An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb - Title Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb-

Author(s) 溝辺,泰雄

Citation 明治大学国際日本学研究, 10(1): 55-69

URL http://hdl.handle.net/10291/20655

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Issue Date 2018-03-31

Text version publisher

Type Departmental Bulletin Paper

DOI https://m-repo.lib.meiji.ac.jp/

Meiji University 55

【Articles】

An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb: Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb(1)

Yasu’o MIZOBE, PhD

Abstract In June 1962, a week-long international conference titled ‘The World Without the Bomb’ was convened in Accra, Ghana, attracting approximately 130 participants, mainly from the Non- Aligned Countries, who discussed the issues of disarmament and denuclearisation. Among the convention attendees were three Japanese: Shinzo Hamai, the then mayor of Hiroshima City; Ichiro Moritaki, a professor at the Hiroshima University and a leader of the anti-atomic and hydrogen bomb movement and Tomi Kora, a leading female activist and a former member of the House of Councilors. Through an examination of offi cial documents, press reports and private papers collected in Japan, Ghana, Kenya and Britain, this study analyses how the anti- nuclear arms conference held in Ghana impacted campaigns against atomic and hydrogen bombs in Japan as well as how Japan, as a victim of nuclear bombing, infl uenced disarmament and denuclearisation movements in Africa in the early 1960s.

Keywords: Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, Campaigns for nuclear disarmament, Peace movements in Africa, Japanese-African relations after World War II

Introduction

In June 1962, a week-long international conference titled the Accra Assembly for the World Without the Bomb was convened in Accra, Ghana, attracting approximately 130 participants, mainly from the non-aligned countries, who discussed the issues of disarmament and denuclearisation. Among the convention attendees were three Japanese: Shinzo Hamai, the then-mayor of Hiroshima City; Ichiro Moritaki, a professor at Hiroshima University and a leader of the anti-atomic and hydrogen bomb movement; and Tomi Kora, a leading feminist and

(1) This paper is a revised and extended version of a paper presented at the 53rd annual conference of the Japan Association of African Studies at College of Bio-resource Sciences, Nihon University, Fujisawa. The author is very grateful to an anonymous reviewer for his/her invaluable comments and suggestions. 56 『明治大学国際日本学研究』第 10 巻第 1 号 （ 149 ） peace movement activist and a former member of the House of Councillors. As is widely known, relations (at least formal relations) between Japan and Africa were suspended from the end of the Second World War until the early 1950s. Major topics related to Japanese-African relations since the 1950s have been analysed in various studies, such as those collected in Africa and Japan (1994), edited by Masahisa Kawabata,(2) and Jun Morikawa's critical analysis of Japanese diplomatic policies.(3) Regarding the academic sphere, a memoir by Kawabata, Katsuhiko Kitagawa and Eisei Kurimoto traces the history of African studies in Japan after the Second World War.(4) In addition, works by Africa-based scholars such as Themba Sono's Japan and Africa (1993),(5) Seifudein Adem's Japan, a Model and a Partner (2006)(6) and Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo's Japan-Africa Relations (2010)(7) have deepened and broadened the analysis of the history of Japanese-African relations since the Second World War. However, as far as the present author has confi rmed, there are few studies focusing on the mid-twentieth-century struggle for peace, especially regarding the abolition of nuclear weapons, in the context of Japanese-African relations after the Second World War. In addition, the fact that three Japanese representatives participated in discussions with Africans, African Americans and pacifi sts from around the world in the capital city of Ghana, a newly independent African country and one of the leading nations of Pan-Africanism at the time, has not been fully analysed in previous studies on mid-twentieth-century Japanese- African relations and the global anti-nuclear weapon movement. Therefore, as a preliminary report on the present author's three-year research project,(8) this paper briefl y examines how the anti-nuclear arms conference held in Ghana impacted campaigns against the atomic and

