PERSPECTIVES

larger text of Punjab politics, with its Dalit Politics and Its Fragments vote share falling drastically from 16.32% in 1992 to 4.9% in 2012 and 1.55% in 2017 in Punjab (I P Singh 2017). Economic and material- ist explanations notwithstanding, the role Does Religion Hold the Key? of religion as a factor in determining the status of local Dalit politics has not been adequately addressed. Of late, the mush- Santosh K Singh rooming of deras in the region, as a site of Dalit consolidation and propagation of The enigmatic marginality of alit politics in Punjab is an Ambedkar’s ideology and thoughts, has Dalit politics in Punjab, despite enigma. If numbers matter in a once again brought the theme of religion having the highest proportion of Ddemocracy, how does one make into focus (Ram 2004, 2007; Singh 2011, sense of the near total absence of Dalit 2017b; Juergensmeyer 2000). Scheduled Castes, partly exposes politics in a state with the highest popu- the limitation of numbers as lation of Scheduled Castes (SCs) in India, Three Local Narratives indicators of social dynamics in a pegged at 32% (Government of Punjab The critical point is that democracy may democracy. The key may lie in the nd)? Moreover, besides the numerical be about numbers, but people and cul- strength and substantial diaspora or tures are not. There is enough work on critical role that multiple religious non-resident Indian (NRI) support base, the census, its politics of numerals, and traditions play within the Dalit the region boasts of a formidable line-up how it has failed to reckon the fuzziness community across regions in of home-grown revolutionary Dalit ideo- of our world, especially its caste-ridden Punjab, inhibiting a larger Dalit logues, such as Babu Mangu Ram, Kan- religious landscape, since its beginning shi Ram and others.1 Dalits in the Doaba as a colonial tool in the mid-19th century consolidation. Ethnographic region of Punjab,2 especially in and India (Cohn 1987; Dirks 2001; Appadurai profi les of three distinct, organic around Jalandhar, with their strong eco- 1993; Samarendra 2008). Even now, in Dalit intellectuals in Punjab nomic standing courtesy the traditional Punjab, the expression “32% SC popula- show their convergence in leather business, have always had a tion” fails to provide any indication of the high level of social awareness vis-à-vis marginality of Dalit politics in Punjab. In accepting B R Ambedkar as a the question of identity and politics.3 the absence of substantive ethnographic political icon but divergence B R Ambedkar had visited this area after insights, the numbers produced by suc- on the latter’s prescription of he resigned as the law minister in 1951, cessive censuses and other such sources conversion to Buddhism. and enjoyed a huge following in the only serve as props for standard, almost Bootan Mandi locality, which was the clichéd, answers to questions: Do deras hub of the leather trade, including some divide or unite? Why has the Doaba been of the prominent business families of the unable, despite the intellectual and mate- region. Many of Ambedkar’s associates rial wherewithal, to provide leadership during his Delhi stay, through the late to Dalit politics in Punjab? How does one 1940s and 1950s, were from this area. unravel the mystery of the immense There are standard reasons to explain popularity of Ambedkar, but not his pre- this enigma. The most prominent being scription of Buddhism as a model in the dominance of the landed community Punjab? Did the local ideologues and of Jats and other castes.4 In other words, leaders based in Doaba focus on its over- The author would like to acknowledge the it is argued that because of the Jat Sikh seas bases at the cost of their poorer anonymous referee’s comments on the article, dominance, the Dalit community was cousins in the Malwa and Majha regions? Mark Juergensmeyer for introducing the never able to chart its own independent, Questions such as these, and several author to Manohar Lal Mahey, and Mahey himself for supporting and sharing his political journey. They continued to others, recur time and again as one visits insights in the fi eld. Thanks are also due to express themselves either through the the region, and meets Dalit sociopolitical the Ambedkar University Delhi for a minor Shiromani Akali Dal or the Indian National activists/leaders, especially long-timers, research grant to complete the author’s Congress, the two dominant political in villages and towns. Based on my fi eld- ongoing study in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. parties of the state, again largely led by work in the region, largely around Santosh K Singh ([email protected]) teaches the Jats. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Jalandhar and among the Ravidassia in sociology in the School of Liberal Studies at as the perceived face of Dalit politics, has the Doaba region as also in other parts the Ambedkar University Delhi. been reduced to a mere footnote in the of Punjab for over half a decade, I zero in

