The Residential Segregation of Chinese Dialect Groups in Singapore

Home , Hainanese, Hokkien, Pagoda Street, Seah (surname), Wenzhou people

Geographical Review of Japan Vol. 59 (Ser. B), No. 2, 83-102, 1986

The Residential Segregation of Chinese Dialect

Groups in Singapore: with Focus on the

Period before ca. 1970

Klyomi YAMASHITA

This paper aims to clarify the residential segregation patterns of Chinese dialect groups in Singa pore, and to examine the main factors contributing to the formation of residential segregation. In Singapore, population statistics data necessary to grasp residential segregation patterns of the Chinese dialect groups are not available. Therefore, the distribution of Chinese temples, associ ations, and their members are considered important indexes reflecting residential segregation pat terns of the Chinese dialect groups. By making distribution maps of the temples, associations and their members for each period, the author identifies the changing residential segregation patterns. Residential segregation patterns of Chinese dialect groups in the south bank district differed from those of the north bank district. The Singapore River separated the two districts. The three major dialect groups, the Hokkiens, Teochews and Cantonese, segregated themselves in three different areas along the south bank. On the other hand, minor dialect groups such as the Hainanese, Foo chows, Henghuas, and so on, segregated themselves with the major dialect groups in mosaic fashion in the north bank district. Factors in the formation of the residential segregation of Chinese dialect groups are considered on the basis of an analysis of the residential segregation patterns involved. The chains of territorial relation involved in the process of Chinese immigration can be regarded as factors in promoting the residential segregation of Chinese dialect groups. Internal factors in the formation of the resi dential segregation can be found inside the Chinese dialect groups. They expected mutual help inside their society, and wanted to maintain their traditional culture including such aspects as language, religion and eating customs. As a result, they came to form their own urban villages. It was found that the Chinese dialect groups clearly had a tendency to specialize in and dominate certain trades. This promoted area concentration of a specific dialect group.

Among relatively recent studies on the I. Introduction residential segregation of ethnic groups in Singapore, the one carried out by HODDER This study is a geographical inquiry into the (1953) is valuable. HODDERclarified the residential segregation of ethnic groups in cities, residential segregation patterns of ethnic particularly the Chinese dialect groups in groups and Chinese dialect groups in the central Singapore. An attempt is made to clarify area of Singapore by using the data obtained the residential segregation patterns of ethnic by means of his field survey. groups in cities, and to examine the main Grasping the residential segregation patterns factors contributing to the formation of of Chinese dialect groups in Singapore is not residential segregation. as easy as it is in advanced cities of Europe or Differences between dialects are such that America. Although population statistics of people in different dialect groups have difficulty Chinese dialect groups at the national level communicating with each other. Therefore, it are published, census tract statistics, necessary is possible to regard a Chinese dialect group as in considering residential segregation patterns being an ethnic group. are not available.

* Faculty of Education , Akita University, Akita 010, Japan. 84 K. YAMASHITA

In this study the author pays attention to index reflecting the residential segregation Chinese bonds based on territorial and kin patterns of Chinese dialect groups. It serves relationships. The distribution of Chinese as an excellent substitute for statistical data associations and their members are considered on the population distribution of Chinese important indexes reflecting the residential dialect groups. segregation patterns of Chinese dialect groups. In this study, Chinese associations and tem Furthermore, the author supplementarily refers ples are first divided according to the lineage to the distribution of temples established by of each of the dialect groups. Then, after the Chinese. confirming their locations by means of docu Chinese associations and temples were mentary records 1) and field surveys, distribu generally established in areas where many tion maps of the associations and temples will members of the groups lived. That is, a Chinese be presented for each period. For residential association, consisting of members belong segregation patterns after World War II, ing to the same dialect group, tended to be distribution maps of the dialect group mem organized in the area where the dialect group bers will be presented, as the membership lists concerned was concentrated. Otherwise, since of some Chinese associations are available. The most of the members were lower class laborers, author will analyze the distribution maps on they would not have had enough money to pay the basis of data obtained by interviewing transportation fees to visit the association. people in charge of associations and temples The associations thus well reflected the residen and in this way, will try to grasp the residential tial distribution of their groups. segregation patterns of Chinese dialect groups . On the other hand, the Chinese in Singapore worshipped a variety of gods which were II. Chinese dialect groups originally sacred in their homes in China. The in Singapore location of such temples, like the associations stated above, may reflect the distribution of Singapore society is a typical multi-ethnic the Chinese dialect groups at the time of their society, consisting of three major ethnic construction. groups: Chinese, Malays, and Indians. In As stated above, the location of the associa particular, Singapore society is characterized tions and temples established by a specific by having an extremely large proportion of dialect group can be regarded as a valuable Chinese in the total population of the country

Fig. 1 Changing composition of Chinese dialect groups in Singapore, 1881-1931. 1. Hokkien 2. Teochew 3. Cantonese 4. Hainanese 5. Hakka 6, Foochow 7. Hokchia 8. Henghua 9. Strait-born Chinese 10. Others Note: Number in the graph shows the dialect group's percentage to the total Chinese population. Source: VLIELAxn(1932): p. 181, Mantestu Toa Keizai chosakyoku (1941): p. 61, and ZHANO(1941). The Residential Segregation in Singapore 85

Table 1 Change of ethnic composition in Singapore, 1824-1980.

Source: Saw (1970, p. 57) and Population Census of each year. Population in only in 1939 is according to ZHANG (1941).

Table 2 Population composition of Chinese dialect groups in Singapore, 1947-1980 .

Source: Population Census of each year.