(2) Masahisa Kawabata, ed., Ahurika to Nihon (Africa and Japan), Keisoh Shoboh, 1994. It contains eighteen chapters covering such topics as the historical, political, economic and developmental relations between Japan and Africa from the nineteenth century to the early 1990s. (3) Jun Morikawa, Minami-Ahurika to Nihon: Kankei no Rekisi, Kouzoh, Kadai (South Africa and Japan: A History of Connection, Structures, Challenges), Dohbunkan, 1988; Jun Morikawa, Japan and Africa: Big Business and Diplomacy, London: C. Hurst, 1997. (4) Masahisa Kawabata, Katsuhiko Kitagawa and Eisei Kurimoto, 'Nihon Ahurika Gakkai no Souritsu ni Kakawatta Shodantai to Hitobito (Groups and Peoples who were Involved in the Establishment of the JAAS)', In Groups and Peoples who were Involved in the Establishment of the JAAS (edited by The Committee for the Commemoration Projects for the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Japan Association of African Studies), JAAS, 2013, pp. 3-19. http://african-studies.com/j/seminars/img/JAAS_SI.pdf (5) Themba Sono, Japan and Africa: the Evolution and Nature of Political, Economic and Human Bonds, 1543-1993, Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council, 1993. (6) Seifudein Adem, Japan, a Model and a Partner: Views and Issues in African Development, Leiden: Brill, 2006. (7) Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo, Japan-Africa Relations, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. (8) 'A Historical Research on the Development of International Movements for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons in the Middle of the Twentieth Century from a Perspective of Japanese-African Relations', JSPS KAKENHI (Grant-in-Aid for Scientifi c Research) [C], Grant Number: 16K03096, https://kaken.nii. ac.jp/en/grant/KAKENHI-PROJECT-16K03096/ （ 148 ） An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb: Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb 57 hydrogen bomb in Japan as well as how Japan, as a victim of nuclear bombing, influenced the disarmament and denuclearisation movements in Africa in the early 1960s, through an examination of offi cial documents, press reports and private papers held in Ghana, Kenya, the United Kingdom and Japan.

Nuclear Disarmament Movements from the Mid-1950s to the Early 1960s

In the mid-1950s and the early 1960s, the world witnessed the rise of mass movements for nuclear disarmament. In Japan, which had been shocked by the horrific Lucky Dragon incident, in which a Japanese tuna fi shing boat was damaged by the hydrogen bomb tests of the United States at Bikini Atoll, a furore against nuclear tests exploded among the public and an anti-nuclear weapon campaign arose. On 6 August 1955, the First World Conference against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs was convened in Hiroshima, and in the following month the Japan Council against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs (Gensuikyo) was established. In Europe and the United States, various mass organisations were formed, such as the UK National Council for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapon Tests in 1957, which was reorganised as the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in the following year, and the US National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) in 1957.(9) Many people turned out into the streets to protest the spiralling nuclear arms race. Moreover, in the same period, Africa also faced the threat of nuclear weapons due to the French plan to conduct nuclear testing in the Sahara Desert, which France announced in the summer of 1959.(10) According to Vincent J. Intondi, 'Frightened and angered, many Africans saw the French test as another form of European colonialism. Those who lived in Ghana feared that nuclear fallout would devastate their cocoa industry, a vital source of national revenue'.(11) To stop the French nuclear test in the Sahara, European and American (including African American) activists organised an international protest group called the Sahara Protest Team.(12) They planned to send the team to the test site to halt the French plan directly. The team was led by British activists April Carter and Michael Scott and involved leading American pacifi st A. J. Muste as well as African American activists Bayard Rustin and Bill Sutherland. They

(9) Lawrence S. Wittner, The Struggle Against the Bomb, Vol.2: Resisting the Bomb-A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement, 1954-1970, Stanford University Press, 1997, p. 52. (10) Wittner, The Struggle Against the Bomb, Vol.2, pp.265-266. (11) Vincent J. Intondi, African Americans Against the Bomb Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism, and the Black Freedom Movement, Stanford University Press, 2015, p. 51. (12) For a detailed analysis of the Sahara Protest Team in the context of Pan-Africanism and black internationalism in the mid-twentieth century, see Jean Allman, 'Nuclear Imperialism and the Pan- African Struggle for Peace and Freedom: Ghana, 1959-1962', Souls, 10(2), 2008, pp. 87-92. 58 『明治大学国際日本学研究』第 10 巻第 1 号 （ 147 ） received full support from the Ghanaian government and it decided Accra would be the starting point for the team. Although the protest team could not reach the test site because its members were arrested by the French authorities in the Upper Volta (present Burkina Faso), their eff orts drew the attention of the African, British and US media.(13) However, despite fi erce protest and criticism by the public, France carried out its fi rst nuclear test in the Sahara Desert of Algeria on 13 February 1960.(14) In opposition to the French actions, protests erupted throughout the African continent. For instance, Egypt, the Arab League Council and Morocco immediately made statements of protest against the French government.(15) Kwame Nkrumah, the then prime minister of Ghana, also expressed opposition to the test, and the Ghanaian government decided to freeze the assets of French fi rms.(16) Protesting against the French atomic bomb tests, Nkrumah immediately took action to organise an international conference for the purpose of forming a unifi ed peace movement in Africa. The Ghanaian government held the Conference on Positive Action for Peace and Security in Africa, in Accra in April 1960.(17) Nkrumah's opposition to the military use of nuclear power had been consistent since the mid-1950s. In 1958, for instance, his country hosted the Conference of Independent African States, at which Nkrumah clearly expressed an objection to the French plan to carry out nuclear tests in the Sahara, as can be seen in the following:

Like hundreds of millions of people all over the world we appeal to all the powers concerned to cease the testing of nuclear weapons. Radio-active winds know no international frontiers and it is these tests in a period of so-called peace-which can do more than anything else to threaten our very existence. But what do we hear? At the very moment when a Summit Conference is being contemplated it is reputed that plans are being made to use the Sahara as a testing ground for nuclear weapons. We vehemently condemn this proposal and protest against the use of our continent for such purposes. We appeal to the United Nations to call a halt to this threat to our

(13) Intondi, African Americans Against the Bomb, pp. 56-57. (14) CTBTO Preparatory Commission, '13 February 1960-The First French Nuclear Test', https://www. ctbto.org/specials/testing-times/13-february-1960-the-first-french-nuclear-test (accessed on 2nd September 2017). (15) Intondi, African Americans Against the Bomb, p. 56. (16) 'Ghana to Freeze Assets of French', The New York Times, 14 February 1960. (17) Nkrumah's speech delivered at the conference and the conference resolutions are published in a booklet titled 'Positive Action Conference for Peace and Security in Africa, Accra, 7th to 10th April, 1960', Kenya National Archives (KNA) MAC/CON/196/3. （ 146 ） An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb: Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb 59

safety.(18)

In spite of a series of serious objections to these tests in Africa, France did not cease its plan to conduct testing of the atomic bomb in the Sahara, and the Soviet Union also resumed nuclear testing, including huge hydrogen bombs, in 1961. Furthermore, the Unites States restarted its atmospheric nuclear tests in 1962. Faced with such situations, Nkrumah strengthened his criticism of the fi rm stance of Europe and the United States. On 4 July 1961, Nkrumah stressed to the National Assembly of Ghana the importance of acting against the expansion of nuclear armament, which he framed as his 'positive neutralism' policy, as follows:

I believe that a policy based on the continuous threat of nuclear warfare, no less than nuclear warfare itself, is a policy of madness, stupidity and despair. Throughout the world there is a deep but often inarticulate desire for peace. It is the duty of countries which follow a positive neutralist policy to help to make this world opinion assert its full weight.(19)

In that same year, he set up the Preparatory Committee to hold an international conference to discuss the issue of nuclear disarmament in the following year.

The Accra Assembly in 1962

Starting approximately one month before the Accra Assembly was to begin, Ghanaian newspapers, especially the Evening News and the Ghanaian Times, both of which were controlled by Nkrumah, published a series of articles appealing to their readers to protest against the threat of nuclear weapons, including the terrible damage caused by an atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima [Figure 1].

(18) KNA, MAC/CON/196/4: 'Speech by the Hon. Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana', Parliament House of Ghana, Conference of Independent African States: Speeches Delivered at the Inaugural Session, 15th April, 1958, 2nd edition, 1958, p. 7. (19) F. E. Boaten, 'Introduction', Secretariat of the Accra Assembly, Conclusion of the Accra Assembly, 1963, p. vii. 60 『明治大学国際日本学研究』第 10 巻第 1 号 （ 145 ）

