinner with Amitabh Bachchan. The party leaders are of the view 119
that it is going to have an impact on the U.P. polls where muslims play an important role and they are well aware of relation between muslims and Shiv Sena Narasimha Rao's criticism of U.F. Primeminister on this score appears to be intended to help the BSP Congress(I) alliance secure muslim support and tell the minorities in UP that the UF is not to be trusted by them.
135. SWAMI (Praveen). Key contests. Hindu. 98, 14; 1995. Dec 3;8.
Discuss€-s the effect of formation of BKKP on the
political equations of western Uttar Pradesh. With
formation of BKKP under the leadership of Ajit Singh
and Mahindra Singh Tikait and its enetry into UF has
effected the balance of forces which favoured BJP. New
the 59 constituencies spread over 7 districts will
play a crucial role in the coming assembly elections.
Apart from this change of constituencies by Mulayam
Yadav to Sahaswan and Mayawati to Bilsi have got the
attention of observes. 120
136. UNPRINCIPLED RACE IN U.P. Third Concept. 10, 117; 1996,
Nov; 5.
Discusses the political crisis in Uttar
Pradesh which has exposed the double role of various
parties and their leaders, particularly of Mulayam
Singh Yadav, Miss Mayawati and Mr. Kalyan Singh. All
of them are aspirants of C.M's post but the whole world
is watching and mocking at them for oportunism and
breach of norms and principles of polity. Mulayam
Singh is called Champion of secularism but cannot
compromise on chiefminister Kalayan Singh is feared to
go Shankar Singh Veghela way if forced by high command
ion its own terms. Mayawati is ready to shake hands
with BJP inspite of calling it a manuvadi party.
Describes the kind of opportunism and its inter
pretation changing from time to time according to once
convinience most dangercus for democracy and for
political ethics.
, , , , ALLIANCE
137. MUKERJI (Debashish). Knotty Tie-ups. The Week. 14, 35; 1996, Aug 18; 27-31.
Discusses the prospects of meetings held both
public and secret, remained the same as in the recently 121
held Lok Sabha elections. All efforts to make a secular front failed to counter BJP. Now in the assembly elections BJP again will be going alone. The Janta Dal and Samajwadi Party only two constituents oif UP will be once again contesting together, and the only difference is that too exremely unlikely bedfellows
Congress and BSP will be contesting together. The outcome of the elections is sure that their will be once again a hung assembly.
, ANALYSIS 138. MALHOTRA (Ashok Kumar). Lessons from U.P. New Age.
46, 32; 1996, Nov 23; 7.
The results of U.P. elections have given a grim
warning to major parties. The BJP failed to achieve
its goal in terms of seats and votes. The Congress (I)
and Congress(T) became inconsequential forces, confined
to certain region^ where its leaders have some personal
rapport among the electorate. Although the Bahujan
Samaj Party improved its position from one to six it
had also its share of shocks. The most important
feature of the verdict was the message it send to non
BJP ' non Congress secular forces of the state that
either stay United or forget about the power. 122
, BJP, PROSPECTS 139. JOSHI (Rajesh). Set for a Saffron Upsurge. Outlook.
11, 42; 1996, Oct 16; 22-4.
Discusses the impact of Narasimha Rao' s
indictment in Lakhubai Pathak case and denial of bail
in St Kitts on the poll scene of U.P. Due to these
developments an anti Congress wave is rising and the
biggest beneficiary is the BJP, Bhartiya Janta Party is
not cashing only on this but also propogating the clean
images of its leaders. With the new issues creeping up
the poll scenario in U.P. has got affected to a great
extent and now the main contenders are SP-UF combine,
BSP and the BJP.
, , , , CASTEISM 140. TUFAIL AHMAD. Power Shift in Uttar Pradesh. Radical
Humanist. 60, 6; 1996, Sep; 23-4.
Discusses the importance of Uttar Pradesh in the national politics and mobilization of power from the hands of upper caste's in to the hands of Dalits and OBC's. Caste and religion are playing an important role in the state politics since last ten years. This process has given birth to three popular leaders, Kalayan Singh, Mulayam Singh and Mayawati all of them belong to different parties but common thing, among them 123
is that they are all backward caste leaders. Gives the statistics of differentials in the vote banks affected by the caste and religion based politics.
, CHALLENGES 141. AUSAF SAIED VASFI. Challenge before the U.P electorate.
Radiance. 31, 36; 1996, Aug 17; 6-7.
Discusses the role of minority votes mostly of
the muslims in the coming assembly elections in Uttar
Pradesh. The Muslimns should not take chances this
time and should receive fair treatment at individual
and corporate level. The muslim should as an
ideological and pragmati st community, learn how to
procure lasting advantage. Concludes that it is time
for the muslims to realise the importance of their
franchise and should use it in the right direction.
, , , , MUSLIM VOTE 142. SIDDIQUI (Rana A). Muslim factor in UP elections.
Mainstream. 34, 46; 1996, Oct 19; 9.
The backwards and muslims showed tremendous
enthusiasm in Uttar Pradesh by participating in the
elections and voting for the UF led by Mulayam Singh
Yadav's SP. It secured 70 per cent of the total
muslim vote in UP. In contrast BSP got only 23 per
cent Muslim votes as against the expected 35 to 40
per cent. These trends show that Mulayam Singh's SP 124
heading the UF has emerged as the largest pro-poor and
pro-Muslim party in the U.P. elections.
, , , PRESIDENTS RULE
143. DEMOCRACY IN Peril. Mainstream. 34, 47; 1996, Oct 26;3.
Describes the re-imposition of Presidents rule
in U.P. inability of the non BJP parties to come
together and project a common candidate for the post
of Chiefminister. This has caused a dismay among those
who cherish democracy and are keen to reinforce it.
The overall political scenario is getting murkier with
every passing day. The state governors claim that if
BJP would have given chance as single largest party
may lead to horse trading seems groundless. Same was
the case in centre where President by following the
convention of calling single largest party strengthened
the foundations of democracy. As a result in U.P. it
is democracy which has been the worst casuality.
144. JOSHI (Rajesh). UP: Bhandari Swings it beyond all- Outlook. 11, 44; 1996, Oct 30, 8-10.
Highlights the anxiety among the political parties over the indecisive verdict in assembly polls in U.P. In the wake of hung assembly the decision of governor to impose Presidents rule in U.P. and keep the assembly under suspended animation. This decision 125
caused a panic among BJP leaders as it thwarted their bid to get the power. BJP has decided to have a two pronged battle with governor for his decision. They have decided to criticise the move in public and also file a petition in court against this decision.
145. MEHTA (Vinod). U.P: The right decision. Outlook. 11,
44; 1996, Oct 30;7.
Describes the decision of governor Romesh
Bhandari to impose presidents rule in U.P. a right
decision taken at the right time. Argues that though
Bhandari's record of Previous duties is not so
inspiring but this decision taken by him should be
appreciated. After the election if even the largest
party BJP have been called to form the government,
possibly could not have proved its majority leading to
further the chances oi horse trading. Now after th© imposition of presidents rule parties have enough time
for discussion to make a possible alliance.
146. MUKERJI (Debashish). Carry on governor. The Week. 15,
14; 1997, Mar 23; 10.
Criticises the governor Romesh Bhandari for his
role in the appeasement of ruling elite. He is taking
the decisions on the diktates of the people in centre.