32 SEPTEMBER 1, 2018 vol lIiI no 35 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES on three local narratives that, in my prescription of religious conversions out engagement with academic life and view, point to the critical role played by of Hinduism. However, Buddhism as an activities centred on Ambedkar continued. religion in the region and shed light on alternative religion did not quite work in He assisted American sociologist Mark the complex dynamic that its interface Punjab. Balley hesitatingly and margin- Juergensmeyer when the latter was con- with politics unleashes locally. The ally concedes that there perhaps is some ducting his fi eldwork in Punjab in the narratives, as detailed below, are based merit in the view that Ambedkar’s pre- 1970s and early 1980s on the phenome- on extensive personal interviews con- scription of Buddhism as a pan-Indian non of deras. Juergensmeyer published ducted in December 2017. I maintain framework is far too monolithic, even this work under the title, Religious that the perspectives from the Ravidassia totalising, for the immense diversity of Rebels in the Punjab: The Ad Dharm community matter signifi cantly, especially Dalit social and religio-cultural life, fail- Challenge to Caste (1982/2009), which when it comes to the question of forging ing to strike a chord with local sensibili- remains a key text on the subject, over larger Dalit (identity-based) politics in ties. While on the personal front, there three decades post its publication. Punjab, given that they are the largest, is no dilution in his own commitment to Mahey has actively espoused and sup- more prosperous and vocal community the Buddhist alternative as a political ported the cause of consolidating the lar- among the Dalits in the state. strategy, he reluctantly concedes the ger Dalit community in Punjab. As a probability of a disconnect. long-serving secretary of the Dera Ballan L R Balley, a Buddhist–Ambedkarite: Nevertheless, Balley dismisses the Trust for the Shri Guru Ravidass Janam Balley, aged 88, a prominent Dalit thinker whole politics and movement for a new Asthan Mandir at Seer Goverdhanpur, and ideologue of the region, resides in religion centred on the Ravidassia identity Varanasi6 from 1984–92, the politics sur- Jalandhar town. He last met Ambedkar led by the Dera Sachkhand at Ballan5 rounding the dera and its internal squab- on 30 September 1956 in Delhi. Finding near Jalandhar. He believes that the bles and splinters worry him to no end. Ambedkar critically ill, Balley pledged movement has divided the community However, unlike Balley, Mahey fore- to “serve Ambedkar’s mission” for the of Dalits and that Guru Ravidas was a grounds his Ravidassia identity and in- rest of his life (Sandhu 2015). Upon sant–philosopher who never proposed vests in it. He disagrees with Balley and Ambedkar’s death, he resigned from his any religious framework per se. Hence, believes that permanent central government job and Balley sees little merit in establishing a The reason Balley could not be successful has ever since been a staunch Ambedka- new religion in his name, as also in the politically is because he did not take into rite activist. Balley has been the editor of proliferation of dera-based movements account local sentiment built around the Bhim Patrika since 1958, and founder that have sprung up all over the region. He Chamar identity and Guru Ravidas. Bud- trustee of Ambedkar Bhawan in Jalan- remains an ardent follower of Ambedkar’s dhism had no place here. The affl uent com- dhar. A voracious reader and writer, prescription of a non-ritualised, pragmatic munity of Chamars of the region always Balley wrote more than 100 books in brand of Buddhism as a model path for revered their guru, besides many others. (personal interview 2017) English, Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu and Marathi, Dalits to follow, for a larger and stable besides translating the works of Ambedkar consolidation of the Dalit identity. The Mahey, like most others of his commu- in these languages. As an activist–thinker, negligible numbers of people who con- nity, is a staunch follower of Ambedkar. he visited countries around the world to verted to Buddhism, the stymied growth The drawing room of his palatial house establish Buddha viharas (temples) and of the Buddhist project in Punjab in gen- has Ambedkar’s portraits, and the top Ambedkar centres. eral, and the progressive decline in the exterior of the building has “har,” the Balley was associated with Dalit poli- popularity of Bhim Patrika, failed to sign of Ravidassia, prominently inscribed tics through the Scheduled Castes Fed- arrest Balley’s steadfast commitment to on a marble plate. What comes as routine eration and later, the Republican Party his lifelong mission. is the seamless coalescing of these two of India. He unsuccessfully contested identities—Ravidassia and Ambedkarite. two parliamentary elections in 1962 and Manohar Lal Mahey, a Ravidassia– Mahey explains: 1967, and two assembly elections between Ambedkarite: Manohar Lal Mahey, Why should there be any confusion? Like 1970 and 1980. Balley attributed his elec- aged 68, is a prominent businessman in other contemporary Bhakti poets and saints, toral failures to the handiwork of the the Bootan Mandi area of Jalandhar. Guru Ravidas was as revered. It is true Baba communal Hindu politics of those days Mahey is the grandson of Seth Sundar Saheb (Ambedkar) advocated Buddhism, but one has to be fl exible enough to accom- which spread canards against him of Das, who had donated `11,000—a princely modate and rework his prescriptions, in- being a beefeater: sum in those days—to Ambedkar on be- cluding the model of religious conversion to half of his community at a public func- Buddhism. His larger messages on education The fact that I, as a true Ambedkarite, al- and struggle are far more important for us. ways sided with the progressive forces and tion in Bootan Mandi in 1952. Mahey, He is our political guru, but Guru Ravidas never ever had any truck with religious or like others in the area, was always inter- is our spiritual guru. Why look elsewhere communal politics, went against me. But I ested in higher studies and Ambedkar’s when we have one of our own to guide us do not care. (personal interview 2017) works inspired him. He earned a post- spiritually? (personal interview 2017) Balley remained a committed Bud- graduate degree in political science and Mahey underlines the signifi cance of dhist, doggedly following Ambedkar’s later, joined a bank as an offi cer. But his Dalit unity and values coexistence, not

Economic & Political Weekly EPW SEPTEMBER 1, 2018 vol lIiI no 35 33 PERSPECTIVES confrontation as a matter of strategy. In 1997 and 2007) as a BSP candidate. He and the way in which the Jats have com- the aftermath of Vienna 2009 (Singh started his political journey as a close pletely “occupied” Sikhism and ushered 2011), Mahey actively worked on the and young associate of Kanshi Ram, the in the ills of “Manuvaad” that had plagued ground to calm the fl ared sentiments of iconic founder and leader of BSP, whose Hinduism. He further clarifi es, his community. But later as the Dera protégée Mayawati went on to become Sikhism is a great religion, and there is Ballan and its leadership aggressively Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for four nothing wrong with the religion, rather the pursued a separatist path,7 Mahey did not terms. Kainth remembers his time with Gurus have accorded honour to people of all quite approve of it. He distanced himself Kanshi Ram in Punjab and how he used faiths and castes. The Guru Granth Sahib from the Ballan activities. He reasons: to organise rallies where both he and his has included vaanis or hymns of people and saints coming from other castes and reli- our community, whether in business or not, mentor used to ride cycles. Kainth comes gion such as Ravidas, Kabir and Baba Farid. is part of the local interdependent economic across as a simple man with an easy (personal interview 2017) networks and hence, to talk of a combative demeanour but an aggressive and un- and independent path is a strategic mistake. compromising political position: that of “We are not against anyone, but in (personal interview 2017) creating