(Table 1). they speak. Most Chinese immigrants were from sou The population composition of Chinese dia thern China, mainly the Fujian and Guangdong lect groups is shown in Figure 1 and Table 2 provinces. There are significant differences shows the population composition by Chinese among dialects spoken in such emigration dialect groups after World War II. A com districts. Chinese people are classified into parison of the figures for the pre and post several dialect groups according to the dialects world War II periods, respectively, shows that 86 K. YAMASHITA great change in the population composition. generaily take the forms of associations In this study, the Hokkiens, Teochews and (huiguan会館)and temples (miao廟). Chinese Cantonese are called the three major dialect associations can be broadly classified into three groups, and other groups are called the minor main types; namely, territorial associations dialect groups. (tongxiczng huiguan同郷会館), clan associa Among the minor dialect groups, the tions(zonggiazhui宗親会), and trade associa- Hainanese and Hakkas are almost the same tions(hanghui行会). It is natural that ter in population size. Other minority dialect ritorial associations are organized by the mem groups include Foochows, Samkiangs, Heng bers who belong to the same dialect group. huas, and so forth. Figure 2 shows the emi It is also true for clan associations and trade gration areas of Chinese dialect groups in Sin associations that most of their members belong gapore. to the same dialect groups. 2) Chinese society in Singapore is organized on Under the circumstances of insufficient pro the basis of very tight bond kin and territorial tection and support by the governments of relations. Various Chinese social organizations their home country and the colony, Chinese

Fig. 2 Emigration areas and population size of Chinese dialect groups in Singapore, 1080. 1. Shanghai上海 2. Ningbo寧波 3. Wenzhou温州 4. Fuzhou福州 5. Fuqing福清 6. Putian.蒲田 7. Xianyou仙游 8. AIlxi安渓 9. Xiamen(Amoy)厘門 10. Dapu大捕 11.Chaoan蕾安 12. Shant ou(Swatow)汕頭 13. Chaoyang潮陽 14. Hong Kong香港 15.Aomen(Macao)漢門 16. Guangzhou広州 17. Zhaoqing肇慶 18. Sanshui三水 19. Haikou海口 Source: Census of Populat ion 190, Singapore. The Residential Segregation in Singapore 87 associations were not only self-defense organi •@information. zations; but, also, important mutual aid organizations for dialect groups who were far III. Residential segregation patterns away from their homes and living in an un familiar environment. Chinese associations of Chinese dialect groups helped their members find jobs, established and managed public cemeteries, temples, 1. Residential segregation patterns before hospitals, and senior citizens' homes and world war II mediated troubles among members. They also ran schools for the members' children, and 1) Just after the opening of the port: Stamford offered scholarships to the talented children. RAFFLESopened Singapore in 1819 as a free Moreover, they gave economic support to the port. The population of this island reached poor and the aged. Buildings of the associa three thousand in three months after its open tions themselves were places for the members ing, and exceeded ten thousand by April, 1820 to promote mutual friendship and to exchange (SHINOBU,1968, pp. 343-358).

Fig. 3 Distribution of Chinese associations and temples, ca. 1850.

(1) Hokkien (2) Teochew (3) Cantonese (4) Hakka (5) Chinese temple a: Tian Fu Gong天福宮(Hokkien) b: Jin Lan Miao金蘭廟(Hokkiel1)

c: Feng Shan Si鳳山寺(Hokkien) d: Yue Hai Qing Miao粤海清廟(Teochew) e: Hai Chull Fu De Ci海唇福徳祠(Cantonese and Hakka)

f: Tanjong Pagan Fu De Ci丹戎百葛福徳祠(Hakka) Source: finian tekan published by each Chinese associations, and NGow(1975a,

b, 1977), Lix et al. (1975), and the author's field survey. 88 K. YAMASHITA

RAFFLESdevoted his energies to constructing Hokkiens resided. In addition, on Telok Ayer a new colonial city. He was very much con Street, Cantonese and Hakkas, in co-operation, cerned about big differences in languages, ways established Hai Chun Fu De Ci (Fut Tak of life, jobs, and so forth, among the various Ch'i) in about 1820 (UN et al., 1975, pp. 197 ethnic groups such as the Malays, Bugis, 206). Chinese, and Indians. Therefore, he did not The Teochew central residential area, just allow the different ethnic groups to reside after the opening of the port, was located from together, but allocated residential areas the the neighborhood of Yue Hai Qing Miao (Wak each ethnic group. Hai Cheng Biao) to Boat Quay on the south The south bank district (Dapo) of the bank of the Singapore River (PHUAed., 1950, Singapore River was allocated to the Chinese pp. 39-41). Besides trading, Teochews engaged immigrant settlement. 3) In 1821, two years in cultivating gambier and pepper in the hilly after the opening of the port, a small temple, areas around River Valley Road, Bukit Timah the predecessor of Hokkien Temple of Tian Fu and Thomson Road. Gong (Thian Hok Keng), was established on 2) Around 1850: Upon consideration of Telok Ayer Street (LIN et al., 1975, pp. 47-56). the distribution of associations and temples of In the neighborhood of Tian Fu Gong, many the Chinese dialect groups in about 1850, it

Fig. 4 Distribution of Chinese associations and temples, ca. 1890.

(1)Hokkien (2)Teochew (3)Cantonese (4)Hainanese (5)Hakka (6)Chinese temple g: Wu Jiang Fu Ji Miao浯江孚済廟(Hokkien) h: Qing Yuan Zhen Qun Miao清元真君廟(Hokkien) i: Tian Hou Gong天后宮(Hainanese)

Source: Same as Figure 3, The Residential Segregation in Singapore 89

was found that all of them were located in the •@already living. south bank district of the Singapore River 3) Around 1890: An examination of the (Fig. 3). At that time, Chinese associations distribution of Chinese associations in about and temples were only those of the Hokkiens, 1890 shows that Chinese associations and tem

Teochews, Cantonese and Hakkas. Associa ples came to be found also in the north bank tions of other dialect groups did not yet exist. district (Fig. 4). Qiongzhou Huiguan (Kheng Judging from the location of the associations Chew Hwee Kuan 3)1[), the first Hai and temples, it is certain that the center of the nanese association, was founded on Malabar Chinese settlements was situated in the south Street in 1857, and moved to the present place bank district of the Singapore River at that on Beach Road in 1880. As for the Hainanese time. However, in the area of the north bank associations and temples, they were established district (Xiapo) which was originally allocated in the north bank district thirty or forty years to European residents, many Chinese were later than those of the Hokkiens, Teochews,

