Between Foreign Involvement and Civil War: the Geopolitical Scenario of Libya. What Role for Italy and the EU?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Between Foreign Involvement and Civil War: the Geopolitical Scenario of Libya. What Role for Italy and the EU? Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche Cattedra Geopolitical Scenario and Political Risk Between Foreign Involvement and Civil War: The Geopolitical Scenario of Libya. What Role for Italy and the EU? Prof. Giuseppe Scognamiglio Prof. Lucio Caracciolo RELATORE CORRELATORE La Torre Diego - Matr. 637132 CANDIDATO Anno Accademico 2019/2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 3 1. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW: ORIGINS AND FLAWS OF LIBYAN NATION- BUILDING PROCESS ................................................................................................................... 6 1.1. Origins of Libya: A History of Regions and Colonialism .............................................. 6 1.2 The Italian Colonial Era: “The Fourth Shore” ................................................................ 10 1.2.1 The Fascist “Riconquista” ............................................................................................... 14 1.3 The United Kingdom of Libya: an accidental state ........................................................ 16 1.4 Qadhafi’s Libya: Institutionalized Statelessness .............................................................. 20 2. LIBYA’S FRAGMENTATION: FROM REVOLUTION TO CIVIL WAR ................. 26 2.1 The February 17 Revolution .............................................................................................. 26 2.2 The Failed Democratic Transition and the Civil War .................................................... 28 2.3 Actors and Interests at Stake .............................................................................................. 31 2.3.1 Haftar, the LAAF & the House of Representatives .................................................... 33 2.3.2 The GNA, al-Sarraj and the anti-LNA militias ............................................................ 36 2.3.4 The Gulf States ................................................................................................................. 39 2.3.5 Egypt ................................................................................................................................... 43 2.3.6 Turkey ................................................................................................................................. 44 2.3.7 Russia .................................................................................................................................. 46 3. UNITED NATIONS MEDIATION IN LIBYA ................................................................ 48 3.1 Early Mediation Attempts................................................................................................... 49 3.2 United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) ................................................... 52 3.3 The National Political Dialogue ......................................................................................... 55 3.4 The Libyan Political Agreement (LPA) ............................................................................ 58 3.5 The Action Plan for Libya .................................................................................................. 63 3.6 The Berlin International Conference on Libya ................................................................ 65 4. CARVING OUT A ROLE FOR ITALY AND THE EU ................................................. 68 4.1 EU’s Inconsistent Foreign Policy in Libya ....................................................................... 68 4.1.1 EU’s Operation EUNAVFOR MED Irini ................................................................... 73 4.2 Italian-Libyan Relations ...................................................................................................... 75 4.3 The French Anomaly ........................................................................................................... 79 4.4 Management of Migration Flows: Security vs Human Rights ....................................... 83 4.4.1 The Italian-Libyan Memorandum of Understanding on Migration .......................... 86 4.5 Carving Out a Role for Italy and the EU ......................................................................... 89 CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................................................................ 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................................................................................................... 95 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................... 103 INTRODUCTION Nine years after the fall of Qadhafi’s regime in 2011, Libya’s geopolitical scenario is still characterized by political, military and social instability. Not only is the process of democratic transition failed but there has also been an escalation in the intensity and cruelness of the hostilities, after Marshal Khalifa Haftar, head of the Libyan National Army, launched his campaign to conquer the country in 2019. Although the Turkish intervention has altered the military balance of power, leading to the liberation of Tripoli and to the withdrawal of LNA forces from Western Tripolitania, the risk of armed conflict is still concrete. The recent announcement of a ceasefire between the Government of National Accord and the House of Representatives is threatened by the military stalemate around Sirte and al-Jufrah, the persistent oil blockade and the fragmentation in the unreformed security sector. Finally, Libya is experiencing mounting social unrest caused by the worsening of the living standards due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the economic crisis and the increasing claims of corruption towards both governmental institutions. The