a united Dalit front, entirely favour of humanism,” he concludes. Kainth To introduce me to his religious world based on issues from the ground such now wants to start a social movement view, Mahey took me to the puja ghar as land, employment, education, and across Punjab to highlight the real issues (prayer alter) in his house. There were health, not on religion or faith, claiming of Dalits in the state. When quizzed statues of Guru Ravidas in the centre they distract and deviate the movement about his loss in each of the hitherto- surrounded by little statues of Shirdi Sai from its real goals. Kainth is the presi- contested elections, he responds with a Baba, goddesses Lakshmi and Saraswa- dent of the National Scheduled Castes smile: “so what, even Ambedkar could ti, Guru Nanak, and the saints of Dera Alliance in Punjab and as per his visiting never win an election.” Kainth comes Ballan, among others. But, then he poses card, is also the president of the Chamar across as a person with steely resolve. an important question: Mahan Sabha (grand alliance of the Following his exit from the BSP in 2010,

You will fi nd in our homes respect for all Chamars). The card prominently men- Kainth has been organising a series of others, but we don’t get back what we tions: “Garv se kaho ham Chamar hain” press conferences to raise the issue of give to others. If you see a picture of Guru (proclaim with pride, we are Chamars). atrocities against Dalits in the state. Ravidas in any home then you can be sure Kainth is bitter about the way religion An obvious question concerns the that it must be a Chamar’s home. Why is our has hijacked the agenda and more prag- signifi cance of these voices. The critical sant so exclusively ours alone? (personal interview 2017) matic priorities of Dalit politics in the point is that these narratives are not state. He blames Gurmeet Ram Rahim stray, sundry cases; rather they represent Mahey’s question highlights the inbuilt Singh of the Dera Sacha Sauda for one of the life journeys of three organic intelle- exclusion even in apparently syncretic his defeats (Singh 2017b). He believes ctuals from within the Dalit community spaces, and unravels how, understand- these deras use people and politics for with substantial public interface. They ably so, these largely camoufl aged but their own narrow benefi ts and have no not only, in a sense, belong to three powerful and evocative pointers of positive agenda except dividing the com- different generations, but also come exclusion become part of, and contri- munity. On the contribution of ideo logues from three different socio-economic and bute to the larger identity assertion and leaders from the Doaba region, regional locations. All three of them are movements. Kainth does not mince words: united by their unadulterated commit- Mahey never had any political aspira- What is their contribution to Dalit politics, ment to Ambedkar’s philosophy and zeal tions. He resigned from his bank job to other than writing books and collaborating for a better and equal world for marg- pursue his own export–import leather with the rich diaspora settled in Canada, inalised communities, including their business and travelled across the globe. United States (US) and United Kingdom own, that were treated shabbily and dis- UK Half of his family, like Balley, is in ( )? Doaba Dalits could have used their criminated against by dominant groups affl uence in unifying their people from the Canada and other overseas destinations. other less-privileged regions of Majha and in the caste hierarchy. It is this strong Mahey, however, remains active through Malwa in Punjab, but they never really both- common ideological–political commitment his organisation, Vigilant Brotherhood ered. They could reach Edmonton, but not (International), Jalandhar. He keeps his Malwa. (personal interview 2017) activism alive by organising conferences Kainth dismisses the Ravidassia move- and seminars in small and big towns in ment at Ballan. He believes the Guru available at Punjab and elsewhere. Granth Sahib, as a holy text, represents all and hence, to talk of a new religion or Life Book House Paramjit Singh Kainth, a Sikh–Ambed- book is of no meaning. Sporting a turban, Shop No 7, Masjid Betul Mukarram Subji Mandi Road karite: Paramjit Singh Kainth hails PSK respects all cultural sentiments. Yet, Bhopal 462 001 from Patiala in the Malwa region. Much he is far too rooted in the materialist and Madhya Pradesh younger at 54, Kainth has contested and pragmatic framework of Ambedkar. His Ph: 2740705 lost three state assembly elections (1992, fi ght is, as he puts it, against “Jattism,”