Fig. 5 Distribution of Chinese associations and temples, ca. 1940. (1) Hokkien (2) Teochew (3) Cantonese (4) Hainanese (5) Hakka (6) Foochow (7) Samkiang (8) Henghua (9) Hokchia (10) Chinese temple

j: Guang Fu Gu Miao広福古廟(Cantonese) Source: Same as Figure 3 and GUAN et al, eds. (1940): pp. 929-950. 94 K. YAMASHITA

Cantonese and Hakkas. and around Victoria Street in the north bank On the other hand, in the south bank district. From the 1920s to the 1930s, many district, Hokkien's Teochews', Cantonese and Foochows lived together around New Bridge Hakkas' associations had increased. In par Road and Tanj ong Pagar Road in the north ticular, many Cantonese associations were bank district (Nanyang University, Depart constructed around South Bridge Road and ment of History, 1970a, p. 15). New Bridge Road. It was at the end of the nineteenth century 4) Around 1940: According to an exami that Henghua immigration became active. nation of the distribution of Chinese associa Most of them resided around Queen Street, tions in about 1940 (Fig. 5), it was found that Albert Street, and Rochor Canal Road in the the number of Chinese associations increased north bank district, and on the north bank of greatly in comparison to the number in exist the Rochor River. The Samkia'ng associations ence around 1890. Many new Chinese associa were located around the Cantonese area of tions also appeared in the north bank district. concentration in the south bank district, and Some of them were established along the north on Japan Besar along the north bank of the bank of the Rochor River. Concentration of Rochor River. each dialect group in specific areas came to be more notable. 2. Residential segregation patterns after world Next, the author will examine the charac war II teristics of the residential segregation patterns 1) Just after the end of world War II : of each Chinese dialect group in Singapore. HoDDER(1953) analyzed residential segregation Hokkien associations concentrated all over of ethnic groups, including Chinese dialect Telok Ayer Street to South Bridge Road. groups as of 1952. At that time, about 80 Compared with Figures 3 and 4, it can be percent of the population in the central area found in Figure 5 that the location of the of Singapore were Chinese. As a result of Hokkien associations expanded from Telok examining Chinese residential areas by dialect Ayer Street to the inland area. This reflected group, clear residential segregation patterns of the expansion of the Hokkien residential areas. the three major dialect groups could be found Teochew associations rapidly increased be in the south bank district of the Singapore tween 1890 and 1940. They were concentrated River. Moreover, upon detailed examination, along both banks of the Singapore River, it was found that more than 90 percent of the particularly the south bank. residents in many blocks belonged to the same However, Cantonese associations, centering dialect groups. On the other hand, in the on the Hokkiens and Teochew groups, were north bank district, the minor groups as well clustered on the inland side. The neighborhood as the major groups were distributed in mosaic of South Bridge Road and New Bridge Road fashion. centering around Kreta Ayer, and called 2) Residential segregation patterns viewed from Niucheshui牛車水, was the Cantonese area of the distribution of Chinese association members: concentration. In order to clarify residential segregation As for the Hainanese, they also lived together patterns of Chinese dialect groups in the cen around a specific area in the north bank tral area of Singapore ,(Fig. 6), the author district of the Singapore River. Hainanese collected membership lists of the main local associations gathered around Beach Road and associations of each Chinese dialect group. Middle Road. According to those lists, he made dot maps On the other hand, though the Hakka showing the residences of those Chinese associa associations were distributed in both the south tions' members (Fig. 7). For the Hokkiens, and the north bank districts, areas where they Teochews and Cantonese, membership lists of were notably concentrated were not to be integrated associations could not be obtained. found. Therefore, some major local associations at Foochow associations could be found around prefectura1(fu府)and county(xian県) Ievels, Tanjong Pagar Road in the south bank district, that is, Anxi Huiguan (Ann Kway Association The Residential Segregation in Singapore 91

Fig. 6 Street anmes in the central area of Singapore, ca. 1970. 1. Hokkien Street 2. China Street 3. Cross Street 4. New Market Street 5. Mosque Street 6. Pagoda Street 7. Tras Street 8. Purvis Street 9. Seah Street 10. Malay Street 11. Queen Street 12. Holloway Lane

安漢会館), Chaoyang Huiguan (Teo Yeonh Moreover, they were concentrated, to some Huai Kuan潮陽会館), and Zhaoging Huiguan extent, in the 'northern part of the old postal

(Siu Heng Wui Kun 慶会館), were selected, district No. 7, in the north bank district. respectively, as representatives of each dialect Chaoyang潮陽people 5) were notably con group, and their membership lists were used. centrated along the banks of the Singapore It would have been better if all membership River, especially the south bank. In the north lists had been published in the same year; as bank district, ;unlike , other dialect groups, it is, those used in the present study have some many Chaoyang people also lived in the old differences in their year of publication. How postal district No. 6. ever, it is possible to assume that all of them Many Zhaoqing肇慶people 6) 1ived around show general patterns of the residential the west side of the border of the old postal distribution of each Chinese dialect group districts No. 1 and No. 2. In particular, before urban renewal began. notable concentrations of them could be found Figure 7 clearly indicates that the members in, Kreta Ayer,(牛車水). Although"most of each association are distributed unevenly, residents in the central area of Singapore are and that there are some areas of those mem Chinese, it is this area that is generally called ber's concentration. Characteristics of member Singapore's Chinatown. This area is. also an ship distribution by dialect group will be important sightseeing spot. examined in the following; The concentration area of the Hainanese was Anxi安漢people4)were concentrated in the the most notable. Most Hainanese were ex center of the old postal district No. 1 in the tremely concentrated in a part of the old south bank district of the Singapore River. postal district No. 7. 7) 92 K. YAMASHITA

Fig. 7 Distribution of Chinese associations' members in the central area of Singapore. a: Anxi (Hokkien), 1972 b. Chaoyang (Teochew), 1954 c: Zhaoqing (Cantonese), 1968 d: Hainanese, 1964 e: Hakka, 1956 f: Foochow, 1972 Note: Numbers in Figure 7-a show old postal codes. Source: Membership lists of each Chinese association. Xinjiapo Anxi Huiguan ed. (1973), Xinjiapo Chaoyang Huiguan ed. (1954), Xinjiapo Zhaoqing Huiguan ed. (1968), Xinjiapo Qiongzhou Tianhougong, Qiongzhou Huiguan ed. (1965), Xinj lapo Nanyang Keshu Zonghui ed. (1956), Xinjiapo Fuzhou Huiguan ed. (7972).