present thesis aims at analysing the current geopolitical scenario of Libya, focussing on the flaws behind its institution and nation-building process which have caused the revolts of the Arab Spring to result into a protracted civil war, observing how the interference of foreign regional and international actors was instrumental in extending the conflict. The first part provides an historical overview on the origins of Libya, with a focus on regionalism and colonialism, two distinctive features which have influenced Libyan history from its early days to the present. The first chapter will then retrace the main steps of Libyan nation building process, underlining the role of the Sanusi family, the impact of the Italian invasion and the rise of Qadhafi’s regime. Chapter 2 describes the unfolding of the Libyan revolution from the eruption of the first uprisings in 2011 and the consequent NATO military intervention, to the failed democratic transition and the outbreak of the first Libyan civil war in 2014. To follow, an account of the main actors and interests at stake will be provided, concurrently to the description of the recent political and military events in which they were involved. As the civil war has rapidly transformed into an international crisis, it is increasingly relevant to understand the networks of alliances and the geopolitical objectives of each participant in the conflict. This analysis will move from a microscopic to a macroscopic dimension and will be divided as follows: first the local coalitions, including tribes, municipalities, Islamist and secular armed militias, and terrorist groups; subsequently, the regional actors which have financed or supported competing local actors during the last decade; finally, the international powers mostly involved in the conflict, namely Russia and Turkey. Chapter 3 presents the process of international mediation conducted by the United Nations since 2011, both within the Security Council and through the institution of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. The analysis will follow the chronological unfolding of the different mediation efforts together with the examination of the work of each mediator, their mandate, their mediation strategies and the political context in which they operated. The final Chapter of the research addresses the response of Italy and the EU to the Libyan crisis, describing the institutional setting of the European Union and the contrasting views of the different Member States which have influenced the decision-making during the 2011 revolution and beyond. Particular attention will be given to the latest EU military mission in the Mediterranean, Operation IRINI. To follow, Chapter 4 will provide an account of the recent Italian-Libyan relations and of the Italian geopolitical interests in the country, proceeding then to analyse the unique and diverging foreign policy of France and underlining how this prevented the EU from operating consistently as a single actor. Then, the Chapter illustrates the response of the EU Member States to the migratory crisis and the policies adopted, taking into account their consequences in terms of respect of human rights and compliance with international law. Finally, it attempts to define a future role for Italy and the EU by analysing some of their future policy options in the region. 1. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW: ORIGINS AND FLAWS OF LIBYAN NATION-BUILDING PROCESS Any analysis of the present geopolitical situation in Libya requires having deep regard for its past, as the history of Libya has been deeply characterized by regionalism, colonialism, geographical and societal frictions, and external interventions, elements which have endured through the centuries
Recommended publications
  • 16D9707ecebc848d85257000
    Emergency Report 2005-20 World Food Programme Emergency Report 2005 Issued Weekly by the United Nations World Food Programme Report No. 20 / 2005 - Date 13 May 2005 (A) Highlights (B) Middle East,Central Asia and Eastern Europe: (1) Afghanistan (2) Albania (3) Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (C) East & Central Africa: (1) Burundi (2) Congo (3) Congo, DR (4) Djibouti (5) Eritrea (6) Ethiopia (7) Rwanda (8) Sudan (9) Tanzania (10) Uganda (D) West Africa: (1) West Africa Coastal Region (2) Benin (3) Burkina Faso (4) Chad (5) Cote d'Ivoire (6) Ghana (7) Liberia (8) Mali (9) Sierra Leone (10) Togo (E) Southern Africa: (1) Regional (2) Angola (3) Lesotho (4) Malawi (5) Namibia (6) Swaziland (7) Zambia (8) Zimbabwe (F) Asia: (1) Bangladesh (2) Korea (DPR) (3) Myanmar (G) Latin America and Caribbean: (1) Bolivia (2) Colombia (3) Cuba (4) El Salvador (5) Guatemala (6) Nicaragua (A) Highlights (a) Protests in Afghanistan caused damage to UN and NGO property and prompted restrictions on the movement of UN staff, affecting humanitarian operations in some areas. (b) WFP is providing emergency food assistance to flood affected people in Afghanistan’s Jawzjan and Badghis provinces. (c) Two drivers of WFP-contracted trucks were killed by gunmen, in two separate incidents in Sudan's South Darfur region. (d) WFP began airlifting food from Libya to Sudan, to put in place as much food aid as possible before the onset of the rainy season in Darfur. (e) This week's UN Flash Appeal for Benin included USD 1.6 million to assist 20,000 refugees and 10,000 host population with WFP food assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya Conflict Insight | Feb 2018 | Vol
    ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and Libya Conflict recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision making and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. Insight CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Mr. Hervé Wendyam Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Libya achieved independence from United Nations (UN) trusteeship in 1951 Michelle Mendi Muita (Editor) as an amalgamation of three former Ottoman provinces, Tripolitania, Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) Cyrenaica and Fezzan under the rule of King Mohammed Idris. In 1969, King Idris was deposed in a coup staged by Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. He promptly abolished the monarchy, revoked the constitution, and © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, established the Libya Arab Republic. By 1977, the Republic was transformed Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. into the leftist-leaning Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. In the 1970s and 1980s, Libya pursued a “deviant foreign policy”, epitomized February 2018 | Vol. 1 by its radical belligerence towards the West and its endorsement of anti- imperialism. In the late 1990s, Libya began to re-normalize its relations with the West, a development that gradually led to its rehabilitation from the CONTENTS status of a pariah, or a “rogue state.” As part of its rapprochement with the Situation analysis 1 West, Libya abandoned its nuclear weapons programme in 2003, resulting Causes of the conflict 2 in the lifting of UN sanctions.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE the Arab Spring Abroad
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Arab Spring Abroad: Mobilization among Syrian, Libyan, and Yemeni Diasporas in the U.S. and Great Britain DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Sociology by Dana M. Moss Dissertation Committee: Distinguished Professor David A. Snow, Chair Chancellor’s Professor Charles Ragin Professor Judith Stepan-Norris Professor David S. Meyer Associate Professor Yang Su 2016 © 2016 Dana M. Moss DEDICATION To my husband William Picard, an exceptional partner and a true activist; and to my wonderfully supportive and loving parents, Nancy Watts and John Moss. Thank you for everything, always. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ACRONYMS iv LIST OF FIGURES v LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii CURRICULUM VITAE viii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION xiv INTRODUCTION 1 PART I: THE DYNAMICS OF DIASPORA MOVEMENT EMERGENCE CHAPTER 1: Diaspora Activism before the Arab Spring 30 CHAPTER 2: The Resurgence and Emergence of Transnational Diaspora Mobilization during the Arab Spring 70 PART II: THE ROLES OF THE DIASPORAS IN THE REVOLUTIONS 126 CHAPTER 3: The Libyan Case 132 CHAPTER 4: The Syrian Case 169 CHAPTER 5: The Yemeni Case 219 PART III: SHORT-TERM OUTCOMES OF THE ARAB SPRING CHAPTER 6: The Effects of Episodic Transnational Mobilization on Diaspora Politics 247 CHAPTER 7: Conclusion and Implications 270 REFERENCES 283 ENDNOTES 292 iii LIST OF ACRONYMS FSA Free Syria Army ISIS The Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham, or Daesh NFSL National Front for the Salvation
    [Show full text]
  • A Typology of Conflict Dyads and Instruments of Power in Libya, 2014‐Present
    Demystifying Gray Zone Conflict: A Typology of Conflict Dyads and Instruments of Power in Libya, 2014‐Present Report to DHS S&T Office of University Programs and DoD Strategic Multilayer Assessment Branch November 2016 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence Led by the University of Maryland 8400 Baltimore Ave., Suite 250 • College Park, MD 20742 • 301.405.6600 www.start.umd.edu National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence About This Report The authors of this report are Rachel A. Gabriel, Researcher, and Mila A. Johns, Researcher, at the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). Questions about this report should be directed to Barnett S. Koven at [email protected]. This report is part of START project, “Shadows of Violence: Empirical Assessments of Treats, Coercion and Gray Zones,” led by Amy Pate. This research was supported by a Centers of Excellence Supplemental award from the Department of Homeland Security’s Science and Technology Directorate’s Office of University Programs, with funding provided by the Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA) Branch of the Department of Defense through grand award number 2012ST061CS0001‐05 made to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as necessarily representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Big Sandbox,” However It May Be Interpreted, Brought with It Extraordinary Enchantment
    eScholarship California Italian Studies Title The Embarrassment of Libya. History, Memory, and Politics in Contemporary Italy Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9z63v86n Journal California Italian Studies, 1(1) Author Labanca, Nicola Publication Date 2010 DOI 10.5070/C311008847 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Embarrassment of Libya: History, Memory, and Politics in Contemporary Italy Nicola Labanca The past weighs on the present. This same past can, however, also constitute an opportunity for the future. If adequately acknowledged, the past can inspire positive action. This seems to be the maxim that we can draw from the history of Italy in the Mediterranean and, in particular, the history of Italy's relationship with Libya. Even the most recent “friendship and cooperation agreement” between Italy and Libya, signed August 30, 2008 by Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi and Libyan leader Colonel Moammar Gadhafi, affirms this. Italy’s colonial past in Libya has been a source of political tensions between the two nations for the past forty years. Now, the question emerges: will the acknowledgement of this past finally help to reconcile the two countries? The history of Italy’s presence in Libya (1912-1942) is rather different from the more general history of the European colonial expansion. The Ottoman provinces of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica (referred to by the single name “Libya” in the literary and rhetorical culture of liberal Italy) were among the few African territories that remained outside of the European dominion, together with Ethiopia (which defeated Italy at Adwa in 1896) and rubber-rich Liberia.