Among the ruling parties men who matter for the 126
governor in Uttar Pradesh are Primeminister H.D. Dewe Gowda and Defence minister and SP Chief Mulayam Singh Yadav. Due to their backing and having no fear of being sacked he is taking the controversial decisions without any hesitation calling the ire of opposition parties and the press,
147. PRASANAN (R). Politics of convenience. The Week. 14,
47; 1996, Nov 10; 16-8.
Discusses the misuse of article 356 by United
Front government to tackle the situation in U.P.
Though the article eirpowers President to impose direct
rule in a state, if after receiving a report from
governor he is satisfied that a government cannot be
run in the state in accordance with the provisions of
constitution. But the irony is that even the
constitutional provision of calling the single largest
party was not observed by the governor. This has
provided the BJP which is the single largest party in
the house, a point for the strong criticism of
imposing Article 356 of which it has been a victim in
1992 after the demolition of Babri Masjid. 127
148. RAMAKRISHNA (Venkitesh). Shifting alignments. Frontline.
13, 22; 1996, Nov 15; 16-8.
Discusses the views of political parties and
legal circles about the validity of Presidents rule in
the Uttar Pradesh. Suspended animation of the assembly
may now lay down the foundations of new alliances and
defections. SP and UF constituents are of the view
that if BSP and BJP forms an alliance which seems
possible it will help the United front in the long run.
Also the 11 muslim MLA's of the BSP will leave the
party and ultimately the muslim support of BSP will
shift towards the Samajwadi Party.
149. TARKUNDE (VM). UP Stalemate-Fresh thinking necessary.
Radical Humanist. 60, 9; 1996, Dec; 1-3.
Describes the situation in U.P. unique and
unprecedented where no party after general elections is
in a position t.o form the government. Centre
government has decided that no government can be formed
in such a situation and the assembly will remain under
animated suspension. Presidential role has been
imposed under Article 356 of the constitution. U.P.
governor is ready to welcome any party which can show
its strength needed for the formation of government.
Maintains that the stalemate in U.P. is forerunner to 128
the problems like this in the country where since 1989
there is no majority government.
150. U.P. IBMROGLIO. Public opinion. 42, 6; 1997, Mar; 13-4.
Uttar Pradesh crisis has exposed ruthlessly the
nature and practice of power politics, sans ideological
principles and social commitments. After the six
months term of Presidents rule the condition in U.P.
will be more worse, and queer, the political pitch of
U.P. for the central government which was accountable
to Parliament and people for the governance of U.P.
concludes that the bigwigs of the secular parties have
still time to take stock of the worst situation of
polity and come out with solutions.
, , ELECTIONS, 1996, RESULTS 151. CONFUSED VERCICT in U.P. Democratic World. 25, 19; 1996, Oct 15;2.
Hectic political activities are taking place in
U.P. after the result of elections in which no party
has emerged with complete majority to be in a position
to form government. Various combinations are being
chalked out by different parties to remain in power.
BJP has emerged as single largest party with SP and BSP 129
at second and third place. A possible combination of SP and BSP with the support of Congress got a jolt
on the question of Chiefministership between Mayawati
and Mulayaiti Singh.
, , , , SP Vs BSP 152. MUKERJI (Debashish). Mulayam and Mayawati: Triumph
and Trial. Nation and the World. 3, 7; 1995, Jan 7;
3-5.
Discusses the Mulayam Singh Yadav's position in
his constituency Sahaswan and his previous winning
margins which have not been too comforting for him. He
won his Lok Sabha election by a low margin of 1500
votes from Mainpuri and his largest margin was 9000
votes from Shikohabad in assembly elections. But from
Sahaswan he is poised to win with a big margin because
the major part of electorate is of Yadav's and muslims.
On the other hand in the neighbourhood at Bilsi
Mayawati is facing a triangular contest and the Irony
is that Yadavs and Thakurs have joined hands against
her. 130
, VIOLENCE 153. SEHGAL (Priya). Dangerous Protents. Sunday 23, 36;
1996, Sep 14; 30.
Discusses the fear of large scale violence in
Uttar Pradesh during the recently declared elections
after Presidents rule. Every political party is
organising its sena's to counter the attacks from
others. U.P. administration has prepared a list of 75
such armies. Criticises the inaction of administration
on Ramesh Chandra committee report against Mulayam
Singh. The concern for administration are the senas of
three major parties BSP's blue Brigade, SP's red
brigade and Janta Party's Chunav Sena. Under the
circumstances where bullets will precede ballot U.P.
police has a tough time to face.
, 1993 154. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). Waveless in U.P. Frontline. 10,24; 1993, Dec 3; 16-20
Due to some reasons elections in U.P. seem this
time waveless. There is no major issue for any
political party. Voters are totally apathetic and
there is no enthusiasm among them. People now seem
tired of untimely elections. Bhartiya Janta Party's
mandir issue has failed, Mandal for Janta Dal and 131
SP-BSP combine is not providing expected dividends.
All this had made the outcome most unpridictable in the
recent history. Last ditch in the coffin is the vote
splits and increasing factional fights which made the
elctorate apathetic.
155. YADAV (Yogindra). Political mosaic. Frontline. 10, 24;
1993, Dec 30; 20-2.
Gives the analysis of trends in the seven
regions of U.P. in the polls. Caste and community
position of the region and inclination of electorate
towards the major political parties. In Uttarkhand
Congress and BJP are the main contenders. Upper Doab,
Lower Doab and Ruhelkhand seem to have triangular
contest between BJP, Congress and SP-BSP alliance and
in Bundelkhand and Avadh the heart of U.P. SP-BSP
alliance seems to make a major dent in the BJP vote
bank. Concludes that if Janta Dal, SP and BSP had an
alliance they would have got a clear majority without
any hackles.
,COMMUNALISM
156. TRIPATHI (SK). Dilemma in Lucknow. Indian Express. 59, 238; 19 91, June 30;1.
Riding on the cre£t of the Ram wave which appearently vanished out in other states the Bhartiya 132
Janta Party swept in to power in Uttar Pradesh for the first time causing worst discomfort for the Ccngress(I) which returned to the power at the centre after 18 months. The landslide victory of BJP has compounded pollster's and surprised the party's own leaders, Sikandar Bakht ascribed it to "Ram Chamatkar" Mahant
Avaidynath described it a clear verdict for the mandir construction. Electors had voted for the BJP responding to its slogans of Ram Rajya and Ram mc.ndir, but the BJP government will be facing the great task of tightrope walking on the issue of shrines.
, , , , CONGRESS(S), DEBACLE
157. RAWAT (RS). Tiwari's vacillations caused debacle.
India Today. 17, 11; 1993, Feb; 7-9.
Performance of the Congress party has been hope
lessly poor in the U.P. assembly and Lok Sabha
elections. The Chiefminister Narain Dutt Tiwari's
political indecisions, apathy to crucial issues and
alienation of the people caused the ever worst debacle
of Congress(I) in Uttar Pradesh. Tiwari was sent to UP
in place of Veer Bahadur Singh following the loss of
Allahabad and his duty was to rejuvenate the party and
government in co-operation with Balram Singh Yadav but
he failed. Now he is no more in the same top position
among the Congress leaders because the Congress now stands mouled in U.P. 133
, KALYAN Vs MOLAYAM
158. AWASTHI (Dilip). Uttar Pradesh: Kalyan Vs Mulayam.
India Today. 18, 21; 1993, Nov 15; 66-7.