Some Hakkas lived in both the south tial distribution of association members, there bank district and the north bank district. In were notable differences in their residential particular, many Hakkas resided in the old distribution. Each Chinese dialect group postal districts No. 7 and No. 1. formed distinct areas of concentration, and Foochows were distributed widely all over showed patterns of the mutual segregation of the central area of Singapore, except for the dialect groups. old postal district No. 6, where the distribution 3) Residential segregation patterns viewed from was much thinner. Many Foochows lived in the distribution of Chinese associations: Figure the north bank district, around the crossing of 8 shows the distribution of Chinese associa Rochor Road and Queen Street; and in the tions by dialect group in about 1968. 8) This south bank district, around Tanj ong Pagar time period was selected partly because of Road, Tras Street, and Telok Ayer Street. the availability of materials; and partly As examined above, comparing the residen because it was before urban renewal was The Residential Segregation in Singapore 93

Fig. 8 Distribution of Chinese associations and temples, ca. 1968. 94 K. YAMASHITA promoted on a large scale, and the traditional distributed among other dialect group associa residential segregation patterns of Chinese tions. Examining the Foochow case, three dialect groups were still preserved. Foochow associations were established around The author now examines the distribution of Queen Street. Indeed, many Foochows lived the Chinese associations by dialect group. As in this neighborhood. Moreover, three Foo stated above, the establishment of Hokkien chow associations could be found on the north associations was almost always limited to the side of the Rochor Canal. south bank district before World War II. Regarding Henghua associations before This basic pattern had not undergone any World War II, only Xingan Huiguan興安会館 great changes even by around 1968. However, and・Ziyouche Shanghui自由車商会 were Hokkien associations were also established established. on Waterloo Street and Jalan along the north side of the Rochor Canal. Besar, respectively. After World War II, Before World War II, Teochew associations however, four Henghua associations were were concentrated in the area between New founded by about 1968. In the neighborhood Bridge Road and South Bridge Road in the where these associations were located, many south bank district. However, many Teochew Henghuas were concentrated. As with Hokchia associations were also established in that area associations, before World War II, there was after World War II. The places where Teochew Fuqing Huiguan(福清会館)on Queen Street. associations were established expanded to the In this neighborhood, a new Hokchia associa areas around River Valley Road, Orchard Road tion was established after World War II. and Clemenceau Avenue, which , were located Moreover, in this area there are Foochow and northwest of the original .Teochew concentra Henghua associations. This strongly reflects tion area. the cohesive relationship between the Hokchia After World War II, it was the Cantonese and other dialect groups such as the hoochow associations that increased most notably among and Henghua. all the Chinese associations of dialect groups. Samkiang associations were established, not Before World War II, the establishment of . near the central area but on River Valley Cantonese associations was limited to the area Road, Jalan Besar, and their neighborhoods. around Kreta Ayer. After the war, however, The areas were newly built-up outside the many Cantonese associations were established original and traditional Chinese residential in the area around Neil. Road, Tanjong Pagar areas. This reflects the fact that the population Road and Ann Sian Hill, adjacent to Kreta size of the Samkiangs was smaller and that Ayer .and the surrounding neighborhood. they had immigrated to Singapore much later On the other hand, minor dialect groups than the other dialect groups. have been centered on Middle Road and its As the above examination indicates, the neighborhood in the north bank district since memberships of Chinese associations increased World War II. Moreover, Hainanese associa quite substantially after World War II. Es tions were also established close together in tablishment Chinese associations was limited that area. Although the area of concentration to the central area of Singapore before World remained almost the, same around 1968, the War II. As the built-up area expanded, the number of Hainanese° associations increased Chinese associations became established on the substantially. north side of the Rochor Canal, as well as in Both Hakka and Foochow associations were the River Valley Road and Orchard Road distributed along both banks of the Singapore areas which used to be residential areas. In River.' The number of association' members general, the distribution of Chinese dialect increased substantially compared to the num group associations clearly reflects the residen ber prior to World War II. FIakka associations tial segregation patterns of the Chinese dialect did not form a clearly defined concentration groups, observed before World War II. area like that before World War II,, and were. The Residential Segregation in Singapore 95

Malay Peninsula, Java, Sumatra, or Borneo. IV. Factors contributing to the As mentioned above, it is understood that formation of the residential Chinese immigrants were totally held together segregation of Chinese by territorial bonds; this was so from the time dialect groups of their departure from their homeland to their arrival at Singapore, and even during the As already mentioned in the former chapter, time they settled down and obtained jobs. In from the time of the opening of Singapore port this study, such series of relationships are up to recent years, the Chinese dialect groups called "chains of territorial relation." These have segregated themselves from one another. chains of territorial relation can be regarded In this chapter, the factors that promoted the as a factor promoting residential concentration formation of such residential segregation will in a specific area, and the formation of the be analyzed. residential segregation of Chinese dialect group members. 1. Chains of territorial relation in the process of migration 2. Internal factors

Through examining changes in the residen In general, the first residential areas of any tial segregation patterns of Chinese dialect immigrant group perform a function of groups, it seems that the factors promoting the cushioning newcomers as they adapt to new formation of the residential segregation may environments. Then, these districts attract be inherent in the immigrant processes of more newcomers and become cores of their Chinese dialect groups. Therefore, the process residential areas, thus promoting residential of Chinese immigration by dialect group needs segregation. to be examined. GAMS,who studied the Italian quarter in Chinese immigration into Singapore was West End, Boston, called the district where carried out as follows. There were migrant immigrant groups tried to adapt their non agents called ketou客頭 in the native places of urban institutions and culture to the urban Chinese migrants. Ketou collected emigrants, environments "urban villages" (CANS,1962). while keeping in communication with kezkan This concept may be applicable to the residen