    [Show full text]
  • Líbia Egységét
    Besenyő János – Marsai Viktor Országismertető L Í B I A - 2012 - AZ MH ÖSSZHADERŐNEMI PARANCSNOKSÁG TUDOMÁNYOS TANÁCS KIADVÁNYA Felelős kiadó: Domján László vezérőrnagy az MH Összhaderőnemi Parancsnokság parancsnoka Szerkesztő: Dr. Földesi Ferenc Szakmai lektor: N. Rózsa Erzsébet és Szilágyi Péter Postacím: 8000 Székesfehérvár, Zámolyi út 2-6 8001. Pf 151 Telefon: 22-542811 Fax: 22-542836 E-mail: [email protected] ISBN 978-963-89037-5-4 Nyomdai előkészítés, nyomás: OOK-Press Kft, Veszprém Pápai út 37/A Felelős vezető: Szathmáry Attila Minden jog fenntartva ELŐSZÓ 2011 februárjában az addig Észak-Afrika egyik legstabilabb államának tartott Líbiában pol- gárháború tört ki a 42 éve hatalmon levő diktátor és a megbuktatására törő felkelői csoportok között. Nyolc hónapos harcok után – a NATO intenzív légicsapásainak is köszönhetően – Muammar al-Kaddáfi elnök rendszere megbukott, a vezér elesett a Szirt körüli harcokban, a Nemzeti Átmeneti Tanács pedig bejelentette az ország felszabadulását. A polgárháború azon- ban nem múlt el nyomtalanul a társadalomban, és olyan korábbi ellentéteket szított fel az ország régiói és törzsei között, amelyek veszélyeztethetik a stabilitást és Líbia egységét. Hazánk élénk fi gyelemmel követte nyomon a líbiai eseményeket. Az Európai Unió Tanácsának soros elnökeként a tripoli magyar nagykövetség képviselte az EU-t az országban, hazánk aktiválta a Polgári Védelmi Mechanizmust, illetve segített az EU-s és harmadik országokba tartozó állam- polgárok repatriálásában. Bár Orbán Viktor miniszterelnök és Martonyi János külügyminiszter hangsúlyozta, hogy hazánk nem szándékozik részt vállalni a harci cselekményekben, késznek mu- tatkozott egy orvoscsoport bevetésére, amelyre végül nem került sor.1 Az események eszkaláló- dása után az EUFOR LIBYA műveletbe azonban két orvos tisztet delegált a Magyar Honvédség.2 Líbia azonban e sorok írásakor (2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Deserting Refugees in the Sahara by Rebecca Murray
    Deserting Refugees in the Sahara By Rebecca Murray KUFRA, Libya, May 13, 2012 (IPS) - As dusk settles over the isolated Saharan town Kufra, young guards order a few hundred migrants lined up at a detention centre to chant "Libya free, Chadians out", before they kneel down for evening prayers. Most of the prisoners in the small, squalid compound called the Freedom Detention Centre - run by Kufra’s military council - are from Chad. Hundreds more, from Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia, were moved to bigger facilities due to overcrowding. Migrants being loaded on to a cargo plane in Kufra. Almost 1,000 miles from the Mediterranean coast in Libya’s desolate Credit:Rebecca Murray/IPS. southeast desert, the Kufra oasis strategically lies near the long and Buy this picture porous borders of Egypt, Sudan and Chad. "The two main hubs are Kufra and Sabha in Libya," explains Emmanuel Gignac, head of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in Libya. "All West African migrants are going through Sabha via Chad or Niger, and those originating from the Horn of Africa are going through Sudan to Kufra… then either directly to Tripoli or Benghazi. Those are roughly the routes." Despite the most recent outbreak of deadly violence between Kufra’s Zwai and Tabu tribes, migrants continue to arrive at this lucrative smuggling point for people, weapons, drugs and fuel. Both tribes are said to have benefited from the trade. Bernham is a thin, 35-year old Eritrean, held in a small, crowded room near the Kufra compound’s entrance. Guards tell IPS that other migrants have identified him as a human smuggler who took their money.
