Dalit Politics and Its Fragments in Punjab
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NATION, NATIONALISM and the PARTITION of INDIA: PARTITION the NATION, and NATIONALISM , De Manzoor Ehtesham
NATION, NATIONALISM AND THE PARTITION OF INDIA: TWO MOMENTS FROM HINDI FICTION* Bodh Prakash Ambedkar University, Delhi Abstract This paper traces the trajectory of Muslims in India over roughly four decades after Independ- ence through a study of two Hindi novels, Rahi Masoom Reza’s Adha Gaon and Manzoor Ehtesham’s Sookha Bargad. It explores the centrality of Partition to issues of Muslim identity, their commitment to the Indian nation, and how a resurgent Hindu communal discourse particularly from the 1980s onwards “otherizes” a community that not only rejected the idea of Pakistan as the homeland for Muslims, but was also critical to the construction of a secular Indian nation. Keywords: Manzoor Ehtesham, Partition in Hindi literature, Rahi Masoom. Resumen Este artículo estudia la presencia del Islam en India en las cuatro décadas siguientes a la Independencia, según dos novelas en hindi, Adha Gaon, de Rahi Masoom Reza y Sookha Bargad, de Manzoor Ehtesham. En ambas la Partición es el eje central de la identidad mu- sulmana, que en todo caso mantiene su fidelidad a la nación india. Sin embargo, el discurso del fundamentalismo hindú desde la década de 1980 ha ido alienando a esta comunidad, 77 que no solo rechazó la idea de Paquistán como patria de los musulmanes, sino que fue fundamental para mantener la neutralidad religiosa del estado en India. Palabras clave: Manzoor Ehtesham, Partición en literatura hindi, Rahi Masoom. DOI: https://doi.org/10.25145/j.recaesin.2018.76.06 Revista Canaria de Estudios Ingleses, 76; April 2018, pp. 77-89; ISSN: e-2530-8335 REVISTA CANARIA 77-89 DE ESTUDIOS PP. -
Internal Classification of Scheduled Castes: the Punjab Story
COMMENTARY “in direct recruitments only and not in Internal Classification of promotion cases”.2 Learning from the Punjab experience, the state government Scheduled Castes: of Haryana too decided in 1994 to divide its scheduled caste population in two blocks, The Punjab Story A and B, limiting 50 per cent of all the seats for the chamars (block B) and offer- ing 50 per cent of the seats to non-chamars Surinder S Jodhka, Avinash Kumar (block A) on preferential basis. This arrangement worked well until Much before the question of n the recommendations of the 2005 when the Punjab and Haryana High quotas within quotas in jobs Ramachandra Rao Commission, Court directed the two state governments reserved for the scheduled castes Othe government of Andhra about the “illegality” of the provision in Pradesh decided in June 1997 to classify response to a writ petition by Gaje Singh, acquired prominence in Andhra its scheduled caste (SC) population into A, a chamar from the region. The petitioner Pradesh, Punjab had introduced a B, C and D categories and fixed a specific cited the Supreme Court judgments twofold classification of its SC quota of seats against each of the caste against the sub-classification of scheduled population. When the Andhra categories roughly matching the propor- castes in the case of Andhra Pradesh. tion of their numbers in the total popula- Though, the Punjab state government case went to court, Punjab had to tion. This was done in response to the pow- quickly worked a way out of it and turned rework its policy. -
E-Digest on Ambedkar's Appropriation by Hindutva Ideology
Ambedkar’s Appropriation by Hindutva Ideology An E-Digest Compiled by Ram Puniyani (For Private Circulation) Center for Study of Society and Secularism & All India Secular Forum 602 & 603, New Silver Star, Behind BEST Bus Depot, Santacruz (E), Mumbai: - 400 055. E-mail: [email protected], www.csss-isla.com Page | 1 E-Digest - Ambedkar’s Appropriation by Hindutva Ideology Preface Many a debates are raging in various circles related to Ambedkar’s ideology. On one hand the RSS combine has been very active to prove that RSS ideology is close to Ambedkar’s ideology. In this direction RSS mouth pieces Organizer (English) and Panchjanya (Hindi) brought out special supplements on the occasion