Discusses the similarties between the two main
leaders in Uttar Pradesh, Mulayam Singh Yadav and
Kalyan Singh. Inspite of their opposing political
opinions both have something in common. They are former
Chiefministers and leaders on whose shoulders the
future of their parties lies heavily. Both are
Backwards one Yadav and the other Lodhi and both are
arrogant and stubborn at tunes. But inspite of their
political base they feel themselves insecure in the
forthcoming elections and both of them have filed
nomination papers from one more additional
constituency. Mulayam Singh apart from Jaswantnagar is
contesting Shikohabad and Kalayan Singh from Atrauli
his former constituency and Kasganj.
, , , , VIOLENCE 159. YADAV (Yogindra). Violence in the air. Frontline. 10, 24; 1993, Dec 3; 18-9.
Violence and elections go hand in hand in U.P.
Inspite of strict instructions from election commission
and attempts by the state administration to maintain
peace, violence seems inevitable. The area of central 134
U.P. is potentially volatile, an area infested with dacoits^and political parties are set to use them for vote grabing. The prospects of violence in this area have hightenc? because two prospective Chiefministers Kalyan Singh and Mulayam singh Yadav are contesting from Atrauli and Jaswant Nagar constituencies falling
in central U.P.
, , FACTIONALISM
160. PRAKASH CHANDRA. Factional politics in U.P.
Illustrated Weekly of India. 59, 12; 1986, Jan 9; 7.
Analyses the relation of ruling class with the
ruling parties. Highlights the factional behaviour
creeping up in the ruling parties of the state which is
said to be an obvious feature of the state politics.
But the characteristics of factions and faction
formation processes has changed a great deal in present
scenario. The state is witnessing a worst ever tilt
towards the factionalism and the caste and class
factor in the future elections is going to play a
vital role.
, , JANTA DAL, ELECTIONS, 1989, AJIT SINGH 161. PANWAR (Lalita S). Litmus test for Ajit Singh. Link.
32, 15; 1989, Nov 19;8.
Describes 1989's election litmus test for 135
A jit Singh, the computer engineer turned politician who has
inherited the political legacy of his father Charan
Singh and is trying to fit in his shoes. A jit Singh
has a point to prove by registering his victory from
Bagpat constituency. But he will have to show concrete
results by registering an impressive victory at least
in all the constituencies of the western U.P. if he has
to survive in national politics.
, GOVERNMENT, FACTIONALISM
1®* RAWAT (RS). Too many dissenters treadurg on Mulayam's
Corns. Link. 32, 18; 1989, Dec 10; 15.
Discusses Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav's victory for leadership of Janta Dal legislature party in Uttar Pradesh. But Mulayam Singh Yadav will be heading a government which has no clear majority and more than 75 members dissatisfied, he is in for trouble. The rift created by the leadershiop contest between Ajit Singh and Mulayam Singh is not going to healup in the near future. Concludes that will Mulayam Singh be able to keep the dissenters from coming into an open revolt, much depends upon his political craft, of which he is a bit of an expert. 136
, MULAYAM SINGH 163. BHATNAGAR (Ashwini). Why is this man laughing. Sunday.
18, 13; 1991, July 15; 9-11.
For years he was bilittled and his political
abilities were not recognised. But when he took as the
CM. of India's most populous state it was Mulayam
Singh Yadav's turn to laugh at his opponents. But this
was not a simple exercise for him he had to engage in
hectic lobying of several days to win over Ajit Singh
for the leadership of the Janta Dal legislature party.
Above all after winning the battle for chair he has to
face the problems of growing communalism and the
Ramjanambhoomi Babri Masjid issue which has divided
the Hindus and Muslims.
i t i t t CZRXoXS
164. CHATTARJEE (Patralekha). Mulayam Singh keeps his own Counsel. Economic Times. 30, 333; 1991, Mar 10; 6.
Discusses the condition of Mulayam Singh Yadav
government in Uttar Pradesh. Mr. Yadav has been
continuing in office under a shadow of question mark
despite a high profile he built by opposing the B JP' s
Ayodhya campaign. The state Congress is demanding the
high command to allow it to withdraw support. The
state unit of Congress(I) was upset because U.P. CM. 137
had not been prompt in ordering an inquiry by high-
court judge into the police firing at Ayodhya on
October 30 and November 2.
, , , , RESERVATION POLICY, AGITATION
165. RAWAT (RS). Police apathy in U.P. Link. 32; 21; 1989,
Dec. 31; 10.
Discusses the situation of major cities of Uttar
Pradesh in the wake of anti-reservation agitations
getting intensified. The police remain passive
spectators making the students masters of the
situation. The agitation claimed three lives following
police firing in Jaunpur and Gorakhpur districts.
Chiefminister Mulayam Singh Yadav himself is stunned
by the suddenness and propensity of the agitation.
Concludes that Mulayam Singh Yadav government is
mishandling the situation and students have become the
masters in state they are doing whatever they want,
the law and order is on the verge of breakdown, and the
student agitation threatens to become a mass movement.
, , LOK DAL, FACTIONALISM
166. ADVANTAGE AJIT Singh. Hindustan Times. 64, 42; 1987, Feb 11; 9.
With the virtual ouster of Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav as leader of the Lok Dal legislature party in 138
Uttar Pradesh, Mr. A.jit Singh the rising son of party's founder president Charan Singh has won a major round in the succession war in the one state where it counts most. Since the line up of 46 of 83 U.P. legislators in favour of the Ajit Singh, faction has been confirmed by speaker Nyaz Hasan after verification, the survival instincts of the others could be counted upon to ensure a decisive victory against the Yadav Kusawaha team. Concludes that the spectacle of the two factions accusing each other of acting as Congress agents provides an advantage to the break-up of a party that had played a key role in Mrs Indira Gandhi's return to power seven years ago.
167. TRUCE OF Sorts. Hindustan Times. 64, 49; 1987, Feb
18; 9.
Once Mr. Ajit Singh's birthright to lead Lok Dal
as Charan Singh's successor was acknowledged by the
majority of Lok Dal MLA's in Uttar Pradesh, the
surrender of the Party's central leader's appeared to
be a matter of time. The compulsions of the
approaching elections in Haryana were the reasons of
reconcilation by the central polit Bureau. The
party's prompt acceptance of Mr. Devi Lai's resignation
as convener of the disciplinary committee appearently 139
meant to ensure that this irritant is not raked up by anyone to spoil their relations, at least till the Haryana poll is safely over. But even if Ajit Singh overcomes all hurdles the widening rift between the Jats and other backward castes makes it difficult for him to inherit the entire party held together by the Charismatic hold of his father.
, , LOK SABHA, BY-ELECTIONS, 1988
168. IN SEARCH of winners. Statesman. 12 7, 8621; 1988,
June 17;6
Describes the role played by Santosh Mohn Deb
aud Gulam Nabi Azad in Allahabad to oversee Mr. Sunil
Shastri's election Campaign. The assignment of looking
after the election campaign of sunil Shastri is a
tribute to the politician from Assam Mr. Santosh Mohn
Deb for his mark he made during the tripura assembly
elections. The Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister also seemes
to be almost unhappy with his ownself, because while he is
offering more money to the constituency to win the
votes V.P. Singh is making it through the delibrate
show of his cultivated simplicity . criticises the
factionalism within the ranks of Congress(I). 140
, , , ,1989 169. CHKRAVARTY (Sumeet). Battle Line. Mainstream. 26,35;
1988; June 11;1.
The battle-line has been drawn. All eyes are
turned towards Allahabad where VP Singh, the Jan Morcha
leader who had thrown a challenge to Amitabh Bachchan
to contest, is now locked in electoral battle with
Sunil Shastri, son of Late Lai Bahadur Shastri
nominated by the Congress at the last moment. V.P.