    [Show full text]
  • BACKGROUND GUIDE UNSC BBPS – Glengaze – MUN
    BACKGROUND GUIDE UNSC BBPS – Glengaze – MUN Agenda – “Peace Building Measures in Post Conflict Regions with Special Emphasis on Iraq and Libya.” LETTER FROM THE EXECUTIVE BOARD Greetings, We welcome you to the United Nations Security Council, in the capacity of the members of the Executive Board of the said conference. Since this conference shall be a learning experience for all of you, it shall be for us as well. Our only objective shall be to make you all speak and participate in the discussion, and we pledge to give every effort for the same. How to research for the agenda and beyond? There are several things to consider. This background guide shall be different from the background guides you might have come across in other MUNs and will emphasise more on providing you the right Direction where you find matter for your research than to provide you matter itself, because we do not believe in spoon- feeding you, nor do we believe in leaving you to swim in the pond all by yourself. However, we promise that if you read the entire set of documents so provided, you shall be able to cover 70% of your research for the conference. The remaining amount of research depends on how much willing are you to put in your efforts and understand those articles and/or documents. So, in the purest of the language we can say, it is important to read anything and everything whose links are provided in the background guide. What to speak in the committee and in what manner? The basic emphasis of the committee shall not be on how much facts you read and present in the committee but how you explain them in simple and decent language to us and the fellow committee members.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelligence Failures in Countering Islamic Terrorism: a Comparative Analysis on the Strategic Surprises of the 9/11 and the Pa
    Department of Political Science Master’s Degree in International Relations - Global Studies Chair of Geopolitical Scenarios and Political Risk Intelligence Failures in Countering Islamic Terrorism: A Comparative Analysis on the Strategic Surprises of the 9/11 and the Paris Attacks and the Exceptionality of the Italian Case SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Prof. Giuseppe Scognamiglio Antonella Camerino Student ID: 639472 CO-SUPERVISOR Prof. Lorenzo Castellani ACCADEMIC YEAR 2019-2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………………5 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………………..6 CHAPTER 1: Intelligence: A Theoretical Framework 1.1 – The Intelligence Cycle………………………………………………………………….11 1.2 – Intelligence Failures…………………………………………………………………….19 1.3 – The Strategic Surprises and Surprises Attacks………………………………………….24 1.4 – The Black Swan Theory………………………………………………………………...30 CHAPTER 2: The Case of USA: The Attacks of the 9/11 2.1 – The US Intelligence Community……………………………………………………….35 2.2 – Analysis of a Terrorist Organization: Al-Qaeda………………………………………..43 2.3 – The 9/11 Attacks: Facts, Causes and Consequences……………………………………52 2.4 – The US Involvement in the Middle East: The War on Terror………………………….61 CHAPTER 3: The Case of France: The Paris Attacks of November 13 3.1 – The French Intelligence Community…………………………………………………...73 3.2 – Analysis of a Terrorist Organization: The Islamic State………………………………..80 3.3 – The Paris Attacks of November 13: Facts, Causes and Consequences………………...90 3.4 – The French Involvement in the Middle East: Opération Chammal…………………….98
    [Show full text]
  • List of Airports by IATA Code: a ­ Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia List of Airports by IATA Code: a from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
    9/8/2015 List of airports by IATA code: A ­ Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia List of airports by IATA code: A From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia List of airports by IATA code: A ­ B ­ C ­ D ­ E ­ F ­ G ­ H ­ I ­ J ­ K ­ L ­ M ­ N ­ O ­ P ­ Q ­ R ­ S ­ T ­ U ­ V ­ W ­ X ­ Y ­ Z See also: List of airports by ICAO code A The DST column shows the months in which Daylight Saving Time, a.k.a. Summer Time, begins and ends. A blank DST box usually indicates that the location stays on Standard Time all year, although in some cases the location stays on Summer Time all year. If a location is currently on DST, add one hour to the time in the Time column. To determine how much and in which direction you will need to adjust your watch, first adjust the time offsets of your source and