of anniversary of Ambedkar, praising him. This is very surprising as RSS is for Hindu nation while Ambedkar has pointed out that Hindu Raj will be the biggest calamity for dalits. The second debate is about Ambedkar-Gandhi. This came to forefront with Arundhati Roy’s introduction to Ambedkar’s ‘Annihilation of Caste’ published by Navayana. In her introduction ‘Doctor and the Saint’ Roy is critical of Gandhi’s various ideas. This digest brings together some of the essays and articles by various scholars-activists on the theme. Hope this will help us clarify the underlying issues. Ram Puniyani (All India Secular Forum) Mumbai June 2015 Page | 2 E-Digest - Ambedkar’s Appropriation by Hindutva Ideology Contents Page No. Section A Ambedkar’s Legacy and RSS Combine 1. Idolatry versus Ideology 05 By Divya Trivedi 2. Top RSS leader misquotes Ambedkar on Untouchability 09 By Vikas Pathak 3. -
'Ambedkar's Constitution': a Radical Phenomenon in Anti-Caste
Article CASTE: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 2 No. 1 pp. 109–131 brandeis.edu/j-caste April 2021 ISSN 2639-4928 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i1.282 ‘Ambedkar’s Constitution’: A Radical Phenomenon in Anti-Caste Discourse? Anurag Bhaskar1 Abstract During the last few decades, India has witnessed two interesting phenomena. First, the Indian Constitution has started to be known as ‘Ambedkar’s Constitution’ in popular discourse. Second, the Dalits have been celebrating the Constitution. These two phenomena and the connection between them have been understudied in the anti-caste discourse. However, there are two generalised views on these aspects. One view is that Dalits practice a politics of restraint, and therefore show allegiance to the Constitution which was drafted by the Ambedkar-led Drafting Committee. The other view criticises the constitutional culture of Dalits and invokes Ambedkar’s rhetorical quote of burning the Constitution. This article critiques both these approaches and argues that none of these fully explores and reflects the phenomenon of constitutionalism by Dalits as an anti-caste social justice agenda. It studies the potential of the Indian Constitution and responds to the claim of Ambedkar burning the Constitution. I argue that Dalits showing ownership to the Constitution is directly linked to the anti-caste movement. I further argue that the popular appeal of the Constitution has been used by Dalits to revive Ambedkar’s legacy, reclaim their space and dignity in society, and mobilise radically against the backlash of the so-called upper castes. Keywords Ambedkar, Constitution, anti-caste movement, constitutionalism, Dalit Introduction Dr. -
Original Research Paper Commerce History Dalits Movements and Organisations DR. BALKAR SINGH ASSISTANT PROFESSOR
IF : 3.62 | IC Value 70.36 Volume-5, Issue-8, August - 2016 • ISSN No 2277 - 8160 Commerce Original Research Paper History Dalits Movements and Organisations DR. BALKAR SINGH ASSISTANT PROFESSOR (History), I.G.U. MEERPUR (REWARI) SUPRIYA DHANDA RESEARCH SCHOLAR (HISTORY), I.G.U. MEERPUR (REWARI) KEYWORDS : – INTRODUCTION which was headed by Vasant Rai and other Ad-Dharm Mandal which Dalit Movements and Organizations in India the problem of untouch- was headed by Mangoo Ram.Infact, Vasant Rai was lured back by Arya ability and exploitation of Dalits in social, economic and political are- Samaj in 1929, but the Mangoo Ram’s group played anactive part in as has been a stark reality of Indian society. Various efforts have been the politics of Punjab for more than two decades. The contribution of made so far by visionaries in this direction by launching movements Ad-Dharm movement was crucial. Ithelped the Dalits to seek social and forming organizations to highlight and find solution of the prob- recognition through the process of cultural transformation on the lems of the Dalits in India. As a result we can see a constant growth of one hand and spiritual regeneration on the other hand.It carved out awareness among the Dalits who have started asserting their identity a new identity and gave them a new name. The Ad-Dharm movement and demanding their due share in power. Here an attempt has been succeeded in raising the consciousness among the down trodden made to give an account of various Dalits movements and organiza- people of the Doaba region in particular and of the entire state in tions in India. -