34 SEPTEMBER 1, 2018 vol lIiI no 35 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES intertwined with a deep sense of praxis Given the relevance of religion in peo- It is not without reason that Ambedkar and activism that marks out their jour- ple’s lives, what seems important is not to underlined the signifi cance of religion in neys as refl ective and representational of undermine these movements, but rather to our society. He knew caste has its source a larger struggle. These perspectives from create strategies to unify them through of sustenance from Hinduism. He wanted practitioners on the ground, therefore, the shared allegiance to Ambedkar. to replace the framework in quest for a are crucial. It must, however, be under- There is no doubt that there is an over- better, more equitable world, and hence lined that the identifi ers, namely Bud- whelming support for the Ravidassia his decision to convert to Buddhism. In dhist Ambedkarite, Ravidassia Ambed- identity (instead of Ad-Dharmi) in the all this, Buddhism was only a means karite and Sikh Ambedkarite for Balley, Doaba region, but the intensity gets dil- towards the end of a casteless society. Mahey and Kainth respectively, have uted as one moves towards regions like The Dalit politics in Punjab will have to been used in this text by the author for Malwa. In fact, even in Jalandhar, sup- understand this and in doing so, its purely analytical purposes. port for the Ravidassia identity does not stakeholders will have to be sensitive to necessarily always mean the exclusion the nuances of local religious traditions Ambedkar as a Grand Constant of other traditions, as seen in Mahey’s and its diversity. What makes one opti- The prominence of deras and identity case. Similarly, Kainth does not belittle mistic is the omnipresence of Ambedkar’s arti culation around Guru Ravidas in the Guru Ravidas; in fact, he foregrounds portraits and libraries, and the Dalit schol- Doaba region is pretty visible. What is re- his Chamar identity, exactly the way ars in these deras and Ravidassia gurud- markable, however, is the emergence of people in Doaba relish and frenetically waras. Surinder Baba, who was earlier Ambedkar as a major icon in all these de- dance to the tunes of “Danger Chamar” with the Dera Ballan, now has his own ras. Not just in Dera Ballan, but even songs of Ginni Mahi (Singh 2017a). Just separate abode by the name Ravidassia other deras that are not quite “activist- that, he sees no value in Doaba’s Ballan- Dharam Parchar Asthan, near Kahanpur type,” such as the Sant Baba Phool Nath led movement for a separate religious village in Jalandhar, where along with Dera which has huge portraits of Ambed- identity, as for him this only hampers huge portraits of Ambedkar in both the kar in their premises and interiors. the struggle for a combined Dalit politics assembly hall and the worship place, Interestingly, these deras refl ect not just in the state. Notably, unlike Balley and there is an impressive library that boasts the ordinary existential anxieties and Mahey both of whom are from Doaba, of having in its possession the entire col- aspirations, such as dreams of an over- Kainth is from the Malwa belt, where, lected volumes of Ambedkar’s writings. seas job—typical of the region, manifest- along with some other poorer pockets of The new Dalit leadership will have to ed in the offerings of toy-planes at the Punjab, there is a general sense that build on this constant and navigate the sanctum sanctorum—but also an urge Dalit ideologues and Ambedkarite activ- maze of religious formations with sensi- for a larger interwoven collective along ists in the state focus more on rich NRIs tivity and care. In short, religion will composite narratives drawn from Ambed- based in the West rather than spreading remain relevant regardless of which an- kar’s life stories and legends from Guru its activities beyond Doaba. gle one forges an entry point to Punjab Ravidas’s and other saints’s lives. One of The larger point is that discriminatory politics. This is especially true for any the paintings, for instance, at the Sant caste-based practices in religious prac- aspiration of a consolidated Dalit politi- Baba Phool Nath Dera shows Ravidas, tice, contrary