On 21 June 1962, the Accra Assembly opened, [Figure 1] Front Page of The Evening News, 21 June 1962 attracting 130 participants from 43 countries and colonies, including those who attended as experts and observers [See Appendix 1]. In a week-long conference, the participants discussed various issues related to nuclear disarmament in five Committees [Table 1]. According to F. B. Boaten, the general secretary of the Accra Assembly, the conference had some distinctive features in several respects. This conference was not an intergovernmental one but rather a citizen's meeting, that is, none of the participants represented the governments of their own countries even if they were politicians or officials. In addition, the Ghanaian government paid all expenses for the conference, including travel and accommodation for all participants by allotting 1.5 per cent of its defence budget to the conference.(20)

[Table 1] Five Committees of the Accra Assembly(21) The First The Reduction of International Tensions Committee The Second The Disarmament Process Committee The Third The Transformation of Existing Military Committee Nuclear Materials to Peaceful Uses The Fourth Economic Problems Involved in or Arising Committee from Disarmament The Fifth Disarmament and the Fundamental Problems Committee of Hunger, Disease, Ignorance and Servitude

As shown in Appendix 1, most participants were from the non-aligned nations; however, many peace activists and scholars from the United Kingdom and the United States as well as scholars and nuclear experts from the so-called Eastern Bloc, such as the Soviet and East Germany, attended the conference.

(20) Boaten, 'Introduction', p. vii. (21) Boaten, Conclusion of the Accra Assembly, p. 4. （ 144 ） An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb: Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb 61

Moreover, remarkably, African Americans played [Figure 2] Members of the Ghana Young Pioneer Movement displaying an important role in the conference. For many African placards against nuclear tests outside Americans, a movement for nuclear disarmament, and more the conference hall of the Accra Assembly, The Daily Graphic (Ghana), broadly a peace movement in general, was an integral part 22 June 1962. of the black freedom movement. They recognised the issue of nuclear weapons as that one based on racism as well as colonialism. For example, the prominent African American poet Langston Hughes, in his column in the 18 August 1945 issue of the Chicago Def ender, asserted that racism was at the heart of President Harry S. Truman's decision to use the atomic bomb in Japan but not in Germany.(22) In the year following the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People affi rmed its stance on nuclear disarmament at its annual conference.(23) In addition, mostly for black leftist activists, the nuclear issue was connected to colonialism. To quote Intondi's words, 'From the United States' obtaining uranium from the Belgian- controlled Congo to France's testing a nuclear weapon in the Sahara, activists saw a direct link between those who possessed nuclear weapons and [Figure 3] Front Page of The

(24) Ghanaian Times, 22 June 1962 (Third those who colonised the non-white world'. from the top on the right side is On the opening day of the Accra Assembly, a Hamai) pre-eminent Pan-Africanist, W. E. B. Du Bois, who participated in the conference, made a speech in which he said that the only hope for mankind was peace, adding that 'atomic power and war made peace impossible'.(25) Christine Johnson, the then-president of the African American Heritage Association, who attended the conference as an observer, stated that people throughout the world were longing for peace and that nuclear power should not be used for military purposes.(26) Moreover, Julian Mayfi eld, a black nationalist and an important writer in the black power movement, who had moved to Ghana to work

(22) Intondi, African Americans Against the Bomb, pp. 3 and 15. (23) Intondi, African Americans Against the Bomb, p. 15. (24) Intondi, African Americans Against the Bomb, p. 3. (25) 'Peace, the Only Hope of Mankind', The Evening News (Ghana), 23 June 1962. (26) Intondi, African Americans Against the Bomb, p. 58. 62 『明治大学国際日本学研究』第 10 巻第 1 号 （ 143 ） with Nkrumah, edited a collection of papers from the conference.(27) Additionally, among the participants at the conference were three Japanese: Tomi Kora, a former Member of Councillors and an activist in movements for peace and women's rights; Shinzo Hamai, the then-mayor of Hiroshima City [Figure 3]; and Ichiro Moritaki, a professor at Hiroshima University and the then-chair of the Hiroshima Prefectural Council of Atomic and Hydrogen Bomb Victims' Organisations. The attendance by Hamai and Moritaki was reported by the Chugoku Shimbun, a Hiroshima-based local newspaper in Japan. The 1 June 1962 issue states that Hamai and Moritaki accepted an invitation from the organising committee of the Accra Assembly. The article carries their short comments, in which Moritaki states that 'I plan to propose an ethics for the world community to construct a peaceful world and after the conference I will visit Dr. Schweitzer to receive his instruction', and Hamai says, 'I think it is best to appeal to the eyes of the participants how horrible the atomic bomb was, so I will bring some slides [of the Hiroshima Atomic Bomb Museum, which show the damage caused by the Atomic Bomb]'.(28) Mayfi eld, the above-mentioned African American writer who was one of the organising members of the conference, expressed three weeks before the opening of the conference, in his column published in the 30 May 1962 issue of the Evening News, his expectation that Mayor Hamai would attend:

The announcement by Mr. Shinzo Hamai, Mayor of Hiroshima, that he will attend the Accra Assembly which convenes June 21, reminds us once again that the Japanese are the only people who have ever been the victims of a deliberate atom bomb attack … It is hoped that Mr Hamai and the scores of his distinguished conferrers who will put their heads together here in Accra, will be able to chart a healthier course for the world's politicians and scientists than the one which has kept us biting our fi ngernails for the last 17 years.(29)

Regarding another Japanese participant, Tomi Kora, the present author has examined various publications and documents about her, including her autobiography and biographies; however, at this time, no documents have been found regarding her impressions of or comments about the Accra Assembly that she herself wrote, although her report on the 1960

(27) Julian Mayfi eld, ed, The World without the Bomb: Selection from the Papers of 'The Accra Assembly', Secretariat of the Accra Assembly, 1963. (28) 'Moritaki, Hamai-shi ga Shusseki: Accra no Kokusai Gunshuku Kaigi (Mr Moritaki and Mayor Hamai Attend the International Disarmament Conference in Accra)', The Chugoku Shimbun, 1 June 1962. (29) Julian Mayfi eld, 'Hiroshima: First Atomic Target', The Evening News, 30 May 1962. （ 142 ） An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb: Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb 63 peace conference in Accra, which she attended as the only Japanese participant, has been confi rmed in her biography.(30) In contrast, the speeches delivered by Hamai and Moritaki were published in a collection of papers of the Accra Assembly edited by Mayfi eld. Hamai made his speech(31) on the last day of the conference, and Moritaki read his paper(32) in the third committee, in which he insisted on the importance of what he called a 'Civilisation of Love', which should replace a 'civilisation of power', which had caused disastrous damage through the two World Wars. Hamai came back to Japan on 15 July, and in an interview with the Japanese media he emphasised the importance of informing people about the reality of and brutality caused by the atomic bomb in Hiroshima and Nagasaki:

I felt people in the world have a good understanding of the issue of Atomic and Hydrogen bombs in theory, but they lacked the knowledge of the realities. Therefore, I thought someone representing the citizens of Hiroshima who actually experienced the atomic bomb had to participate in the conference. I recognise the necessity to send Ghana some materials relating to the damage of Hiroshima and Nagasaki through the secretariat to let them know the realities. In that sense, it may be worth considering the possibility of holding the next Assembly in Hiroshima. With Ms. Tomi Kora, we proposed a plan that people in the world would wear a badge of protesting anti-nuclear tests. That proposal was accepted, and we were requested to design the badge and a poster in Hiroshima.(33)

Moritaki states in his autobiography that, when witnessing the severe poverty and illiteracy in Africa, he realised how serious the so-called North-South issue was and that it would be impossible to achieve peace in the world without eliminating the discrepancies between the North and the South.

Through this journey to Africa, my eyes were opened to the so-called 'North-South issue'. The term 'North-South issue' indicates the economic imbalance between developing and developed nations; I realised the issue of 'unbalance between the

(30) Tomi Kora, 'Ghana, Genbaku Jikken ni Hantaisuru Kokusaikaigi ni Shussekisite (Impressions of the International Conference Against Atomic Bomb Tests in Ghana)', Kora Tomi no Shougai to Sakuhin (Life and Works of Tomi Kora), Volume 7, Domes Publisher, 2002, pp. 133-138. (31) The World without the Bomb: Selection from the papers of 'The Accra Assembly', pp. 160-161. (32) The World without the Bomb: Selection from the papers of 'The Accra Assembly', pp. 136-144. (33) 'Hiroshima de Minkanjin Gunshuku Kaigi wo: Hamai Shicho Kikokudan (Towards a Civilian Conference for Disarmament: Says Mayor Hamai)', The Yomiuri Shimbun, 16 July 1962. 64 『明治大学国際日本学研究』第 10 巻第 1 号 （ 141 ）