CASTE. RITUALS and STRATEGIES by RINA NAYAR
CASTE. RITUALS AND STRATEGIES by RINA NAYAR (nee GHOSHAL) School of Oriental and African Studies Thesis submitted for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in The University of London 1976 ProQuest Number: 10731447 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731447 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 IS3 ABSTRACT This th&sis focusses attention on two institutions in a caste oriented society at variance with the established pattern of behaviour between members of different castes* These are Ritual Kinship and Spirit Possession among ritual specialists* The study was carried out in Dharnu, a village in Himachal Pradesh, India* The first chapter outlines the accepted pattern of inter-caste behaviour and draws attention to the flexibility with which it operates in practice. Their appear to exist in all cases, regularized mechanisms for circumventing caste rules, which are ritually legitimised* The second chapter provides a general background into the study and describes the peoples in that area and their customs. The third chapter analyses the caste hierarchy in the village with special emphasis on commensal behaviour as the clearest index of ranking* The fourth chapter begins with a discussion of the nature of ritual kinship and presents data on this institution in Bharnu* The data are analysed In terms of the strategic value for individuals and their integra tive value for the community. -
The Saffron Wave Meets the Silent Revolution: Why the Poor Vote for Hindu Nationalism in India
THE SAFFRON WAVE MEETS THE SILENT REVOLUTION: WHY THE POOR VOTE FOR HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Tariq Thachil August 2009 © 2009 Tariq Thachil THE SAFFRON WAVE MEETS THE SILENT REVOLUTION: WHY THE POOR VOTE FOR HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA Tariq Thachil, Ph. D. Cornell University 2009 How do religious parties with historically elite support bases win the mass support required to succeed in democratic politics? This dissertation examines why the world’s largest such party, the upper-caste, Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has experienced variable success in wooing poor Hindu populations across India. Briefly, my research demonstrates that neither conventional clientelist techniques used by elite parties, nor strategies of ideological polarization favored by religious parties, explain the BJP’s pattern of success with poor Hindus. Instead the party has relied on the efforts of its ‘social service’ organizational affiliates in the broader Hindu nationalist movement. The dissertation articulates and tests several hypotheses about the efficacy of this organizational approach in forging party-voter linkages at the national, state, district, and individual level, employing a multi-level research design including a range of statistical and qualitative techniques of analysis. In doing so, the dissertation utilizes national and author-conducted local survey data, extensive interviews, and close observation of Hindu nationalist recruitment techniques collected over thirteen months of fieldwork. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Tariq Thachil was born in New Delhi, India. He received his bachelor’s degree in Economics from Stanford University in 2003. -
Unit 11 Leadership*
