Un'analisi Interpretativa Della Maschilità Nella Televisione

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Un'analisi Interpretativa Della Maschilità Nella Televisione Un’analisi interpretativa della maschilità nella televisione italiana: prospettive pedagogiche INDICE Introduzione 4 PARTE PRIMA 13 Gli stereotipi di genere nel calcio televisivo: l’esempio della maschilità CAPITOLO I 14 Uno sguardo di genere 1.1. La televisione: dispositivo di formazione o cattiva maestra? 15 1.2 Gli stereotipi di genere nella tv italiana 24 1.3 I modelli del maschile tra innovazione e tradizione 32 1.4 L’ostentazione del corpo nell’era della spettacolarizzazione: il calcio moderno 42 1.5 Relazioni di potere e discriminazione simbolica: calciatori e veline 49 CAPITOLO 2 58 Il corpo maschile come modello ideologico 2.1 L’esibizione narcisistica del leader: Josè Mourinho 63 2.2 Fenomeno italiano o globale? La retorica virilistica nell’Inter dei tre titoli 70 2.3 Il calcio e la dialettica valori-denaro nelle immagini mediatiche 82 2.4 Guerra e religione nella Spagna del Barcellona di Guardiola 91 PARTE SECONDA 100 Prospettive pedagogiche: la ricerca azione partecipativa CAPITOLO 3 101 Genere e formazione: la pedagogia della differenza 3.1 La maschilità nel calcio in tv e gli adolescenti 102 3.2 La pedagogia della differenza tra feminist media studies e men’s studies 112 3.3 L’importanza della scuola come ambiente riflessivo 124 3.4 Per un uso “ecologico” della tv: decostruire gli stereotipi di genere tramite il metodo narrativo nella Ricerca Qualitativa 134 CAPITOLO 4 146 La ricerca-azione 4.1 Metodologia dell’indagine qualitativa: la ricerca azione partecipativa 147 4.2 La ricerca sul campo: le interviste 157 4.3. Le interviste: il brainstorming 163 4.3 a La pubblicità: maschile e femminile tra caos e ordine 170 4.3 b L’importante è buttarla dentro? 175 2 4.3 c Uomini e donne nell’era della videocrazia 178 4.3 d Il corpo delle donne tra ragazze-immagine e showgirl 182 4.3 e La differenza dei sessi nello sport…e nel calcio 195 4.3 f La maschilità tra tradizione e innovazione: Josè Mourinho 201 4.4 Gli elaborati scritti 207 4.5 L’analisi T-Lab 228 CONCLUSIONI GENERALI 255 BIBLIOGRAFIA 260 3 Introduzione Questo lavoro di Tesi si compone di due parti. La prima parte affronta il tema degli stereotipi di genere nella televisione italiana, con un focus sulla costruzione della maschilità normativa nelle trasmissioni e nei personaggi calcistici. Il primo capitolo è incentrato sui diversi significati del rapporto tra la televisione e le questioni di genere in ambito pedagogico, cercando di evidenziarne alcuni nodi tematici, quali il rapporto tra le nozioni di ruolo e di maschilità, e quello tra maschile e femminile nei dispositivi di discriminazione simbolica propri del mezzo televisivo. Da un lato, il problematico rapporto tra media e educazione sarà messo a tema in riferimento alla categoria analitica del genere; dall’altro saranno messi in luce alcuni aspetti fondamentali della riflessione pedagogica, quali la concettualizzazione e l’esperienza mediate da costruzioni e immagini di natura culturale, e più precisamente massmediatica, e la linea di intervento educativo che considera i mass media come uno strumento utile ad accrescere la consapevolezza e lo sviluppo critico degli individui circa i ruoli di genere. Poiché la tesi tratta di genere in televisione, è necessario fare alcune precisazione circa il ruolo del teleschermo nello sviluppo cognitivo – strutturale e affettivo – emozionale dei soggetti in formazione. Si vedrà come tale aspetto è da tempo al centro di ricerche finalizzate a porre rimedio a fenomeni ritenuti dannosi per la formazione di tipo formale, quali ad esempio l’omologazione culturale e la massificazione dell’individuo accompagnata dal suo isolamento sia individuale che sociale. Gli interventi formativi prevedono, come sostiene Francesca Marone, che l’utilizzo del supporto audiovisivo sia subordinato alla valorizzazione della relazione, dello scambio e della comunicazione tra i soggetti 1. Ciò a maggiore ragione se si adotta la visione di Riccardo Massa, secondo cui la scuola è un luogo di socializzazione caratterizzato da un forte coinvolgimento emotivo 2. In virtù di tali posizioni, chi scrive non si sente di condividere il pessimismo di Karl Popper circa il ruolo della tv nei processi educativi 3. Gli esperimenti messi a punto da Roberto Rossellini negli anni Cinquanta del Novecento 4 per alfabetizzare le masse in un procedimento 1 Marone F., Striano M. (2012) (a cura di), Cultura postmoderna e linguaggi divergenti. Prospettive pedagogiche , Milano: FrancoAngeli. 2 Massa R. (1997), Educare o istruire? La fine della pedagogia nella cultura contemporanea , Roma-Bari: Editore Laterza. 3 Popper K., Una patente per fare tv , in Giancarlo Bosetti (2002) (a cura di), Cattiva maestra televisione , Venezia: Marsilio. 