客桟, which Were inns for emigrants established tial segregation of Chinese dialect groups. in emigration ports such as Xiamen (Amoy) Many Chinese immigrants were originally from and Shantou (Swatow). Therefore, native rural areas centering around Fujian and places of collected emigrants were generally Guangdong Provinces. A consideration of the apt to be localized. Many Chinese immigrants urban villages of Chinese dialect groups may were summoned by their families, relatives, offer significant clues for the clarification of and acquaintances. These Chinese immigrants, internal factors in the formation of residential in turn, called their families, relatives, and segregation. acquaintances to come up to Singapore. The Chinese dialect groups, having different connection between the native place of Chinese cultures at home, formed urban villages in the immigrants and Singapore became closer and process of adapting to Singapore's environ closer by "chain migration." ment. Some of those urban villages remained Newcomers, to Singapore, called xinke新客, clearly definable, and others did not. The first settled in lodgings for single laborers, if distinctness and size of the urban villages they had no one to depend on, such as family, differed according to dialect group. relatives, and friends. Such lodgings were Chinese dialect groups which formed clearly called zhuzaiguan猪仔館 or gulijian估僅(苦 definable villages were the Hokkien, Teochew,

力)間,These zhuzaiguan were established by Cantonese and Hainanese. The Hokkien urban persons from the same province. Newcomers village was around Telok Ayer Street, and the settling in zhuzaiguan looked for jobs with Teochew was in the district along the south the help of persons from the same province, or bank of the Singapore River, and the Can migrated again to other places such ass the tonese, around Kreta Ayer between South 96 K. YAMASHITA

Bridge Road and New Bridge Road. All of transfer between Singapore and immigrants' them were located in the south bank district. homes. There were lodgings called zhuzaiguan The Hainanese urban village was located or gulijian already mentioned, temples where around Beach Road and Middle Road in the people could worship their gods, schools which north bank district. offered education in the Chinese language, and On the other hand, the Hakkas and the so on. In other words, various institutions Samkiangs did not form clearly defined urban which served to help the Chinese dialect groups villages. Concerning the Foochows, the Hen maintain their traditional culture were con ghuas and the Hokchias, the neighborhood at centrated in the urban villages. the crossing of Rochor Road and Queen Street Figure 9 shows the distribution of xinju by in the north bank district assumed an aspect Chinese dialect group in about 1940. According of their urban villages (Fig. 5 and 7). to this map, it can be very clearly recognized In the urban villages, Chinese who belonged that xinju of each Chinese dialect group were to the same dialect groups resided together. concentrated in specific districts. In com Also, there were various organizations such as parison with a series of distribution maps for territorial, clan, trade, amusement and chari Chinese associations and temples which have table associations, along with xinju信局, been examined, the distribution of xinju which were facilities of remittance and mail shows very similar patterns.

Fig. 9 Distribution of xinju by Chinese dialect group , ca. 1940. (1) Hokkien (2) Teochew (3) Cantonese (4) Hakka (5) Hainanese Source: GUAMel al, eds (1940):pp. 578-590. The Residential Segregation in Singapore 97

The foregoing examination verifies the fact was shipped to sampans called tongkang, and that the urban villages of Chinese dialect put in rice warehouses on the banks of the groups have served as their social, economical Singapore River. In Chinese society in Thai and cultural centers. In other words, Chinese land, the Teochews are still the largest dialect dialect groups expected mutual help inside group. their society, and wanted to maintain their The majority of the Teochew rice traders traditional culture in the form of language, were concentrated on the south bank of the religion, and eating customs. Therefore, they Singapore River. This district was the Teo came to live together in specific districts. As chews' urban village. New Market and its a result, each Chinese dialect group became neighborhood near the Singapore River became segregated, and centered around its own urban the market for perishable foods such as fish, village. vegetables and eggs. The concentration of Teochews along the Singapore River banks 3. Economic factors was chiefly due to the fact that most of their The author will next clarify factors contri business utilized water transportation. buting to the formation of the residential c. The Cantonese: Many Cantonese were segregation of Chinese dialect groups, from the engaged in the restaurant business, hotel aspect of their economic activities. It is operations, the jewelry business, rattan work necessary to consider what kind of charac ing, the building industry and woodwork, teristics the economic activities of Chinese watch repairing, the machine and metal dialect groups are distinguished by. industry, the brick industry, and so forth. In economic activities, the Chinese dialect However, a few Cantonese played a very groups had a tendency to specialize and active part in pivotal fields of economic dominate in certain trades (CHENG,1985, pp. activities, such as foreign trade and the 89-123). Characteristics of economic activities banking business. In comparison with that for each Chinese dialect group are examined of the Hokkiens and the Teochews, Cantonese in the following. capital power was weak. Therefore, Cantonese a. The Hokkiens: As Telok Ayer Street, business was concentrated in fields like crafts where the Hokkiens lived together, faced the which could be managed with a small amount coast at that time, the neighborhood was a of capital, and private enterprise. good location for engaging in foreign trade. Cantonese economic activities were different Hokkiens contributed a great deal to the from those of Hokkiens and Teochews, which development of the rubber industry in the needed good access to water transportation. Malay Peninsula. A lot of banks established It will be recognized that this was partly be by Chinese were founded by Hokkiens. They cause the Cantonese urban village was estab were at the pivot and held the reins of economic lished somewhat inland. activities such as foreign trade, the shipping d. The Hainanese and Foochows: The sym business, and the banking business. Therefore, bolic Hainanese business has been the manage the Hokkien urban village was also the central ment of coffee shops called kafeidian珈〓店. area of Singapore's economic activities. The management of coffee shops yielded little b. The Teochews: It is the Teochews that profit in relation to working time. However, have held strong economic power, next to the because the venture, did not require much Hokkiens. Many Teochews were also engaged capital to start, the Chinese could gain a in foreign trade like Hokkiens. Characteristic cash income from it relatively easily. Thus, foreign trade activities involved dealing in local it was popular. products, such as gambier, pepper, sea foods, The reason many Hainanese engaged in such vegetables, fruits, and in rice from various work was that they immigrated to Singapore countries around Singapore. In particular, the later than the three major dialect groups. It importation and sale of rice from Thailand was very difficult to find other jobs better were the Teochews' special business. Rice than the management of coffee shops. How produced in Thailand, carried by cargo boats, ever, after having accumulated some capital, 98 K. YAMASHITA