destination for DST if applicable, then subtract the offset of your departure city from the offset of your destination. For example, if you were flying from Houston (UTC−6) to South Africa (UTC+2) in June, first you would add an hour to the Houston time for DST, making it UTC−5, then you would subtract ­5 from +2. +2 ­ (­5) = +2 + (+5) = +7, so you would need to advance your watch by seven hours. If you were going in the opposite direction, you would subtract 2 from ­5, giving you ­7, indicating that you would need to turn your watch back seven hours. Contents AA AB AC AD AE AF AG AH AI AJ AK AL AM AN AO AP AQ AR AS AT AU AV AW AX AY AZ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_airports_by_IATA_code:_A 1/24 9/8/2015 List of airports by IATA code: A ­ Wikipedia, the free
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom of the Press
    Libya freedomhouse.org /report/freedom-press/2014/libya Freedom of the Press Status change explanation: Libya declined from Partly Free to Not Free due to the impact of the deteriorating security situation on journalists and other members of the press, who suffered a spate of threats, kidnappings, and attacks in 2013, often at the hands of nonstate actors. There was also an increased use of Qadhafi-era penal and civil codes to bring defamation cases against journalists, with one reporter facing up to 15 years in prison for alleging judicial corruption. Although the overthrow of longtime leader Mu’ammar al-Qadhafi led to a dramatic opening in the political and media environments in 2011, conditions for press freedom in Libya deteriorated in 2013. The new Libyan government—composed of the legislative assembly, or General National Congress (GNC), and a cabinet headed by Prime Minister Ali Zeidan—failed to establish security and the rule of law. Various semiautonomous militias, which control different parts of the country, continued to assert themselves, employing increasingly violent tactics and contributing to an unstable operating environment for journalists, especially in the restive eastern city of Benghazi. In September, after a long delay, the High National Election Commission announced that it would hold elections in early 2014 for the Constituent Assembly, the body tasked with drafting a permanent constitution. The governing legal document during 2013 remained the Draft Constitutional Charter for the Transitional Stage, adopted during the 2011 civil war, which guarantees several fundamental human rights. For example, Article 13 stipulates “freedom of opinion for individuals and groups, freedom of scientific research, freedom of communication, liberty of press, printing, publication and mass media.” While these provisions are a positive start, they do not fully reflect international standards for freedom of expression.
    [Show full text]
  • The North African-Middle East Uprisings from Tunisia to Libya
    HERBERT P. BIX The North African-Middle East Uprisings from Tunisia to Libya REVOLUTIONARY WAVE OF UPRISINGS has swept Over North A Africa and the Middle East, and the United States and its allies are struggHng to contain it. To place current US actions in Arab countries across the region in their proper context, a historical perspective, with events hned up chronologically, is useful. The US remains the global hegemon: it frames global debate and pos- sesses an unrivaled military machine. Few Arab rulers can remain unaf- fected by its policies. But far from being the sort of hegemon that can dominate through latent force, it must continually fight costly air and ground wars. The inconclusive character of these wars, and the decaying character of its domestic society and economy, reveals a weakened, over- extended power. Because of America's decade-long, unending wars and occupations massive numbers of MusHm civilians have died, while the productive sector of the US economy has steadily contracted. What foHows is a brief sketch, starting with how the European powers shaped the Middle East and North Africa until the United States displaced them, then jumping to the present in order to survey the authoritarian regimes in the non-Western societies of Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen, and Libya as they confront the rage of anti-regime forces. My central aim is to show that contemporary American-European interventions are best understood not as attempts to protect endangered civihans, as official US rhetoric holds, but as an extension of the logic of empire—continuous with the past and with the ethos of imperiahsm.
    [Show full text]