Party System and Electoral * Politics UNIT 11 LEADERSHIP Structure 11.0 Objectives 11.1 Introduction 11.2 Leadership during the Nehruvian Era (1950s to mid-1960s) 11.3 Emergence of the State Level Leadership 11.4 Leadership from the 1990s 11.5 Women Leadership 11.6 References 11.7 Let Us Sum Up 11.8 Answers to Check Your Progress 11.0 OBJECTIVES After reading this unit, you will be able to: Explain the meaning and significance of leadership in India; Identify the characteristics of leadership in Indian states; Discuss the changes in nature of leadership over the years after Independence; and Explain the process of emergence of leadership. 11.1 INTRODUCTION In a democracy, leadership is one of the important parts of the political system. It plays multiple roles. It helps articulate the interests of people, formulate policies for them; provide an ideological orientation when needed; chalk out strategies to mobilises them into collective action, and represent them in the elected bodies at different levels. These roles can be played as a single act by a single leader. Or different roles can be played by different leaders. Some leaders do not join a party or an institution formally. They lead people in an apolitical way, in the sense that, they do not form a party. In a culturally diverse society such as India, there are leaders that represent different identity groups – caste, language, region, gender or religion. They mostly focus on the issues that concern the specific group. Although they may also form a political party or contest elections, generally, they play the role of community leaders. -
Changing Caste Relations and Emerging Contestations in Punjab
CHANGING CASTE RELATIONS AND EMERGING CONTESTATIONS IN PUNJAB PARAMJIT S. JUDGE When scholars and political leaders characterised Indian society as unity in diversity, there were simultaneous efforts in imagining India as a civilisational unity also. The consequences of this ‘imagination’ are before us in the form of the emergence of religious nationalism that ultimately culminated into the partition of the country. Why have I started my discussion with the issue of religious nationalism and partition? The reason is simple. Once we assume that a society like India could be characterised in terms of one caste hierarchical system, we are essentially constructing the discourse of dominant Hindu civilisational unity. Unlike class and gender hierarchies which are exist on economic and sexual bases respectively, all castes cannot be aggregated and arranged in hierarchy along one axis. Any attempt at doing so would amount to the construction of India as essentially the Hindu India. Added to this issue is the second dimension of hierarchy, which could be seen by separating Varna from caste. Srinivas (1977) points out that Varna is fixed, whereas caste is dynamic. Numerous castes comprise each Varna, the exception to which is the Brahmin caste whose caste differences remain within the caste and are unknown to others. We hardly know how to distinguish among different castes of Brahmins, because there is complete absence of knowledge about various castes among them. On the other hand, there is detailed information available about all the scheduled castes and backward classes. In other words, knowledge about castes and their place in the stratification system is pre- determined by the enumerating agency. -
Collective Transform and Cost-Effective Maturity in Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's Vision of India
============================================================== Language in India www.languageinindia.com ISSN 1930-2940 18:3 March 2018 Dr. T. Deivasigamani, Editor: Indian Writing in English: A Subaltern Perspective Annamalai University, Tamilnadu, India ============================================================== Collective Transform and Cost-Effective Maturity in Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Vision of India Dr. B. Nainar ========================================================== Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Courtesy: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B._R._Ambedkar Abstract Ambedkar was one of the pioneers of social justice in India. It was Ambedkar who provided new dimensions to the concept of justice. We regard him as the ‘Champion of Social justice. He was himself a victim of social injustice, faced its difficulties; and he not tolerated the injustice, but boldly fought against them. Ambedkar had a liberal concept of justice. Like Gandhi, for Ambedkar, justice is simply another name of liberty, equality and fraternity. In this sense, the core value of Ambedkar concept of justice is human equality, equal distribution of the welfare materials and discrimination less