many coffee shop owners gradually shifted to along with managing bus and taxi companies, more profitable activities. and their drivers (Nanyang University, Depart Besides coffee shops, many Hainanese were ment of History, 1971). engaged in the restaurant business and the The Henghuas immigrated into Singapore management of bakeries. Moreover, there were after the 1880s, later than other dialect groups . many Hainanese domestic servants and cooks By then, previously arrived immigrant groups in British houses and military bases (YAMASHITA had already established firm foundations in 1985). economic activities. Although, at first, the managers of coffee After motorcars were introduced, dealers in shops were almost all Hainanese, Foochows auto parts and tires appeared. Moreover, in notably advanced into this business after the compliance with the proposal by the colonial 1900s. In about 1940, there were more than government to introduce public bus service oneethousand coffee shops in Singapore. Over into Singapore, the Henghuas advanced into five hundred of them were owned by the this field (YAN, 1972). As a result, a bus Foochows, and over three hundred of them terminal was constructed near the Henghua were owned by the Hainanese (GUAMet at. eds., urban village in the north bank district of the 1940, pp. 638-639). Singapore River. Moreover, many Foochows were engaged in g. The Samkiangs : People from Shanghai, the hairdressing business. Before 1921, the so-called Shanghainese, played the central Cantonese constituted the majority of hairdres role among the Samkiangs. Shanghai Xishi sing salon managers. However, Henghua NUfu Tongyehui上海西式女服同業会was estab hairdressing salons increased afterwards. Since lished in 1939 as a Shanghainese trade associa about 1930, when many Foochows immigrated tion for western style women's dress makers. into Singapore, they have dominated this Moreover, many people from wenzhou, in business (Nanyang University, Department of Zhej iang province, were in the wooden History, 1970a, pp. 1-20). Chinese who had furniture industry (Nanyang University , immigrated earlier than the Foochows were Department of History, 1970b), many people already engaged in more profitable businesses. from Yongxing永興, in Hunan Province, e. The Hakkas: There were certain charac engaged in metallurgical work, and many teristics that marked the economic activities people from Tianmen天門, in Hubei Province, of the Hakkas, too. Many pawnshops, called engaged , in dental treatment. In every case, dangdian當店, were owned by the Hakkas, the success of pioneers from the same provinces especially Hakkas from Dapu in Guangdong was one of the important reasons why people Province. Moreover, in the management of from these areas became specialized in these Chinese herbal medicine stores, the Hakkas economic fields. from Dapu were dominant (GuANet al. eds., As examined above, the Chinese dialect 1940, pp. 603-606, p. 633). Besides, the groups established a sort of division of labor Hakkas made notable advances into the among the Chinese, and maintained it for a management of shoe stores, jewelry shops, and long time. In Chinese enterprises, the family professions that called for expert knowledge, like nature of the business was easily recogni such as teaching, medicine, law, and politics. zable. In general, there were many enterprises Professional businesses, as stated above, formed by the very close bonds based on the gain little profit from area concentration. This territorial and kin relation. The language may be one of the reasons why the Hakkas used inside a given enterprise and in business did not form marked areas of concentration. was, in most cases, a specific Chinese dialect. f. The Henghuas: The characteristics of the It was very difficult for the members of other Henghuas' economic activities were very dialect groups to advance into economic marked. Many Henghuas were engaged in activities in which a specific dialect group was traffic and transportation businesses such as specialized and was superior. As a result, the rickshaw-pulling, the repairing and dismantling same kind of occupation accumulated in the of bicycles and motor cars, the selling of tires, concentration area of a specific dialect group. The Residential Segregation in Singapore 99

It can be pointed out that this is one of the tial segregation patterns in Chinese dialect important factors in the formation of the groups, factors in the formation of residential residential segregation of Chinese dialect segregation were considered. The results are groups. as follows: Chinese immigrants were united by a series V. Conclusion of territorial chains from the time of leaving their homes to settling and obtaining jobs In this study, the author has attempted to after arriving in Singapore, through ketou, clarify the residential segregation patterns of kezhan, zhuziiaiguan, and so on. Such chains Chinese dialect groups in Singapore, and of territorial relation in the process of Chinese inquire into the contributing factors that form immigration could be regarded as a factor in ed their segregation. promoting residential concentration, and the The results, found in residential segregation formation of the residential segregation of patterns of the Chinese dialect groups, are Chinese dialect groups. summarized as follows: Being without any substantial protection The Chinese began to reside in the Chinese and support from the. Chinese and colonial residential area, along the south bank of the governments, the Chinese had to extend mutual Singapore River (Dapo), allocated by RAFFLES' help inside their dialect group society, and city planning. The three major dialect groups, they also wanted to maintain their traditional the Hokkiens, Teochews and Cantonese, segre culture in the forms of language, religion and gated themselves respectively in three different eating customs. As a result, they came to live areas along the south bank of the Singapore together and form their own urban villages. River. Although the Hakkas, the first minor In other words, internal factors in the forma dialect group to immigrate, also resided in the tion of the residential segregation could be south bank district, a clear concentration was found inside the Chinese dialect groups. A not found. variety of institutions established by the On the other hand, minorr dialect groups, Chinese dialect groups, including associations, such as the Hainanese, Foochows, Henghuas, temples, and so on, were concentrated in and so on, who migrated much later than the urban villages. Those areas were the social, above listed dialect groups, mainly resided in cultural, and economic centers of the Chinese the area that had been chiefly allocated to dialect groups in Singapore. The Chinese European residents in the north district of the dialect groups came to build up residential Singapore River (Xiaopo). In particular, the segregation, centering around their urban Hainanese formed a notably concentrated villages. groups in the area. In the north bank district, In order to analyze the formation of the a large number of the three major dialect residential segregation of the Chinese dialect groups also lived, segregating themselves with groups from an economic point of view, minor dialect groups in mosaic fashion. characteristics of economic activities of each Thus, residential segregation patterns of the Chinese dialect group were examined. As a Chinese dialect groups in the south bank result, it was clearly found that the Chinese district differed from those in the north bank dialect groups had a tendency to specialize district, the two districts being separated by inn and dominate certain trades. In other the Singapore River. words, the Chinese dialect groups established After World War II, the built-up areas ex a sort of division of labor inside the Chinese panded with the increasing population. How society. This promoted area concentration of a ever, residential segregation patterns of the specific dialect group. This was one of the Chinese dialect groups in the central area of important factors in the formation of the Singapore showed no great fundamental residential segregation of the Chinese by change, even by 1968, compared with the dialect group. situation before World War II. The residential segregation patterns iden Next, on the basis of an analysis of residen tified in this study have since undergone great 100 K. YAMASHITA