Singlnfe Campaign is gaining momentum and H.N. Bahugna's
active support has given a boost to the combined
opposition. For V.P. Singh facing the criticism of
those in power at the centre, this battle is a first
step towards evolving a set of policies distinct from
the ones he had himself piloted at the behest of IMF
world bank lobby throughout 1985.
, , , ELECTIONS, 1995, MUSLIM VOTE 170. MUSLIM VOTE is not for sale. Radiance. 28, 19; 1995, Oct 17;3.
Muslim vote in Uttar Pradesh is not forgranted
the impact of muslim voting in the recent elections
has shown the consciousness among the muslims. Muslims
does not seem now to be tanted by any directions from
the Imam of shahi Jama mas jid Delhi or any other so 141
called leader. The enthusiasm among the muslims in U.P. and their inclination towards the U.F shows their political conciousness. Concludes that now onwards muslim votes cannot be Pn sale and will be a decisive factor.
, , RAJYA SABHA, BY-ELECTION, RESULT
171. KANG (Bhavdeep). Secular Triumph. Outlook. 11, 50;
1996, Dec 11;12.
Describes the victory of three Rajya Sabha
members of Congress, BSP and Janta Dal in by-election
with collective efforts of non BJP parties a secular
triumph. This had brightened the chances of a possible
alliance between BSP and UF,. but soon after the
declaration of results the differences between Mulayam
Singh Yadav of SP and Mayawati of BSP on the question
of Chiefministership. Once again thwarted the chances
of a possible truce and formation of a government of
secular parties.
, , RSS, COMMUNALISM
172. PANDE (SK). Lucknow message: RSS reading for a
political role. Frontline. 9, 7; 1992, Apr. 10;31-2.
It was only second time in the history Rashtrya
Sevak Sangh was holding pratinidhi Sabha session
outside Nagpur. It is clear that Hindutava wave forced 142
the decision in favour of a venue in Uttar Pradesh. Delegates from Britain, Maritius and other countries attended. Another significant aspect was the economic resolution, the delibrations made it clear that the Pratinidhi Sabha, though divided, was looking for an economic package with a Swadeshi label. However the message from the meet was clear that the RSS will assert itself more in mass politics than before.
, , REGIONALISM 173. GOOD CASE for dividing U.P. Rashtriya Sahara. 12, 19;
1987, June 12; 21-5.
Discusses the sepratist tendencies creeping in
the hill districts of U.P. There is a demand for
seprate hill state in U.P. The importance of matter is
irrespective of its composition. In dealing with the
problem U.P. government had all along lacked dynamism
and purposefullness. The demand is turning violent day
by day due to the negligence on the part of state
government and centre government. There could be no
assurance that demand will change in to mass movement
and new political ragmentations. 143
174. NAYAR (Kuldip). Progress by division. Momentum. 1,5;
1996, Dec; 22-3.
Describes the large size and the population a
hurdle in the progress of Uttar Pradesh. The state of
U.P. can progress only if it will be cut at least in
to two or three prrts. It would be easier to manage
and the administration would be closer to people.
Since independence chiefminister of the state is
expected to have visited every nook and corner of the
state which is humanly impossible Though it may bring
some soureness in the minds of politicians but the
possible solution to the problems of U.P. is its
division. Concludes that successive governments
efforts to curb the demand for Uttarkhand have
hightened the aspirations of demonstrators and they are
coming forward with more strength and guile.
175. KUTTY (VK Madhavan). Three R's of Uttar Pradesh. The
Times of India. 1, 29; 1991, April, 21;14.
Comments that why should the whole country
always be ruled by a few from the north coming from one
or two states, and when will be a Tamil, Punjabi or
Assamese able to at least hope to be the primeminister.
This time also to choose Ram, Raja, or Rajiv is the
choice before the electorate all hailing from Uttar 144
Pradesh. All are committed to bring stability to the country. But in the future there should be a fair deal and others also should be given the chance of running the affairs of the country. Concludes, that if after the forthcoming election the same games are replayed, there will be a protest of much more grave nature from the regions demanding autonomy and a fedral structure.
176. PRADEEP KUMAR. DEMAND for a Hill state in U.P.: New
realities. Rashtriya Sahara. 23,7; 1994, Nov; 13-4.
Describes regional identities an important mean
of political assertion in the working of the Indian
fedral system. The case of the assertion of an
identity in the hill districts of U.P. is quiet
different from other movements for statehood. The hills
of the western U.P. had a distinct culture due to their
topography. The region also differs from rest of U.P.
in its demography, its caste and religious
composition, economy, language history and culture.
These changes are day by day increasing the drift and
demand for a separate hill state. 145
, RESERVATION 177. PRADHAN (Sharat). Siege of Lucknow. Sunday. 23, 5;1,
97, Feb; 12-3.
Gives a view of Lucknow on 17th January when
Mulayam Singh gave a threat that he and his supporters
will gherao the Raj Bhavan in protest of governors
changes in the reservation policy. Under the new
decisions entire hill areas were given reservation for
admission in educational institutions, but the OBC's
having an income of 1 lakh were taken under creamy
layer and as such denied reservations. It was a right
time for Mulayam Singh Yadav's political wit to
counter who was searching an issue for the forthcoming
parliamentry elections.
178. REFLECTION ON reservation. Link. 32, 21; 1989, Dec 31;3.
The anti reservation agitation in Uttar Pradesh
seems to have subsided, students leaders who came into
limelight during the agitation > have gone underground
and are preparing to revive it in a co-ordinated
manner. They are agitated over the reservations in
educational institutions and services. The present
policy had benefited only a few among the SC and ST.
There is need to review reservation policy. Such
anamalies can be removed by restricting reservation 146
to those with first generation educational background
and at the entry point in the services.
179. SHARA.T CHANDRA. Minority matters. Hindu. 98, 11; 1994,
Oct 14;8.
Highlights the exploitation of reservation by
political parties for their own benefits. In Uttar
Pradesh Mulayam Singh Yadav declared 27% reservations
for OBC's in educational institution, to consolidate
its gains Ram Lakhan Verma a BSP minister and leader
demanded 10% reservations for Muslims. Though none of
the two are concerned about the question of reservation
for muslims it is a plank to win there sympathy. This
fiasco has put Mulayam Singh in trouble because his
Samajwadi Party has got maximum share of muslim votes
and to keep his vote bank intact he can go to any
extent.
, , SP-BSP, ALLIANCE
180. JAIN (Minu). Friends, now foes. Rashtriya Sahara. 20,
9; 1993, Sep 11; 3-5.
Discusses the increasing rift between the
Mulayam Singh Yadav and Kanshi Ram BSP supremo which is taking the alliance towards a possible failure. As Chief election Commissioner gave a jolt to Mulayam 147
Singh by Postponing the by= elections in state for
violating the code of conduct, another Jolt came from
Kanshi Ram who went a step forward by calling the move
a positive step towards the curbing of black money.
The Vidhan Parishads results in which BJP has bagged
six out of thirteen leaving SP with four, BSP two and
Conmgress one, has also shocked the chiefminister.
These developments are possibly going to turn the
friends of yesterday into foes of tomorrow.
181. RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh). Gaining grounds. Frontline. 11, 22; 1994, Oct. 22- Nov.4; 33-4.
Discusses the fate of Samajwadi party Bhujan
Samaj Party alliance government in Uttar Pradesh,
predictions of the political pundits, and role of the
byelections in six constituencies in showing the
strength of the alliance. Gives an overview of the
differences in the vote banks of BJP and Janta Dal
affected by the Samajwadi Party. Bahujan Samaj Party
and Caste equations. Discusses the doubts of higher
caste hindus about their affiliation with BJP.