South and the North' was becoming an issue of peace as I witnessed tragic situations of starvation, ill health, poverty and illiteracy in newly born African countries, most of which were in the developing South. Without solving this unbalance, we cannot establish peace in the world. Major powers in the North are endlessly carrying on the race of nuclear armament in the East-West confrontation. In such eff orts, they spend huge amount of resources and energies as well as science technologies. If East and West could reconcile with each other and stop the nuclear arms race, and if the huge amount of resources, energies and science technologies which are currently spent for the race, could be diverted to eliminate starvation, ill health, poverty and illiteracy in the South, most of the 'imbalance between the South and the North' would be eliminated. Rectifying the imbalance between the South and the North by nuclear disarmament through the reconciliation and co-existence of the East and the West will be the only way to achieve the global peace.(34)

This statement gives us a hint about the future relationship between Japan and Africa, namely, not supporting military forces in Africa but maintaining co-operation with civilians in Africa to eliminate poverty and social inequalities would be the only way to bring peace in Africa as well as Japan.

Signifi cance of the Accra Assembly

After discussions lasting eight days, the Assembly adopted a declaration.(35) In the preamble, the signatories of the declaration proclaimed that they rejected the concept of war, because 'war, aggression, expansionism, policies based on force, the cold war and the arms race, militarism, foreign domination, colonialism, and political, military and economic pressure are all outmoded'.(36) The recommendations based on this declaration were submitted to Conference on Disarmament in Geneva on 24 August of that year,(37) and the fi nal report of the conference was published in the following year. The Guardian (United Kingdom) indicates that there was discord between Nkrumah

(34) Ichiro Moritaki, Hankaku Sanju-nen (Thirty Years of Anti-Nuclear Weapons), Nihon Hyoron-sha, 1978, pp. 80-81. (35) Boaten, Conclusion of the Accra Assembly, p. 8. (36) Ibid. (37) 'Akura Kaigi Kankoku Gunshuku Kaigi he Teishutsu (Recommendations by the Accra Conference Submitted to the Geneva Disarmament Conference)', The Asahi Shimbun, 25 August 1962. （ 140 ） An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb: Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb 65 and John Collins, a co-sponsor of the conference, because Collins felt uncomfortable about Nkrumah's self-aggrandizing performance and his manipulation of the Assembly to maintain a prominent role of his own administration:

The 'Ban the Bomb Congress' in Ghana has ended with a laudable and serious set of resolutions on world disarmament, and has secured for Ghana the headquarters of yet one more organisation that can be guaranteed to make the occasional headline. It is precisely this attempt to use the conference partly as a vehicle for focusing world attention on Ghana which seems to have irked Canon Collins. He was originally co- sponsor with Dr Nkrumah for this conference, and there can be little doubt that his presence helped to ensure the attendance of scientists and politicians from a very wide range of countries. But Dr Nkrumah seems to have made it clear that he who pays the piper also calls the tune, and since Ghana was fi nancing the conference it also wanted sole control …(38)

However, in a piece he wrote for the Times, Philip Noel-Baker, who had received the Novel Peace Prize in 1959 and had participated in the conference for its entirety, rejected such criticism of the Accra Assembly and commended the Ghanaian government's decision to spend the money that was worked out by the reduction of its defence budget in holding the conference as well as its declaration of the need for the future general disarmament:

As one who attended the Accra Assembly on Disarmament from beginning to end, may I think you for your reports on its work, and make some comments on rumours that have gained currency in other sections of the British Press? There was no 'row' in the Assembly or in any of its Committees. There were keen debates between people whose viewpoints diff ered widely, but the proceedings were, without exception, notably friendly. There was no attempt by the Ghana government to influence the course of the Assembly's work. This view is fully borne out by the reports of its fi ve Committees … I saw no evidence that the Assembly was being used to promote the prestige of Ghana or its President. The President did all he could to emphasise his sense of the Assembly's importance: his government spent 1½ per cent of its defence budget on carrying it through, and took the money from its military appropriations. They did so because they believe that general disarmament would be the best defence for Ghana's interests. I