changes due to the recent economic develop Teochews from Chaoan and Tenghai Counties. ment in Singapore. This theme will be ex 6) The Cantonese are divided into two major groups; plored in another study (YAMASHITA,1987). Wuyi 五邑 or five counties (Nanhai, Shunde, Dongguan, Panyu, and Zhongshan or former Xiangshan), in the Zhujiang delta around Acknowledgments Guangzhou, and Siyi 四邑 or four counties The author expresses his appreciation to his aca (Taishan, former Xinning or Ningyang, Xinhui, demic advisor, Professor Shozo YAMAMOTO,and to Enping, and Kaiping) at the upper river. Zhao Drs. Hideya ISHII and Noritaka YAGASAKI,of the ging Huiguan was established in 1879 by Siyi Institute of Geoscience, the University of Tsukuba, people from Enping and Kaiping Counties. for their kind advice and help in writing this paper. 7) According to Lire (1958), one half of Singapore's Hainanese lived around Beach Road and Middle He is also deeply indebted to Drs. Lov Keng Foo Road. That area was a center of commercial CHENGLIM KEAKof the Department of Geography, and Nanyang University (now the National University and social activities for the Hainanese. of Singapore), for their useful advice and assistance. 8) This distribution map of Chinese associations was This paper is a part of the dissertation submitted made in the following manner. First, Chinese to the University of Tsukuba for the degree of Doctor associations were listed on the basis of CHENed. of Science. (1969), NGOW(1975a, b, 1977), Republic of Singa (Received May 8, 1986) pore (1980), and so forth. Afterword, these associations were divided into dialect groups (Accepted October 4, 1986) according to the documentary records of Chinese associations and the data mentioned above. Notes Associations which did not belong to specific 1) Many Chinese associations in Singapore have groups were excluded. Next, the location of these Chinese associations in a certain period of time published special publications, generally called was confirmed on the basis of documentary 紀念特刊, on memorable days such jinian tekan records and the author's field surveys. as an anniversary of their establishment. These

publications include brief history and notes on References changes in location of the associations, move ments and activities of the members, the intro CHEN, S. G. (ed.) (1976): Xinjiapo gongheguo giongren duction of other friend associations, and so forth. gongshangye zhi, dierji (The commercial & industrial Beside jinian tekan, the main reference books directory of Hainanese, Republic o f Singapore 2). used for confirmation of the changes in location Singapore, 136 p. of the Chinese associations and temples are NGOW CHEN, Z. Y. (ed.) (1969): Xinjiapo gongheguo renmin (1975a, b, 1977) and LIN, et al. (1975). tuanti zhinan (Societies of the Republic of Singapore). 2) In this study, Chinese associations and temples, Singapore, 164 p. which do not belong to any specific Chinese CHENG,L. K. (1985): Social change and the Chinese in dialect group, will be excluded. Singapore: a socio-economic geography, with specia 3) In the central area of Singapore, the south bank reference to bang structure. Singapore University district of the Singapore River has been called Press, Singapore, 235 p. Dapo 大披, and the north bank district, Xiapo GANS, H. J. (1962): The urban villagers: group and 小披, by the Chinese. Some European and class in the life of Italian-Americans. Free Press, American reseachers call the Chinese-concen New York, 367 p. trated district of the south bank "old Chinatown," GUAN,C. P, et al. (eds.) (1940): Xinzhou shinian (Ten and that of the north bank "new Chinatown." years of Singapore). Xingzhou Ribaoshe, Singa 4) Anxi people are Hokkiens from Anxi County, pore, 1126 p. the former Quanzhou Prefecture 泉州府 of Fujian HODDER,B. W. (1953): Racial grouping in Singapore. Province. In a survey carried out in 1952, Anxi Malayan Journal of Tropical Geography, 1, 25-36. people were estimated to account for 6.1 percent LIM, M. A. (1958): The Hainanese of Singapore. of the total Chinese population in Singapore Translated by CHENG,X. F. (1965): Xinjiapo gion (Xinjiapo Anxi Huiguan ed., 1973, pp. 353-354). gihouren. In Xinjiapo Qiongzhou Tianhougong, 5) Chaoyang people are Teochews from Chaoyang Qiongzhou Huiguan (eds.) : Xinjiapo gionzhou County, the former Chaozhou Prefecture 潮州府 tianhougong, Qongzhou huiguan dasha luocheng of Guangdong Province. Of Teochews in Singa jinian tekan (Souvenir of the opening ceremony o pore, the Chaoyang people number as many as the Kheng Chiu Building). Singapore, 178-181. The Residential Segregation in Singapore 101