to textual tenets, led to the cal presence in the state. Valmiki and Kabir walking alongside mushrooming of separate gurudwaras Buddha, follow ed by Ambedkar and his and deras of all hues and inclinations in Notes band of followers. These images and Punjab, punctuated by petty power games 1 Babu Mangu Ram was one of the founders of visuals give expression to the collective within. This common ground of injus- the Ad-Dharma Movement in Punjab in the 1920s (see Juergensmeyer 1982/2009: 35–54). urge of the community for a grand alli- tice, inequity, and discrimination could Kanshi Ram founded the Bahujan Samaj ance subsuming all fi ssiparous narratives possibly be the harbinger of a movement Party and was a native of the Doaba region of Punjab. and ideologies within the community. for a fairer society, provided Dalit lead- 2 Punjab is divided into three main regions, The rise of Ambedkar as a constant ers and ideologues of the state shun their namely Doaba, Majha and Malwa. The Doaba literally means “land of two rivers,” surround- among Dalits, cutting across all regional straitjacketed-ness and look beyond their ed as it is by the Beas and Sutlej rivers, and is and community differences throughout silos. It is amply evident that religion considered one of the most prosperous regions. While the Majha region mainly refers to the Punjab, symbolises a certain level of plays a critical role in the region as it area between the Beas and Ravi rivers, the political awareness among Dalit groups, creates multiple axes of alliance as also Malwa region is towards the left bank of the Sutlej river. especially the youth. While religious for- divisions along regional and class-based 3 The economic standing of the community deal- mulations vary across the three regions, dimensions. Malwa and Majha will have ing with the leather business of this area has been well recognised. Better economic condi- Ambedkar remains a constant. The above a different take, as Kainth underlines, tion opened many channels of opportunities for three narratives broadly describe the than the Doaba; but here again even them, including overseas migration and par- ticipation in local and national politics. This is fractured Dalit narrative which gives though both Balley and Mahey come unlike the poorer pockets of Punjab where the vital clues to the limitations of a monoli- from the same region, they have contrary Scheduled Castes remained on the margin for long. thic discourse around any particular reli- views and perspectives on Dalit politics 4 The dominant caste status of the Jat Sikhs is a gious identity, including the Ravi dassia. and its prospective pathways in Punjab. function of their numerical strength (one-third

Economic & Political Weekly EPW SEPTEMBER 1, 2018 vol lIiI no 35 35 PERSPECTIVES

of the total population of the state), ownership Indian Railways, which begins its journey from on Punjab, Harish K Puri and Paramjit S Judge of land (more than 80% of the available agri- Jalandhar station, carrying thousands of local (eds), Jaipur and New Delhi: Rawat. cultural land), holding major stakes in agricul- and NRI passengers. The annual congregation — (1982/2009): Religious Rebels in the Punjab: ture, reputation of being a historically martial has emerged over the years as a major event for The Ad Dharm Challenge to Caste, Delhi: race, etc. In contrast, however, the Dalits of the Ravidassia, not just from all over India, but Navayana. Punjab, despite their substantial numerical also from Nepal, the United States, United Ram, Ronki (2004): “Untouchability, Dalit Con- clout, are marginalised in terms of share in Kingdom, Canada and many European coun- sciousness and the Ad Dharm Movement in landownership. This rendered a large section tries, especially Italy. Punjab,” Contributions to Indian Sociology, of them agricultural labourers, working pri- 7 Post the Vienna 2009 incident, it was reported Vol 38, No 3, pp 323–49. marily on the land of the landed Jat Sikhs. that the Sikh holy book, Guru Granth Sahib, — (2007): “Social Exclusion, Resistance and Deras: 5 The Dera Sachkhand is based at Ballan village, was removed from many Ravidassia Gurud- Exploring the Myth of Caste-less Sikh Society approximately 10–12 kilometres away from the waras in Europe. Back in India, in Punjab, a in Punjab,” Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 42, city of Jalandhar on the Pathankot road. It is few instances of desecration and