Highlights the role played by the dynamic leadership
of Mulayam Singh Yadav. Concludes that results of
byelections have endowed the combine as well as the
Chief minister with greater freedom in running the
administration. 148
182. SHARAT CHANDRA. Ram Lila. Rashtriya Sehara. 2 5, 11;
1995, Feb 9; 7-9.
Discusses the prospects of threat given by Kanshi Ram BSP supremo to topple the Mulayam Singh Yadav government. It seems that either way Mulayam Singh Yadav has lost. Being publicly humiliated by the abrasive BSP Chief, the chiefminister is now facing a revolt from within his own party. The squabbles between the ruling partners has led to low credibility of the government. The July 9 meeting between the SP Chief and BSP leader Kanshi Ram and Mayawati seems giving no results. It is, therefore, clear that crisis in U.P. has blown and the coalition will breakdown anytime.
183. VENKATESAN (V). Winning duo: Mulayam Singh Yadav and
Kanshi Ram. New Age. 42, 9; 1993, June 5;9.
Describes the alliance between Mulayam Singh
Yadav and Kanshi Ram a winning stance. Both of them
sharing the vote bank of Dalits and OBC's after joining
hands will be now in a better position to draw the
goods. The alliance has shown a good performance in the
elections. For the BSP it is first decisive victory.
Kanshi Ram's morale has got a boos with this major
haul of seats in UP elections. His shifting stances 149
have given the Jitters to marry leaders including
Mulayam Singh Yadav. The alliance between the two is
termed as a marriage of conveneince by Kanshi Ram.
, ELECTIONS, 1993. 184. BANERJEE (Ashish). Confident all the way: How Mulayam
overcame the hurdles. Frontline. 10, 26; 1993, Dec 31;
17-8.
At last the predictions of Mulayam Singh Yadav
made before elections that SP-BSP alliance will form
the government proved right. Inspite of falling short
to a simple majority for the formation of ministry he
was sure that he will attain the power. BJP on the
other hand was taking his speculations baseless with
its efforts to engineer splits in Janta Dal and
Congress(I). But Mulayam Singh overcome all these
problems and finally came to power with the support of
Congress(I) showing his political wit and power.
, , , , GOVERNMENT 185. AVINASHI. Portfolios reshuffle soon: U.P.C.M wins the vote of confidence. Times of India. 4, 20; 1994, Oct 10; 9.
Gives the full view of the happenings in U.P.
assembly, and shows the tactics used by CM. Mulayam 150
Singh Yadav to remain in power. Inspite of stiff criticism of state Congress he got a green signal of support from Congress treasur as Sitaram Kesri. But still he has a gruesome task ahead to lead a government which is having a fear of being toppled down any- time and to face more strong criticism from the party on who's support it is surviving.
186. AWASTHI (Dilip). Bed of thorns. India Today. 18, 24;
1993, Dec 31; 40-1.
Comments that to survive Mulayam Singh has to keep the BSP support and his other allies happy. At the very stage of forming the ministry he was having the problems to provide representation to every group in his party and its allies. Mulayam's Mandal commitments are also causing problems due to U.C. Srivastava commission report restricting the reservation to 50%. The decision of ministry giving new definition to creamy layer for reservation has also caused dismay among certain caste groups. Due the problem's creeping out day by day Mulayam Singh has a tough time ahead to face. 151
, COALITION 187. PANDE (SK). Coping Consolidating, Coalition hold
despite odds. Frontline. 11, 9; 1994, May 6; 35-6.
Gives an overview of the problems faced by the
Mulayam Singh Yadav's government in U.P. At one side
it has to keep intact the loose assemblage with
Congress and LF to remain in power. And on the other
hand he has also to appease its coalition partner BSP.
Mayawati with he attacks on Mahatma Gandhi and Ambedkar
is making it more difficult for him. Maintenance of
law and order is one of the unsurmountable tasks which
he has to do. Though inspite of all these odds the
joining of Recti Raman Singh with SP alorS with 11 MLA's
after his defection from JD has given him a boost.
, , , ,_ , CONFIDENCE MOTION 188. SARDANA (Nandita). Uttar Pradesh: Flooring the
Opposition. Radical Humanist. 40, 9; 1993, July; 7-10.
Victory of Mulayam Singh's 14 month old minority
government by 219 votes against the BJP's 161 in the
assembly has other gains as well for him. This has
increased a lease of minimum six months for his
government and has also silenced the speculations of
discard between SP-BSP alliance. The defeat of the
motion is demorlising for BJP and shows how isolated 152
it is in the house. Congress(I) state unit on the other
hand, is accusing Narasimha Rao of stage managing
Mulayam Singh Yadav's survival.
, , , , , DEBACLE 189. THAKORE (Dilip). Good Riddance. Sunday. 22, 28; 1995,
July 9-15; 62-3.
Describes Mulayam Singh Yadav's ouster as Uttar
Pradesh Chiefminister one of the best things which
happened in recent times. Yadav and his rowdies have
undermined and damaged every institution of good and
orderly governance in U.P. The first casuality of SP
rule in U.P. has been law and order. As Chief and
Homeminister of SP government, Yadav set about the task
of undermining law and order machinery by cramming the
upper hirarchies of the police force with caste and
Kinsmen from his own Yadav community.
, , , , , RESERVATION
190. SHARAT CHANDRA. Crisis to Crisis. Public opinion. 32, 4; 1994, Oct 13, 7-9.
Mulayam Singh Yadav government in Uttar Pradesh
is facing a stiff, criticism on the matter of its
activists attacking state high court during the bandh
against anti reservation movement. Mulayam Singh not
only dismissed a resolution by UPCC(I) seeking 153
withdrawal of bandh but also declined to heed the advice of union homeminister S.B. Chavan who conveyed the PM's dissapproval of bandh through a letter. During the bandh four person died and near about 300 injured CM. called the band successful and peaceful. Ml this drama has created another crisis for the
coalition government of S.P and BSP.
191. SHUKLA (Rajiv). for Yadavs only. Sunday. 21, 39;
1994 , Oct 1;29.
Caste politics is indeed taking its toll. In
U.P the benefits of reservation are being misused
according to a new ordinance issued by Mulayam Singh
^ government anyone among the OBC's whose annual
income is less than ten lakh's and has a immoveable
property of less than 20 lakhs can take the benefits
of job quota. Any sane man can feel that this is
ridiculous because the most benefits are taken by the
forward among backwards the Yadavs and the rest,
backwards like the Kurmis, the Kachis and the Koeri's
have been left high and dry. 154
, UTTARAKHAND ISSUE 192. PHADNIS (Aditi). Hotting UP. Radical Humanist. 40,11;
1993, Aug; 5-7.
Discusses the measures taken by the Mulayam
Singh Yadav government to contain the agitation of
Uttarkhand. Governments repressive measures have made
the agitators more determined. The cries of "Aaj do,
Abhi do, Uttarkhand hame do" rent the air in most of
the troubled districts of U.P. The people of this
region were simple and peace loving but when the people
from hill districts were gunned down in cold blood they
are no more feared. They are ready for anyshowdown to
press their demand no matter what the price.
, , MULAYAM SINGH
193. AWASTHI (Dilip). Building the third force. India Today.
18,11; 1993, June 15; 64-6.