4 Rossellini R. (1987), Il mio metodo. Scritti e interviste , a cura di Adriano Aprà, Venezia: Marsilio. 4 parallelo alla formazione scolastica testimoniano come la televisione possieda ottime potenzialità educative; piuttosto è la consapevolezza di uno svilimento legato a un’immagine autoreferenziale, all’origine di quella rivoluzione antropogenetica fondata, secondo Giovanni Sartori, sulla conversione dell’ homo sapiens in homo videns a imporre di prestare attenzione alle modalità di utilizzo del media 5. Per i formatori diviene quindi necessario affrontare la questione del depauperamento dell’intento formativo risoltosi a vantaggio di quello remunerativo, nel quale il teleschermo si fa portavoce di interessi privati che ne stravolgono l’immagine di congegno pubblico finalizzato al progresso della comunità civile. Tale procedimento ci obbliga a considerare le modalità tramite cui un repertorio di immagini sempre più subordinato ai criteri di mercato concorre alla costruzione di contenuti incentrati sulle rappresentazioni e sui ruoli di genere convenzionali, nei quali il corpo prima di tutto è sottoposto a un uso indiscriminato. Nel contesto specifico della tv, le rappresentazioni di genere sollecitano la nozione di “ruolo”, inteso quale insieme di comportamenti, di regole e di attese riconducibili ai maschi e alle femmine. Essa quindi implica un’interazione, una reciprocità tra i generi, inclusiva del fatto che la rappresentazione stereotipata in televisione riguarda tanto il femminile quanto il maschile. In questo discorso, avrà un significato rilevante la nozione di maschilità , che nel dizionario Devoto-Oli, esemplifica la «partecipazione a caratteri fisiologicamente e tradizionalmente propri del maschio». Tale definizione di “modi” fa sì che la mascolinità sia quasi sempre usata come sinonimo di virilità , ovvero, scrive Spallacci parafrasando John Tosh, «ideologia ad alto livello della mascolinità»6. Tra i cinque paradigmi – biologico, identitario, normativo, strutturale e performativo – individuati da Sacha Dufault e Gilles Tremblay per esemplificare l’evoluzione della nozione di maschilità nell’ultimo trentennio, il modello normativo sarà al centro di questo lavoro in quanto riferibile al bisogno degli individui di conformarsi agli stereotipi di genere, dunque ai ruoli sociali. Si tratta di un aspetto fondamentale in quanto, sostiene ancora Spallacci, le implicazioni normative della socializzazione riconoscono come centrali una serie di disposizioni e di comportamenti tramite cui un gruppo di persone si conforma ad uno stereotipo, a una norma. Se è vero che il mancato raggiungimento del modello maschile socialmente idealizzato si manifesta sotto forma di tensione di ruolo , ovvero nel fatto che gli uomini percepiscono se 5 Sartori G. (2000), Homo videns. Televisione e post-pensiero , Roma-Bari: Economica Laterza. 6 Spallacci A. (2012), Maschi, Bologna: Il Mulino. 5 stessi come inadeguati rispetto agli standard veicolati dalla cultura popolare, in particolare da quella dei media, è anche vero che l’interiorizzazione delle norme socio-culturali fondate sulla nozione di maschilità coinvolge non solo le donne, costrette a subire gli effetti dello scarto tra il loro corpo reale e il corpo ideale propagandato dalla tv, ma anche gli uomini, prigionieri del connubio tra atletismo e denaro, successo e virilità. Una parte importante del primo capitolo di questo lavoro si interrogherà quindi su quella che Pierre Bourdieu definisce nel 1998 la «contropartita» della maschilità, ovvero «la tensione e lo scontro permanenti che ogni uomo si vede imporre dal dovere di affermare in qualsiasi circostanza la sua virilità» 7. Il che impone di soffermarsi sulle polemiche suscitate in Francia dalla nozione di “discriminazione simbolica”, soprattutto tra chi, come Christine Delphy e Nicole-Claude Mathieu, si riconosce in quanto appartenente al femminismo materialista di stampo marxista. Come si vedrà, Mathieu non condivide quello che considera un processo di ri-simmetrizzazione del dominio maschile, soffermandosi piuttosto sull’oppressione nei confronti delle donne, intesa soprattutto quale uso del corpo femminile come oggetto di scambio dei rapporti di potere 8. Altro aspetto fondamentale, al centro di questo primo capitolo sarà il legame tra maschilità normativa e sport fondati sullo scontro fisico diretto. Il calcio non solo mette alla prova le «qualità dette virili» ma è anche il sintomo di quella che ancora Bourdieu definisce la «vulnerabilità riconducibile all’ideale impossibile della virilità». Ciò appare evidente nella prospettiva, irraggiungibile per la maggior parte dei telespettatori, di una notorietà e un successo finanziario facilmente ottenibili grazie alla riconversione spettacolare di un’attività sportiva sinonimo, almeno fino agli anni Sessanta del Novecento, di sacrificio e scarsa
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