displacement No 40, pp 4066–74. came to light, aggravating the law and order one of the many deras that dot the landscape of Sandhu, C D (2015): “Introduction,” Dr B R Ambedkar: situation. As a follow up, the dera followers an- Punjab and to some extent Haryana today, be- A Great Social Reformer, L R Balley, Jalandhar: nounced a new religion, Ravidassia Dharma, in sides branches in other parts of the country Bheem Patrika Publications. and abroad. Deras have traditionally been off- 2010 and launched a book exclusively contain- Singh, Joginder (2016): Religious Pluralism in shoots of the mainstream religious tradition. ing the shabads (hymns) of Guru Ravidas in Punjab: A Contemporary Account of Sikh Sants, The most common reason for their deviation the following year. Babas, Gurus and Satgurus, Delhi: Manohar. from, and therefore confl ict with, the Sikh pan- thic tradition has been the presence of a living Singh, I P (2017): “BSP’s Vote Share Falls to 1.5% in guru in these deras, who may or may not follow References Kanshi Ram’s Home State,” Times of India, the religious code of conduct as prescribed by 13 March, https://timesofi ndia.indiatimes.com/ Appadurai, Arjun (1993): “Number in the Colonial Sikhism. In 2009, one of the sants of the dera city / chandigarh/bsps-vote-share-falls-to-1-5-in- was killed in Vienna, and another injured. This Imagination,” Orientalism and the Postcolonial kan s hi-rams-home-state/articleshow/57610821. led to large-scale riots and protests in Punjab Predicament, Carol Breckenridge and Peter Van cms. which gradually led to the Dera Sachkhand der Veer (eds), Philadelphia: University of Singh, Santosh K (2011): “Globalization and Reli- leading a movement for a separate religion of Pennsylvania, pp 314–39. gious Identity in India: Understanding the “Ravidassia Dharma” and the compilation of a Cohn, Bernard (1987): An Anthropologist among the Subaltern Context of the Sacred,” Patterns in holy book Amritbaani Ravidas Maharaj, exclu- Historians and Other Essays, Delhi: Oxford Uni- Philosophy and Sociology of Religion, Mihaela sively containing the baanis or hymns of Guru versity Press. Gligor and Sherry Sabbarwal (eds), Delhi/ Jaipur: Rawat Publishers. Ravidas. Dirks, Nicholas B (2001): Castes of Mind: Colonialism — (2017a): “The Caste Question and Songs of 6 The Dera Sachkhand Ballan has built a majes- and the Making of Modern India, New Jersey: Protest in Punjab,” Economic & Political Weekly, tic temple with a gold-plated dome-shaped top Princeton University Press. at Seer Goverdhanpur, near the Banaras Hindu Vol 52, No 34, pp 33–37. University campus in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, Government of Punjab (nd): “Scheduled Caste — (2017b): “Deras as ‘Little Fiefdoms’: Understand- believed to be the birthplace of Guru Ravidas. Population in Punjab: An Overview,” Depart- ing the Dera Sacha Sauda Phenomenon,” Eco- Every year on Ravidas Jayanti, in the month of ment of Welfare of Scheduled Castes, Back- nomic & Political Weekly, Vol 52, No 37, pp 20–23. January/February, the dera at Ballan organises ward Classes and Minorities, http://welfare Samarendra, Padmanabh (2008): “Between Number an annual congregation at Varanasi to cele- punjab.gov.in/Static/SCPopulation.html. and Knowledge: Career of Caste in Colonial brate the guru’s birthday. A special Begampura Juergensmeyer, Mark (2000): “Ad Dharma Move- Census,” Themes in Indian History, Ishita Banerjee- Express train is hired by the dera from the ment,” Social and Political Movements: Readings Dube (ed), Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Review of Urban Affairs March 24, 2018

Frontier Urbanism: Urbanisation beyond Cities in South Asia —Shubhra Gururani, Rajarshi Dasgupta Receding Rurality, Booming Periphery: Value Struggles in Karachi’s Agrarian–Urban Frontier —Nausheen H Anwar Seeing Mumbai through Its Hinterland: Entangled Agrarian–Urban Land Markets in Regional Mumbai —Sai Balakrishnan Dalal Middlemen and Peri-urbanisation in Nepal —Andrew Nelson Fragmentary Planning and Spaces of Opportunity in Peri-urban Mumbai —Malini Krishnankutty Urban Transformations in Khora Village, NCR: A View from the ‘Periphery’ —Shruti Dubey People Out of Place: Pavement Dwelling in Mumbai —Gayatri A Menon Partitioned Urbanity: A Refugee Village Bordering Kolkata —Himadri Chatterjee

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36 SEPTEMBER 1, 2018 vol lIiI no 35 EPW Economic & Political Weekly