Discusses the Mulayam Singh Yadav's efforts to
emerge as a major role player in the state of U.P. In
his every meeting where ever he goes his main attacki
remains on BJP, claiming that to keep BJP out of power
I will shake hands even with the "demon" to kill the
"devil". To appease some higher cast^ and bring them
to his own fold he remarks that apart from Muslims and
Harijans whosoever beleives in the constitution and
secularism is with him. 155
194. B^^GCHI (Rajiv) and SARAT CHANDRA. Man of the year.
Sunday. 20, 51; 1994, Dec 26; 27-31.
Mulayam Singh Yadav entered the active politics
in 1954 when he was barely 14 year old during the
agitation against Congress government for hikeing
irrigation prices for farmers. From then there is no
seeing back. At one time he had been written off
after firing on Kar Sevaks but he has won over the
minorities and in the caste based political scenario
he has garnered the support of Yads. v's and Kumris.
His alliance with BSP is the most sought after act,
which took him to chair of CM. He is of the view that
to keep BJP out he can join hands with anybody. These
are the reasons which make Mulayam Singh the top brand
leader of U.P.
195. GIDWANI (Deepak). Rise of Mulayam Singh. India Today. 18, 23; 1993, Dec 15; 35-40.
Describes Mulayam Singh Yadav's decision to make
alliance with BSP inspite of Janta Dal a right
decision taken at the right time. It was outcome of
this decision which made the alliance to take 176 seats
one short to BJP'S number. The result was a boost for
Mulayam Singh Yadav's political with and a major Jolt
for those who termed the alliance with BSP a foolish 156
move. Concludes that the concentration of Yadav,
muslim and harijan vote at one point due to this
alliance once again thwarted the hopes of BJP getting
the power.
, , SP, MULAYAM SINGH
196. DUTT (Vijay). Why Mulayam Singh is important Today.
Hindustan Times. 68, 104; 1991, Apr 14;5.
Discusses the importance of Mulayam Singh Yadav
Chief minister of Uttar Pradsh in the political
atmosphere of the country. It is a fact that Chief-
minister of Uttar Pradesh has always been of
consequence in the power corridors of Delhi. Mulayam
Singh Yadav is a factor everybody frets about. They hate
his guile, his political cunningness and that is the
reason every party wants him on their side. At present
due to his political importance in the largest
populated state he is thought to be the maker and the
destroyer of Primeministers in Delhi.
, , UTTARAKHAND PROBLEM
197. MUKERJI (Debashish). Welcome verdict. The Week. 14,
10; 1996, Feb 25; 2 4-5.
Criticises the untimely apology of Mulayam Singh
Yadav to Uttarkhand victims of Oct 2 1994 after the
verdict of court that 15 men were killed, seven women 157
raped 17 other molested and 12 were victims of bullet injuries and a score of other seriously wounded. The Mulayam Singh government at the time of incident had denied the reports of rape and maintained that three men were killed with their own firing. Mayawati though toppled the SP-government after getting power refused permission to the CBI officials to prosecute the involved officials. All the efforts of curbing demand for Uttarkhand by Mulayam Singh and Mayawati failed and the issue became a cup of hot tee for them.
, , UPCC(I), FACTIONALISM
198. STRAINS IN UPCC(I). Indian Expres. 55, 179; 1987; May 8; 6.
Troubles seem to be brewing in the UPCC(I).
Criticises the abrupt manner in which the UPCC(I)
President Mr Mahavir Prasad ended an emergency meeting
ot its office bearers as well the meetings of the
ruling party's front organisations. It is difficult to
say how strong support is there for Mr. Prasad in
UPCC(I). All that can be said at this stage is that a
new faction is emerging in the Pradesh Congress(I).
Concludes with the criticism of Mr. Mahavir Prasad and
his associates for stifling discussion within the party
on issues of wider concern, of which the effect may
well be just the opposite. 158
, VIOLENCE 199. JOSHI (Rajesh). More dirty laundry. Outlook. 11, 1;
1996, Jan 3; 20.
Discusses the attack of BSP workers led by BSP
leaders Mayawati and Kanshi Ram on the office of
"Dainik Jagran" a leading Hindi daily in the state.
Attack was made because of provocation caused by a
story about Mayawati's supposed 12 years old daughter.
This story was based on an interview with Sina Nath
Bhaskar once close to Kanshi Ram and a former minister
compelled to resign and sacked from the party
following differences with Party high command. The
newspaper editor is of the view that they have to
publish whatever they know, and maintains that it was
th Mayawati when she called Gandhi Ji "Shaitan Ki
aulad" and we published, now if something said about
her why does she gets irritated.
200. RASTOGI (Vinay Krishna). Terror Struck. Hindu. 114, 13; 19 95, Aug 9; 6.
The icnreasing crime rate in Uttar Pradesh is a
major concern for the administrative machinery.
Recently in Etawah Shiv Pal Singh Yadav brother of
Mulaym Singh escaped a narrow escape on his life 159 leaving behind his dead bodyguard inspector Raghuvir Singh. The national crime branch report figures present a grim picture. Out of 37,830 murders that took place in the country, Uttar Pradesh is at first place with 9,565 followed by Bihar. Though the situation is not unnoticed but chief secretary Mata Prasad clearly faces an uphill task to control the situation. 160
LIST OF SUBJECT HEADINGS
UTTAR PRADESH, PARTY POLITICS
UTTAR PRADESH, PARTY POLITICS, ASSEMBLY, VIOLENCE
BSP
BSP-BJP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, CRITICISM
BSP-BJP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, FORMATION
BSP-BJP ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, MAYAWATI
BSP-BJP,ALLIANCE,GOVERNMENT,MAYAWATI,LAW AND ORDER
BSP-BJP,ALLIANCE,GOVERNMENT,MAYAWATI,NEW DISTRICTS
BSP-BJP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, SP, CRITICISM