(38) 'Disarmament in Accra', The Guardian, UK, 30 June 1962. 66 『明治大学国際日本学研究』第 10 巻第 1 号 （ 139 ）

hope the Assembly has increased Ghana's prestige: it would be well deserved. . .(39)

Tomi Kora, who also attended in the conference that was held in Accra two years earlier, had fl atly rejected similar criticisms against Nkrumah at the time and recognised his determination to establish a universal peace:

I cannot help saying that the Western countries' criticism against Nkrumah is missing the whole point that he convened this conference in order to gain people's support for the new constitution and to be elected as the president in the forthcoming general election. That is because the current internal and external political situations do not allow Nkrumah to monopolise the politics of the newly independent Ghana.(40)

Nonetheless, the Accra Assembly, which it was decided would be held annually, was never opened again, and organisation stopped its activities after 1963 as Nkrumah's government lost its popular support due to its inclination towards a dictatorial handling of the government. Also, in Japan, public backing for the anti-nuclear weapon movement gradually faded in the middle of the 1960s as major organisations splintered into various groups due to political conflicts. Considering such a situation, the Accra Assembly can be recognised as a mere episode in the short-lived boom of the global anti-nuclear weapon movement from the latter half of the 1950s until the beginning of the 1960s. However, the fact that activists, pacifi sts, priests, scholars, scientists and politicians from Africa, Asia, Eastern and Western Europe, the Americas and Japan gathered in 1962 in Accra, Ghana, one of the centres of the anti-colonialism and anti-racism movements at the time, to discuss the issue of nuclear disarmament and exchange opinions and experiences, can be recognised as a historical event which enabled them to connect anti-colonialism in Asia and Africa, anti-racism in the African American community and pacifi sm in Europe and Japan to the international anti-nuclear weapon movement. As symbolised by US President Barack Obama's visit to Hiroshima in May 2016, the movement for a world without nuclear weapon has attracted people's attention globally and is gradually gaining momentum again. In light of this situation, it seems worthwhile once more to analyse the discussion in the Accra Assembly to broaden the understanding of Japanese-African relations after the Second World War as well as to obtain a hint for seeking the proper way to establish universal peace in the near future.

(39) Philip Noel-Baker, 'Accra Assembly on Disarmament', The Times, UK, 3 July 1962. (40) Tomi Kora, 'Ghana, Genbaku Jikken ni Hantaisuru Kokusaikaigi ni Shussekisite', p. 133. （ 138 ） An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb: Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb 67

[Appendix 1] List of participants and observers of the Accra Assembly(41) (*Experts; **Observers)

Number Name Country of (as shown in the original document) person Afghanistan 1 Dr. Abdul H. Tabibi [Angola] 1 Mr. Andre Kassinda Argentina 1 Dr. Floreal Ferrara Bolivia 1 Dr. Augusto Cespedes Professor Maria Yedda Lette Linhares, Professor Candido Brazil 2 Mendes de Almeida Bulgaria 1 Mr. George Pirinsky Canada 2 Professor C. S. Burchill, Kenneth C. Woodsworth Professor Alejandro Lipschutz, Senor Lautaro Ojeda, Senator Chile 3 Radomiro Tomic Cuba 1 Dr. Antonio Nunez Jimenez Professor Joseph Hromadka, Professor Viktor Knapp, Dr. Pavel Czechoslovakia 3 Winkler Denmark 1 Mr. Kai Vilhelm Moltke Ecuador 1 Professor Victor Manuel Zuniga Shariff Omar Abdulla, Canon John Collins, Mr. Anthony Greenwood (M.P. Labour Party), Mrs. Judith Hart (M.P.), Mr. Robert R. Neild, Mr. Philip Noel-Baker (M.P.; Nobel Peace Prize England 10+1* Laureate), The Very Reverend Archbishop Thomas D. Roberts, Professor Joseph Rotblat, Professor Abdus Salam, Mr. Wayland Young, Professor J. D. Bernal** Mr. Guy Desson (Journalist), Dr. H. Marcovich (Member Pasteur France 2 Institute) German Democratic 1 Mr. Gerald Goetting* Republic Germany, Professor Dr. Gerd Burkhardt, Professor Ossip K. Flechtheim, Federal 5 Professor Heinz-Joachim Heydorn, Professor Heinrich Republic of Kloppenburg, Hans Werner Richter Dr. R. P. Baffour, Mr. Geoffrey Bing, C.M.G., Q.C., Dr. W. E. B. Dubois, Mr. J. H. Mensah, Mr. E. C. Quaye, Dr. I. Yanney Ghana 6+3** Wilson, Mrs. Susanna Al-Hassan**, His Grace Archbishop J. K. Amissah**, The Right Reverend E. M. L. Odjdja** Hungary 1 Dr. Endre Sik

