Dalit Politics and Its Fragments in Punjab
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
PERSPECTIVES larger text of Punjab politics, with its Dalit Politics and Its Fragments vote share falling drastically from 16.32% in 1992 to 4.9% in 2012 and 1.55% in 2017 in Punjab (I P Singh 2017). Economic and material- ist explanations notwithstanding, the role Does Religion Hold the Key? of religion as a factor in determining the status of local Dalit politics has not been adequately addressed. Of late, the mush- Santosh K Singh rooming of deras in the region, as a site of Dalit consolidation and propagation of The enigmatic marginality of alit politics in Punjab is an Ambedkar’s ideology and thoughts, has Dalit politics in Punjab, despite enigma. If numbers matter in a once again brought the theme of religion having the highest proportion of Ddemocracy, how does one make into focus (Ram 2004, 2007; Singh 2011, sense of the near total absence of Dalit 2017b; Juergensmeyer 2000). Scheduled Castes, partly exposes politics in a state with the highest popu- the limitation of numbers as lation of Scheduled Castes (SCs) in India, Three Local Narratives indicators of social dynamics in a pegged at 32% (Government of Punjab The critical point is that democracy may democracy. The key may lie in the nd)? Moreover, besides the numerical be about numbers, but people and cul- strength and substantial diaspora or tures are not. There is enough work on critical role that multiple religious non-resident Indian (NRI) support base, the census, its politics of numerals, and traditions play within the Dalit the region boasts of a formidable line-up how it has failed to reckon the fuzziness community across regions in of home-grown revolutionary Dalit ideo- of our world, especially its caste-ridden Punjab, inhibiting a larger Dalit logues, such as Babu Mangu Ram, Kan- religious landscape, since its beginning shi Ram and others.1 Dalits in the Doaba as a colonial tool in the mid-19th century consolidation. Ethnographic region of Punjab,2 especially in and India (Cohn 1987; Dirks 2001; Appadurai profi les of three distinct, organic around Jalandhar, with their strong eco- 1993; Samarendra 2008). Even now, in Dalit intellectuals in Punjab nomic standing courtesy the traditional Punjab, the expression “32% SC popula- show their convergence in leather business, have always had a tion” fails to provide any indication of the high level of social awareness vis-à-vis marginality of Dalit politics in Punjab. In accepting B R Ambedkar as a the question of identity and politics.3 the absence of substantive ethnographic political icon but divergence B R Ambedkar had visited this area after insights, the numbers produced by suc- on the latter’s prescription of he resigned as the law minister in 1951, cessive censuses and other such sources conversion to Buddhism. and enjoyed a huge following in the only serve as props for standard, almost Bootan Mandi locality, which was the clichéd, answers to questions: Do deras hub of the leather trade, including some divide or unite? Why has the Doaba been of the prominent business families of the unable, despite the intellectual and mate- region. Many of Ambedkar’s associates rial wherewithal, to provide leadership during his Delhi stay, through the late to Dalit politics in Punjab? How does one 1940s and 1950s, were from this area. unravel the mystery of the immense There are standard reasons to explain popularity of Ambedkar, but not his pre- this enigma. The most prominent being scription of Buddhism as a model in the dominance of the landed community Punjab? Did the local ideologues and of Jats and other castes.4 In other words, leaders based in Doaba focus on its over- The author would like to acknowledge the it is argued that because of the Jat Sikh seas bases at the cost of their poorer anonymous referee’s comments on the article, dominance, the Dalit community was cousins in the Malwa and Majha regions? Mark Juergensmeyer for introducing the never able to chart its own independent, Questions such as these, and several author to Manohar Lal Mahey, and Mahey himself for supporting and sharing his political journey. They continued to others, recur time and again as one visits insights in the fi eld. Thanks are also due to express themselves either through the the region, and meets Dalit sociopolitical the Ambedkar University Delhi for a minor Shiromani Akali Dal or the Indian National activists/leaders, especially long-timers, research grant to complete the author’s Congress, the two dominant political in villages and towns. Based on my fi eld- ongoing study in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. parties of the state, again largely led by work in the region, largely around Santosh K Singh ([email protected]) teaches the Jats. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Jalandhar and among the Ravidassia in sociology in the School of Liberal Studies at as the perceived face of Dalit politics, has the Doaba region as also in other parts the Ambedkar University Delhi. been reduced to a mere footnote in the of Punjab for over half a decade, I zero in 32 SEPTEMBER 1, 2018 vol lIiI no 35 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES on three local narratives that, in my prescription of religious conversions out engagement with academic life and view, point to the critical role played by of Hinduism. However, Buddhism as an activities centred on Ambedkar continued. religion in the region and shed light on alternative religion did not quite work in He assisted American sociologist Mark the complex dynamic that its interface Punjab. Balley hesitatingly and margin- Juergensmeyer when the latter was con- with politics unleashes locally. The ally concedes that there perhaps is some ducting his fi eldwork in Punjab in the narratives, as detailed below, are based merit in the view that Ambedkar’s pre- 1970s and early 1980s on the phenome- on extensive personal interviews con- scription of Buddhism as a pan-Indian non of deras. Juergensmeyer published ducted in December 2017. I maintain framework is far too monolithic, even this work under the title, Religious that the perspectives from the Ravidassia totalising, for the immense diversity of Rebels in the Punjab: The Ad Dharm community matter signifi cantly, especially Dalit social and religio-cultural life, fail- Challenge to Caste (1982/2009), which when it comes to the question of forging ing to strike a chord with local sensibili- remains a key text on the subject, over larger Dalit (identity-based) politics in ties. While on the personal front, there three decades post its publication. Punjab, given that they are the largest, is no dilution in his own commitment to Mahey has actively espoused and sup- more prosperous and vocal community the Buddhist alternative as a political ported the cause of consolidating the lar- among the Dalits in the state. strategy, he reluctantly concedes the ger Dalit community in Punjab. As a probability of a disconnect. long-serving secretary of the Dera Ballan L R Balley, a Buddhist–Ambedkarite: Nevertheless, Balley dismisses the Trust for the Shri Guru Ravidass Janam Balley, aged 88, a prominent Dalit thinker whole politics and movement for a new Asthan Mandir at Seer Goverdhanpur, and ideologue of the region, resides in religion centred on the Ravidassia identity Varanasi6 from 1984–92, the politics sur- Jalandhar town. He last met Ambedkar led by the Dera Sachkhand at Ballan5 rounding the dera and its internal squab- on 30 September 1956 in Delhi. Finding near Jalandhar. He believes that the bles and splinters worry him to no end. Ambedkar critically ill, Balley pledged movement has divided the community However, unlike Balley, Mahey fore- to “serve Ambedkar’s mission” for the of Dalits and that Guru Ravidas was a grounds his Ravidassia identity and in- rest of his life (Sandhu 2015). Upon sant–philosopher who never proposed vests in it. He disagrees with Balley and Ambedkar’s death, he resigned from his any religious framework per se. Hence, believes that permanent central government job and Balley sees little merit in establishing a The reason Balley could not be successful has ever since been a staunch Ambedka- new religion in his name, as also in the politically is because he did not take into rite activist. Balley has been the editor of proliferation of dera-based movements account local sentiment built around the Bhim Patrika since 1958, and founder that have sprung up all over the region. He Chamar identity and Guru Ravidas. Bud- trustee of Ambedkar Bhawan in Jalan- remains an ardent follower of Ambedkar’s dhism had no place here. The affl uent com- dhar. A voracious reader and writer, prescription of a non-ritualised, pragmatic munity of Chamars of the region always Balley wrote more than 100 books in brand of Buddhism as a model path for revered their guru, besides many others. (personal interview 2017) English, Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu and Marathi, Dalits to follow, for a larger and stable besides translating the works of Ambedkar consolidation of the Dalit identity. The Mahey, like most others of his commu- in these languages. As an activist–thinker, negligible numbers of people who con- nity, is a staunch follower of Ambedkar. he visited countries around the world to verted to Buddhism, the stymied growth The drawing room of his palatial house establish Buddha viharas (temples) and of the Buddhist project in Punjab in gen- has Ambedkar’s portraits, and the top Ambedkar centres. eral, and the progressive decline in the exterior of the building has “har,” the Balley was associated with Dalit poli- popularity of Bhim Patrika, failed to sign of Ravidassia, prominently inscribed tics through the Scheduled Castes Fed- arrest Balley’s steadfast commitment to on a marble plate.