BSP, BY-ELECTIONS, PERFORMANCE
BSP compared with SAMAJWADI
BSP, DISSIDENCE
BSP, ELECTIONS, 1996, DALIT VOTE
BSP, GOVERNMENT, DEBACLE
BSP, KANSHI RAM
BSP, MAYAWATI
BSP, MAYAWATI, BUREAUCRATS
MAYAWATI, VIOLENCE, ALLEGATIONS
BJP
BJP-BSP, ALLIANCE
BJP,BSP, ALLIANCE, CRISIS
BJP-BSP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT
BJP-BSP,ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, COALITION
BJP-BSP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, DEBACLE 161
BJP-BSP, GOVERNMENT, CONFIDENCE MOTION BJP-BSP, GOVERNMENT, KALYAN SINGH BJP, BY-ELECTIONS BJP, ELECTIONS, 1991, COMMUNALISM BJP, ELECTIONS, 19 96 BJP, ELECTIONS, 1996, CASTEISM BJP, ELECTIONS, 1996, COMMUNALISM
BJP, ELECTIONS, 1996, RESULTS
BJP, GOVERNMENT
BJP, POLITICAL CRISIS
BJP-VHP, CRITICISM
BY-ELECTION, 1988, FORECASTING
BY-ELECTIONS, 1988, V.P. SINGH
BY-ELECTIONS, 19 97, POLL ALLIANCE CASTEISM CASTEISM, MANDAL
COALITION
COMMUNALISM
COMMUNALISM,POLICE ATROCITIES
CONGRESS(I)
CONGRESS(I) - BSP, ALLIANCE
CONGRESS(I)- BSP, ALLIANCE, KANSHI RAM
CONGRESS(I), DISSIDENCE
CONGRESS(I), ELECTION, PROMISES
CONGRESS (I), ELECTIONS, 162
CONGRESS(I , ELECTIONS, 1989, CAMPAIGNING
CONGRESS(I , ELECTIONS, 19 91
CONGRESS(I , FACTIONALISM
CONGRESS(I , GOVERNMENT, BIR BAHADUR SINGH
CONGRESS(I , GOVERNMENT, N.D. TIWARI
CONGRESS(I - JD, ALLIANCE
CONGRESS(I , LEADERSHIP CRISIS
CONGRESS(I , LOK SABHA, BY-ELECTIONS,1988,DEFEAT
CONGRESS(I , POLL ISSUES
CONGRESS(I , SP-BSP, ALLIANCE, CRISIS
CONGRESS(I , STRATEGIES
CRIMINALISATION
DISSIDENCE
ELECTION ISSUES
ELECTIONS, ANALYSIS
ELECTIONS,1991, CONTESTENTS
ELECTIONS,1991, MUSLIM VOTE
ELECTIONS, 19 91, PRE-ROLL ANALYSIS
ELECTIONS, 1991, VIOLENCE
ELECTIONS,1996
ELECTIONS, 1996, Alliance
ELECTIONS, 1996, ANALYSIS
ELECTIONS, 19 96, BJP, PROSPECTS
ELECTIONS, 1996, CASTEISM
ELECTIONS, 19 96, CHALLENGES 163
ELECTIONS, 1996, PRESIDENTS RULE
ELECTIONS, 1996, RESULTS
ELECTIONS, 1996, SP VS BSP
ELECTIONS, 199 3, COMMUNALISM FACTIONALISM
JANTA DAL, ELECTIONS,1989, AJIT SINGH
JANTA DAL, GOVERNMENT, FACTIONALISM
JANTA DAL, GOVERNMENT, MULAYAM SINGH,CRISIS
LOK DAL, FACTIONALISM
LOK SABHA, BY-ELECTIONS, 1988
LOK SABHA, ELECTIONS, 1995, MUSLIM VOTE
RAJYA SABHA, BY-ELECTIONS, RESULTS
RSS, COMMUNALISM
REGIONALISM
RESERVATION
SP-BSP, ALLIANCE
SP-BSP,ALLIANCE, ELECTIONS, 1993
SP-BSP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT
SP-BSP, ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, RESERVATION
SP-BSP,ALLIANCE, GOVERNMENT, UTTARAKHAND ISSUE
SP, MULAYAM SINGH
UTTARKHAND PROBLEM
UPCC(I), FACTIONALISM
VIOLENCE 164
LIST OF PERIODICALS CANNED
Blitz Weekly Mumbai
Democratic World Forntlight New Delhi
Economic and Political Weekly Bi-weekly Mumbai
Economic Times Daily New Delhi
Financial Express Daily New Delhi
Frontline Bi-weekly Chennai
The Hindu Daily -Delhi
The Hindustan Times Daily New Delhi
Illustrated Weekly of India Weekly Mumbai
Indian Express Daily New Delhi
India Today Fortnightly New Delhi
Janata Weekly Mumbai
Link Weekly New Delhi
Mainstream Weekly New Delhi
Momentum Monthly Lucknow
Nation and the World Fortnightly New Delhi
New Age Weekly New Delhi
Outlook Weekly New Delhi
Public Opinion Monthly New Delhi
Radiance Weekly New Delhi
Radical Humanist Monthly New Delhi
Rashtriya Sahara Monthly New Delhi Sunday Weekly Calcutta Third Concept Monthly New Delhi The Times of India Daily New Delhi The Week Weekly Kottayam Part - Three 165
AUTHOR INDEX
{A}
ASHWINI (Singh) 2 9
AUSAF SAIED VASIFI 99,141
AVINASH 185
AWASTHI (Dilip) 39,50,54,55,72,84,107,115,193,186,158
AWASTHI (Dilip) and SINGH (NK) 33,12 7
{B}
BAGCHI (Rajiv) 194
BAJAJ (Amita) 30
BANERJEE (Ashish) 184
BARBHAYA (Mona) 108
BHATNAGAR (Ashwini) 163
BOBB (Dilip) 80
{C}
CHAKRAVARTY (Sumeet) 169
CHANDRA SHEKHAR 86,119
CHATTARJEE (Patralikha) 164
CHERIAN (VK) 87
CHIB (Ranjit) 20,111
{D}
DAMODARAN (Ashok) 56
DAS (Arvind) 126 166
DASGUPTA. (Saibal) 12 5
DEVADAS (David) 88, 121, 122
DUTT (Vijay) 196
(G) GHIMIRE (Yubaraj) 38, 47
CHOSE (Arbinda) 104 GIDWANI (deepak) 57,195
GOYAL (DR) 45
{J) JAIN 'Minu) 180
JANAK SINGH 5
JOSHI (Manoj) 123, 129
JOSHI (Rajesh) 21, 199, 139, 144
JOSHI (VT) 82
{K}
KANG (Bhavdeep) 171 KAPOOR (Pradeep) 17,40,53 KAPUR (Pratap) 2 4,132
KATYAL (KK) 58 KIRPA SHANKAR 44
KUTTY (VK Madhavan) 175
(M}
MALHOTRA (Ash ok Kumar) 138
MANOJ PRASAD 68 167
MEHTA (Vinod) 145 MISHRA (Amaresh) 6, 112 MISHRA (KK) 83, 97 MISHRA (Subhash) 13, 14, 18
MUKERJEE (Debashish) 146,137,152,197
MUKHERJEE (Dilip) 78
MURALIDHRAN (Sukumar) 7 MUSHIRUL HASSAN and NAQVI (Saeed) 59
MUSTAFA (Seema) 100
{N} NAMBODRIPAD (EMS) 31
NAQVI (Saeed) and MUSHIRUL HASSAN 5 9
NARAYAN (R) 89 NAYAR (Kuldip) 46,174
{P} PAI (Sudha) 1
PANDE (SK) 41,67,187,172
PANWAR (Lalita S) 161
PHADNIS (Aditi) 192
PRADEEP KUMAR 176
PRADHAN (Sharat) 9,25,77,177
PRAKASH CHANDRA 160
PRASANAN (R) 147 168
IR)
RAI SINGH 48
RA.MACHANDRAN (Rajesh) 74
RAMAKRISHNAN (Venkitesh) 11,12,15,32,37,65,69, 109,181,131,148,154
RANA (Anil) 42 RANJIT BHUSHAN 19
RASTOGI (vinay Krishna) 26,60,200
RAWAT (RS) 98,165,157.162
REDDY (Siddhartha) 61
Roy (Tushar K) 43
{S} SAHAY (\mbikanand) 52
SARDANA (Nandita) 188
SEGHAL (Priya) 153
SETHI (Sunil) 81
SHAH (Sukumar) 118
SHARAT CHANDRA 103,190,179,182
SHUKLA (JP) 102
SHUKLA (Kiran) 62
SHUKLA (Rajiv) 75,191
SIDDIQUI (Rana A) 133,142,128
SINGH (NK) 35
SINGH (NK) and AWASTHI (Dilip) 33,127
SINGH (SP) 92 169
SINHA (DP) 3,63
SRINAVASAN (K) 93 SUBRAHMANIAM (Bidya) 124 SURENDRA MOHAN 134 SWAMI (Praveen) 76,135
(T)
TARKUNDE (VM) 149
THAKORE (Dilip) 189
TRIPATHI (SK) 117,156,130
TUFAIL AHMAD 140
{V}
VENKATESAN (V) 183
VIJAYAMOHAN (D) 10
{Y} YADAV (Yogindra) 155,159
{Z} ZAFAR AGHA 51,85,95,96 ZIA-US-SALAM 34 ZOYA HASAN 116 170
TITLE INDEX
(A) ADVANTAGE AJIT Singh 166 Allahabad hogs media attention 51
Ambedkar Armada 19
Amethi: Waiting for the second coming 81
Anti congress receding 123
(B)
BSP new focus for discontented poor 5
Battle line 169
Battle of UP: Time of turmoil for Congress 109