(41) The World Without the Bomb: Selection from the Accra Assembly Papers, pp. 168-179. 68 『明治大学国際日本学研究』第 10 巻第 1 号 （ 137 ）

Mr. U. N. Dhebar, Diwan Chaman Lall (Indian M.P.), Mr. N. R. India 5 Malkani, Mrs. Savitri Nigam (Indian M.P.), Mr. S. M. Sikri Ireland 1 Mr. Sean Macbride, S.C. Dr. Lelio Basso, Dr. Enrico Bonomi, Dr. Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, Italy 4 Mr. Camillo Grandini JAPAN 3 Mr. Shinzo Hamai, Madame Tomi Kora, Professor Ichiro Kenya 1 Dr. Gikonya Kiano (Parliamentary Secretary to Jomo Kenyatta) Mali 1 Mr. Mohamed Zouboye Mexico 2 Professor Francisco Lopez Camara, Professor E. G. Pedrero Morocco 2 Seyid Mohammed El Fasi, Professor M. Allal El Fassi Nigeria 2 Dr. Edward Wilmot Blyden III, Dr. Chicki Obi Norway 2 Dr. Vilhelm Aubert, Professor J. V. Galtung Mr. Hatim Alavi, Mr. A. K. Brohi, Mr. Ijaz Husain, Mr. S. K. H. Pakistan 4 Katrak Poland 1* Dr. Oskar Lange* Rumania 1 Professor Dr. Valeriu Novacu Senegal 1 Sheikh Ibrahim Niass Chief Bainba III, Dr. S. T. Matturi, Mr. Issac T. A. Wallace- Sierra Leone 3 Johnson Somalia, 1 Mr. William J. F. Syad Republic of Sudan 2 Mr. Mamoun Beheiry, Mr. Abdalla Obeid Mr. Max Arnold, Mr. Heinrich Buchbinder, Mr. Karl Dellberg, Switzerland 4+1** Mr. Jacob Hohl, Dr. Werner Kuendig** Tunisia 3 Mr. Abderrahman Abdennebi, Mr. Tajani Chelli, Mr. Ali Tritar United Arab Dr. I. H. Abdel-Rahman, Dr. N. G. Bakhoom, Mr. Mohamed 3 Republic Fouad Galal Mr. George A. Beebe, Mr. Earl B. Dickerson, Dr. Carlton B. Goodlett, Mr. Gerhard Hirschfeld, Dr. Homer A. Jack, Miss Julie Medlock, Dr. Seymour Melman, Mrs. Vaino Spencer, Professor 10 Goodwin Watson, Sir Robert Watson-Watt, Dr. Zelma George*, United States of +4* Professor William A. Higginbotham*, Dr. Amron Katz*, Mr. America +8** James J. Wadsworth*, Mrs. Clair Collins Harvey**, Dr. Frances W. Herring**, Mr. Charles P. Howard, SR**, Mr. Stephen James**, Mrs. Christine Johnson**, Mrs. Nancy Mamis**, Mrs. Evelyn Martin, Mrs. Selma Sparks** （ 136 ） An Overview of Japanese-African Relations and the 1960s Campaigns against the Atomic Bomb: Based on an Analysis of the 1962 Accra Assembly of the World Without the Bomb 69

Professor Alexander Kuzin, Mr. Justas Paletskis, Dr. Abid Sadykov, Dr. Anatoli Zvorykine, Mr. V. A. Fedorovic*, Professor U.S.S.R. 4+4* Feodor I. Kojevnickov*, Mr. M. A. Stourova*, Professor Juli M. Vorontsov* Upper Volta 1 Professor Joseph Ki Zerbo Venezuela 2 Dr. Diego Cordoba, Senor Jorge Villaveces Yugoslavia 3 Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Mr. Joze Smole, Professor Ivan Supek