LIN, K. S. et al. (1975): Shili guji (Monuments of London. Singapore). Nanyang Xuehui (South Seas Society), Xinjiapo Anxi Huiguan (ed.) (1973): Xinjiapo anxi Singapore, 261 p. huiguan jinxi jinian tekan (Souvenir magazine of Mantetsu Toa Keizai Chosakyoku (1941): Eiryo marai, the 50th anniversary of Ann Kway Association), biruma oyobi goshu ni okeru kahyo (Overseas Chinese Singapore, 572 p. in British Malaya, Burma and Oceania). Mantestu Xinjiapo Chaoyang Huiguan (ed.) (1954): Chaoyang Toa Keizai Chosakyoku, Tokyo, 733 p. huiguan ji chaoyang xuexiao yijiuwusan yijiuwusi Nanyang University, Department of History (1970a): huiwu yu xiaowu baogaoshu (Annual report of Teo Xinjiapo huazu hangye shi diaocha baogao, (1) Yeonh Huai Kuan and Teo Yeonh School 1953 Fuzhouren yu lifaye 1911-1970 (Research reports on -1954). Singapore, 60 p. Chinese trades in Singapore, No. 1, The Foochows Xinjiapo Fuzhou Huiguan (ed.) (1972): Xinjiapo and the hairdressing trade, 1911-1970). Nanyang fuzhou huiguan liushi zhounian jinian tekan (Sou University, Department of History, Singapore, 81 venir magazine of the 60th anniversary of Singapore p. Foochow Association), Singapore. Nanyang University, Department of History (1970b): Xinjiapo Nanyang Keshu Zonghui (ed.) (1956): Keshu Xinjiapo huazu hangye shi diaocha baogao, (2) niankan yinshi jinianhao (The Khek Community wenzhouren yu mugiye (Research reports on Chinese Guild, Singapore, 25th anniversary souvenir issue). trades in Singapore, No. 2, Wenzhou people and Singapore, 276 p. carpentry). Nanyang University, Department of Xinjiapo Qiongzhou Tianhougong, Qiongzhou Hui History, Singapore, 91 p. guan (eds.) (1965): Xinjiapo giongzhou tianhougong, Nanyang University, Department of History (1971): giongzhou huiguan dasha luocheng jinian tekan (Sou Xinjiapo huazu hangye shi diaocha baogao, (4) venir of the opening ceremony of the Kheng Chiu xinhuaren yu jiaotongye (Research reports on Chinese Building). Singapore, 196 p. trades in Singapore, No. 4, The Henghuas and tra fic Xinjiapo Zhaoqing Huiguan (ed.) (1968): Zhaoqing trades). Nanyang University, Department of His huiguan jiushi zhounian jinian tekan (Siu Heng Wui tory, Singapore, 83 p. Kun 90th anniversary special edition). Singapore, Neow, W. (1975a, b, 1977): Xinjiapo huazu huiguan 148 p. zhi (Chinese associations in Singapore). 3 vols. YAMASHITA,K. (1985): Shingaporu kaiin imin no tekio Nanyang Xuehi (South Seas Society), Singapore, yoshiki: kainanjin no baai (The way of adjustment 199 p., 221 p., and 186 p. of Chinese immigrants in Singapore: the case of PHUA, CL. (ed.) (1950): Malaiya chaozhou tonglian Hainanese). Akita daigaku kyoiku gakubu kenkyu (The Teochews in Malaya). Nandao Chubanshe, kiyo, jinbun kagaku, shakai kagaku (Memoirs of the Singapore, 420 p. Faculty of Education, Akita Unuversity, the Hunani Republic of Singapore (1980): List of registered societies ties & the Social Sciences), 35, 141-155. as on 1st April, 1980. Supplement to the Republic of YAMASHITAK. (1987): Breakdown of the residential Singapore, Government Gazette, Friday, 1st August, segregation of Chinese dialect groups in Singapore. 1980. No. 20/80, Singapore, 106 p. Science Report, Section A, the Institute of Geoscience, SAW, S.H. (1970): Singapore: population in transition. the University of Tsukuba, 8, (in tress). University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, YAN, R. X. (1972): junren shiye fazhan shi gaishu 227 p. (A brief account of development of Xingan people's SHINOBU,S. (1968): Raf furuzu den: tonan ajia no business). Tn Xinjiapo Xingan Huiguan (ed.) teikoku kensetsusha (A life of Raffles: an empire : Xinjiapo xngan huiguan wushi zhounian jinian founder in Southeast Asia). Heibonsha, Tokyo, tekan (Kin Ann Huay Kuan 50th anniversary souve 466 p. nir issue). Singapore, p. 34. VLIELAND,C.A. (1932): British Malaya, a report on the ZHANG,L. Q. (1941): Xinjiapo renkou zhi yanjin(Evolu 1931 census of population and on certain problems of tion of Singapore's population). Nanyang Xuebao vital statistics. The Crown Agents for the Colonies, (Journal o f the South Seas Society), 2-1, 115-127. 102 K. YAMASHITA

シンガポールにおける華人方言集団のすみわけ

-1970年頃以前を中心にして-

山下清海*

本稿は,シンガポールにおける華人方言集団のすみわわけパターンの形成要因について考察した.華人移民はけパターンとその形成要因について考察した.すみわけ故郷を出発する時からシンガポールで生活を始めるまパターンを把握するために,華人会館や廟の分布,およで,客頭,客桟,猪仔館などをとおして, 7連の地縁的び華人会館会員の分布を,いくつかの時期ごとに地図化な鎖)によって結ばれていた.このような地縁的連鎖は, した.その結果,次のようなすみわけパターンが明らかすみわけを促す要因の1つであった. になった. 華人方言集団の内部には,すみわけを形成する内的要華人の居住はシンガポール川の南岸地区(大披)から因が認められた.華人は方言集団内部の相互扶助に期待始まり,福建人,潮州人,および広東人の三大方言集団して,また,言語,宗教,食事習慣をはじめ,自己の伝が,そこを大きく3つの地区にすみわけた.一方,移住統文化を保持したいという欲求を抱いて集中居住し,ア時期が遅れた海南人,福州人,興化人などの少数方言集ーパソ・ヴィレッジを形成した .このようなアーパミン・団がおもに居住したのは,シンガポール川の北岸地区ヴィレヅジを核として,華人方言集団のすみわけは拡大 (小披)であった.そこには3大方言集団も多数居住し, していった. 少数方言集団と互いにモザイク状にすみわけた. 華人の経済活動の特色について検討した結果,それぞこのように,華人方言集団のすみわけパターソは,シれの華人方言集団は,特定の職業分野で卓越し,専門化ソガポール川を挾み,その南岸と北岸で著しい対照をなする傾向が顕著に認められた.このことは,特定の華人した.これらのすみわけパターンは, 1968年頃において方言集団の地域的集中を強める結果となり,すみわけをも大きな変化はなかった. 助長した. 以上のすみわけパターンの分析に基づいて,次にすみ

* 〒010秋田市手形学園町秋田大学教育学部