society. Thus, the spirit of social justice, according to Ambedkar, gives a significant place to mutual sympathy and respect. Whatever he achieved, that would have been possible for his strength of character which manifested his individual charisma. As a statesman, scholar, crusader of downtrodden and above all a spiritual guide, Ambedkar has ================================================================================= Language in India www.languageinindia.com ISSN 1930-2940 18:3 March 2018 Dr. T. Deivasigamani, Editor: Indian Writing in English: A Subaltern Perspective Dr. B. Nainar Collective Transform and Cost-Effective Maturity in Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Vision of India 185 left an indelible impression on the Indian History. -
Annexure V - Caste Codes State Wise List of Castes
ANNEXURE V - CASTE CODES STATE WISE LIST OF CASTES STATE TAMIL NADU CODE CASTE 1 ADDI DIRVISA 2 AKAMOW DOOR 3 AMBACAM 4 AMBALAM 5 AMBALM 6 ASARI 7 ASARI 8 ASOOY 9 ASRAI 10 B.C. 11 BARBER/NAI 12 CHEETAMDR 13 CHELTIAN 14 CHETIAR 15 CHETTIAR 16 CRISTAN 17 DADA ACHI 18 DEYAR 19 DHOBY 20 DILAI 21 F.C. 22 GOMOLU 23 GOUNDEL 24 HARIAGENS 25 IYAR 26 KADAMBRAM 27 KALLAR 28 KAMALAR 29 KANDYADR 30 KIRISHMAM VAHAJ 31 KONAR 32 KONAVAR 33 M.B.C. 34 MANIGAICR 35 MOOPPAR 36 MUDDIM 37 MUNALIAR 38 MUSLIM/SAYD 39 NADAR 40 NAIDU 41 NANDA 42 NAVEETHM 43 NAYAR 44 OTHEI 45 PADAIACHI 46 PADAYCHI 47 PAINGAM 48 PALLAI 49 PANTARAM 50 PARAIYAR 51 PARMYIAR 52 PILLAI 53 PILLAIMOR 54 POLLAR 55 PR/SC 56 REDDY 57 S.C. 58 SACHIYAR 59 SC/PL 60 SCHEDULE CASTE 61 SCHTLEAR 62 SERVA 63 SOWRSTRA 64 ST 65 THEVAR 66 THEVAR 67 TSHIMA MIAR 68 UMBLAR 69 VALLALAM 70 VAN NAIR 71 VELALAR 72 VELLAR 73 YADEV 1 STATE WISE LIST OF CASTES STATE MADHYA PRADESH CODE CASTE 1 ADIWARI 2 AHIR 3 ANJARI 4 BABA 5 BADAI (KHATI, CARPENTER) 6 BAMAM 7 BANGALI 8 BANIA 9 BANJARA 10 BANJI 11 BASADE 12 BASOD 13 BHAINA 14 BHARUD 15 BHIL 16 BHUNJWA 17 BRAHMIN 18 CHAMAN 19 CHAWHAN 20 CHIPA 21 DARJI (TAILOR) 22 DHANVAR 23 DHIMER 24 DHOBI 25 DHOBI (WASHERMAN) 26 GADA 27 GADARIA 28 GAHATRA 29 GARA 30 GOAD 31 GUJAR 32 GUPTA 33 GUVATI 34 HARJAN 35 JAIN 36 JAISWAL 37 JASODI 38 JHHIMMER 39 JULAHA 40 KACHHI 41 KAHAR 42 KAHI 43 KALAR 44 KALI 45 KALRA 46 KANOJIA 47 KATNATAM 48 KEWAMKAT 49 KEWET 50 KOL 51 KSHTRIYA 52 KUMBHI 53 KUMHAR (POTTER) 54 KUMRAWAT 55 KUNVAL 56 KURMA 57 KURMI 58 KUSHWAHA 59 LODHI 60 LULAR 61 MAJHE -
0 Satnami Self-Assertion and Dalit Activism: Everyday Life and Caste In
Satnami Self-Assertion and Dalit Activism: everyday life and caste in rural Chhattisgarh (central India) Yasna Singh A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology at the London School of Economics (LSE) for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, March 2013 0 Abstract This thesis is an ethnographic exploration of the way in which local actors who engage in Ambedkarite discourses in rural Chhattisgarh are disconnected from the larger pan-Indian social movement. It goes beyond the literature that looks at Dalits in the urban context by focusing on Dalits in rural India. The aspects under investigation are caste, social and sectarian movements, youth, rights, intergenerational difference and education. The Satnami community examined here is located in a village where they are in more or less the same economic position to other castes. These other castes, however, practice ‘distancing’ from them to avoid ‘pollution’, which is a cause for smouldering resentment. Satnamis have been historically militant. They acquired additional land and assert themselves through a sectarian movement. They have their own functionaries and pilgrimage site. Their sectarian ideology advances the claim that they are independent (swatantra) from other castes and have mitigated exchange (len-den) with them. Nevertheless, they remain at the bottom of the village caste hierarchy and face everyday forms of caste oppression. Educated Satnamis in the younger generation claim that they know more (jaankar) about their rights (adhikaar) and aspire to change by becoming “key social animators”. These young men are organised in an association (samiti/samuh) that draws on Ambedkar’s ideas about overcoming caste oppression.