Battle stations: Yadav takes on BJP-VHP 50
Bed of thorns 186
BJP CANT rest on its laurels in U.P. 49
BJP DUMPS Mayawati 22
BJP evolves caste strategy for UP elections 45
BJP government heralds new era in UP 48
BJP:NATIONAL alternatives 27
BJP's Predictament: Struggling for a
ministry making strategy 7
BJP stunned on home ground 47
BJP wants to walk alone 30
Blatant Power Play 33
Bouncing back 24 Building the third force 193 171
{C}
Caste Cauldron: The politics of Polarisation 65
Caste dynamics: A study from U.P. 63
Caste in a controversial mould 57
Caste is the criterion 54
Caste is the vote 59
Caste war 60
Carry on governor 146
Challenge before the U.P. electorate 141
CHALLENGE FROM U.P. 110
Change of fortune 9
CHOICE BEFORE BJP 28
Clinching the deal 74
Collision course 18 conclusions drawn from U.P. elections 133
Confident all the way: How Mulayam Overcome the hurdles 184
Confrontation in U.P. 11
CONFUSED VERDICT in U.P. 151
CONGRESS-BSP alliance does not augur well for UF 73
Congress makes no headway in U.P. 87
Congressmen in U.P. feel north is losing importance 89
Congress poised for big win in U.P. 82
Congress rout : It was sugar that did it 86 172
Congress-SP Vs BJP-BSP 53
Congress up in pre-election see-saw 118
Convinience to confrontation 35
Coping, Consolidating Coalition holds despite odds 187
Crisis to crisis 190
Crown of thorns 107
(Dl
Dangerous protents 153
DECISIVE BATTLE ahead 12 0
DEFELOPING CRISIS in U.P. 66
Demand for a hill state in U,P.: New realities 176
DEMOCRACY IN peril 143
Desperate Charges 3
Desperate measures 72
Desperatly seeking Kanshi Ram 77
Despising Kalyan 40
Different designs 10
Different stookes 41 dilemma in Lucknow 156
DISSIDENCE IN U.P. 114
Divide and rule 13
DIVORCE BEFORE marriage 101
{E}
Election's 91: UP holds the key 121
EMERGENCE OF BSP in UP Politics 4 173
{F}
Factional politics in U.P. 160 Fate of Bir Bahadur Singh 95
For Yadav's only 191
Friends now foes 180
(G) Gaining grounds 181 Going V.P's way 84
GOOD CASE for dividing U.P. 173
Good riddance 189 GROWING CHALLENGE 16
{H}
Heartland headaches 132
Hotting up 192
How Allahabad was lost 104
{1} IN SEARCH of winners 168
INSIDE U.P. Congress 106
Is the BJP-BSP honeymoon over 29
{J} JD-Congress alliance in the offing 99 174
(K)
Key Contents 135 Knotty Tie-ups 137
{L}
Les.sons from U.P. 138 Litmus test for Ajit Singh 161
Living on the edge 39
Lord Ram to Kanshi Ram 34
Lucknow message: RSS readying for a political role 172
{M}
Malady in U.P. 46
Man from the grassroots 92
Man of the year 194
MAYAWATI AND Hashimpura 8
MAYAWATI SURVIVES political convulsions 36
MAYAWATI Vs bureaucrats 25
Midnight accolades for Tiwari, Pawar 96
MINISTRY IN U.P. 91
Minority matters 179
More dirty laundry 199
Mulayam and Mayawati: Triumph and trial 152
Mulayam, Mayawati, Slug it out 17
Mulayam singh keeps his own counsel 164
MURDEROUS MEN in uniform 71 175
Muslim factor in U.P. elections 142 MUSLIM VOTE is not for sale 170
{N}
N.D. Tiwari: Rising stakes 127
Negation of principles 31
New challenge 108
Number game 75
{O}
ON KANSHI Ram 23
Opportunism Inc.: The BJP-BSP government and the prospects 32
Opposites dont attract 38
Opposition in UP gearing up 117
{P} Parties worried about dying enthusiasm in U.P. 130
Police apathy in U.P. 165
Political mosaic 155
Politics of Convinience 147
Portfolios reshuffle soon: UP CM wins the vote of confidence 185
Powerful display 26
Powershift in Uttar Pradesh 140
P.M's faux pas and its impact on U.P. 134 176
PROCESS OF exclusion 2 Progress by division 174 Promises to keep 80
{R} Raja grounds the captain 126
Raja rides on 131
Rallying forces 15
Rally versus rally 14
Ram Lila 182
Ram wave appearent in U.P. 42
RSS CARD IN U.P. 70
Rath has done the trick in U.P. 43
REFLECTION ON reservation 178
Religion and politics in U.P. 68
Revamping called for 83
Rise of Mulayam Singh 195
Role of caste in UP politics 62
{S}
Saffron surge 61
SP-BSP division comes to BJP's aid 44
Secular Triumph 171
Secular victory in U.P. 69
Set for a saffron upsurge 139
Shifting alignments 148 177
Siege of Lucknow 177
Squabbles in the Congress: The special problems of U.P. 78
Stalemate continues 67
Star studded battle in U.P. 12 5
Strained Coalition 37
Strains in UPCC(I) 198
Sympathy factor may cost BJP floating votes in U.P. 88
{T}
TACKLING V.P. SINGH 94
Taking caste to the grassroot 56
Tardy nexus 111
Terror struck 200
Three R's of Uttar Pradesh 175
Tiger at the gate 119
Tiwari puts the clock forward 97
Tiwari's vacillations caused debacle 157
Too many dissenters treading on Mulayam's Corn's 162
Trends in the party system 1
TURCE OF sorts 167
{U}
UGLY nexus 113
Unequall allies: The BSP-Congress deal in U.P. 76 178
Unprededehted Polarisation 55
UNPRINCIPLED RACE in U,P. 136
UP AFFAIRS 79
UP: Bhandari swings it beyond all 144
UP Chiefministers master strokes 98
UP CONGRESS meet 90
UP Congress not for deal with Mulayam 100
UP: Flooring the opposition 188
UP from 'Goonda' to 'Kanoon raj' 6
UP: Growing social unrest 112
UP HARIJANS gain new confidence 64
UP IMBROGLIO 150
UP: Kalyan Vs Mulayam 158
UP: Mass appeal 115
UP: Persistence of polarisation 116
UP Poll: Who will win the muslim vote 128
UP stalemate, fresh thinking necessary 149
UP: Strategies of principal contestents 124
UP: The right decision 14 5
UP Undercurrents: The confused scene in the biggest state 12 9
UP: Waiting for Mulayams move 102
{V}
'V for victory 'P' for premier 52
Violence in the air 159 179
Violence unabated 12
V.P. Singles out BJP in U.P. 122
Void called Bir Bahadur 93
{W}
Wanted a leader: UP Congress flounders, rudderless 103
Waveless in UP 154
Welcome verdict 197
Whither Congress in UP Campaign 85
WHY CONGRESS lost in Allahabad 10 5
Why do they go wrong 20
Why is this man laughing 163
Why Mulayam singh is important today 196
Winning duo: Mulayam Singh Yadav and kanshi Ram 183
Would be Kingmaker 21
{Y}
Yadavisation of U.P. 58