International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies (IJIIS) ISSN: 2654-2706, Volume 2, Number 1, April 2019
MUSIC, IDENTITIES, AND INTERRELIGIOUS RELATIONSHIPS AT THE LINGSAR FESTIVAL IN LOMBOK, INDONESIA
David Harnish
Department of Music, University of San Diego, California, USA
Abstract
When the ›nal procession was readied at the Lingsar temple festival in 1988, I was surprised to see a leader of the Muslim Sasak faction, Suparman, holding hands with the leader of the Hindu Balinese assemblage, Anak Agung Gede Biarsah, at the front of the line of participants. In earlier conversations, they had both expressed interethnic distrust and proclaimed that their group held the inner position while the other was outer and insubstantial to festival events. And yet, there they were walking hand-in-hand and leading the ›nal procession together as if there were no problems whatsoever. What I was witnessing œ as I later realized œ was the collapse of contestation into interethnic unity, and what produced this unity was the previ- ous days‘ rites and performing arts, which all worked in various ways to construct a bridge to the ancestors, impose a spiritual order and balance on the proceedings and participants, and form a comprehensive union that gradually became palpable. Ultimately, it is this union of complementary dualities (Sasak/Balinese, human/divine, inside/outside, even traditional/ modern) that generates the fertility that legitimizes the festival. Though many elements have changed since the 1980s, the goal of union has not. Without it, the festival would either dis- continue or radically transform.
Introduction heroes, and to reconsider belief, Festivals, particularly those relationships, one‘s self and community culturally embedded or religious in and belonging, and so forth. Sometimes nature, break the fiow of time (see the event or its music compels such Falassi 1987), allow for special actions, or induces unity between behaviors, and offer possibilities to dyadic religious groups, as recounted relive histories and legends/culture in the quote above. The performing
27 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia arts at the Lingsar festival, an event insisted that the —ritual“ (or otherwise that likely spans 400 years, structure performed) music and the rites within the event and color nearly every stage the festival are —tetap sama“(the and development over the ›ve days of same as always) (see Harnish 2005). I the festival. They offer a promise of believed them. Over decades and after transformation and a pathway between many more encounters witnessing human and divine, past and present, the festival and its participants, it and Sasak and Balinese (the two parties gradually became clear that things sharing Lingsar). No recurring festival sometimes change, that every festival (annual or otherwise) is ever exactly is a renegotiation between the players, the same twice; there are too many their understanding (sometimes new agents and variables for close mimicry. understanding) of the past and with There are, of course, templates or contemporary forces. Most all festivals maps for how festivals should unfold, need to address now œ this moment, and leaders and participants intend this year œ while still ful›lling historic to follow them. But, move forward missions. Compromises are made one year and they have changed their and certain aspects – rites, music, perspectives or feelings, new leaders or interpretations, experiences œ change. participants are in place, the weather is But, some things also stay the same (or different, musicians are sick and can‘t nearly so), such as the roles of music attend, or some happening – political and dance, not only as context-sensitive changes or social tensions – has altered structuring agents but in transforming relationships between participants, and time, place, and identity and restoring a suddenly the festival is different. From new unity œ again and again. Festivals a hermeneutical or phenomenology may be mechanisms for communities perspective, duplication is neither to de›ne or rede›ne themselves and possible nor desirable. At Lingsar and it is the performing arts that articulate elsewhere, it is individual and collective that de›nition. A festival is —an agency that both sustains and shapes the assemblage of texts“ (Geertz 1973), and festival in new ways year-after-year. the participating community has the I ›rst attended the Lingsar festival, opportunity to tell —a story about itself called by the Balinese Pujawali and for itself“ (Sciorra 1995: 65). (—Worship Return“), in 1983; after This paper is a long-view visiting the Lingsar temple and ethnography of sorts and examines the interviewing leaders and participants structuring and transformative powers multiple times over years and attending of music, but also looks at histories of festivals in 1987 and 1988, I wrote my change and at individual actions while dissertation (1991). My interlocutors focusing on the interface between
28 David Harnish music, musicians, and epiphenomenal years (and over 200 years in the west) connections. The Lingsar temple, until Sasak leaders invited the Dutch to its festival and rites, were once a intervene, and Dutch forces defeated the demonstration of the power of the Balinese in 1894 and then colonized the Balinese kings to provide suf›cient island. The many thousands of Balinese rainwater, and thus represented noble remained in Lombok, which they power and the promise of fertility (see considered their home. The fact that Gerdin 1982 and Harnish 2001 and Lombok and Sasak Muslims were ruled 2006), themes that have been sustained by Hindus/non-Muslims is a subtext over time. Today, the festival is more at the festival and much contemporary democratic, national, and Muslim and life on the island (see Hägerdal 2001). Hindu, consisting of a series of intra- Balinese and Sasak have respective and inter-group rites. I strongly feel that legends. For Balinese, divine forces leaders and musicians play the most invited a prince in East Bali to come to important roles in constructing events, Lombok and directly to Lingsar, and their sequence and their outcomes, to restore righteousness to the island’s and in affecting the environment and governance; the legend has rationalized everyone within earshot. Music is the Balinese occupation and continued inescapable at festivals. One can never presence in Lombok. The Sasak legend separate, however, festival from its of origins is explained in the section participants, both past and present. below. While each wants to claim the Festivals, both political and spiritual, festival (and temple and temple lands) are public barometers for measuring for themselves, the ritual and political socio-religious and political change. reality is that they need each other; and, by the end of each festival, participants Interreligious Relationships at transcend division and feel a sense Lingsar of interreligious unity. The following Lingsar is unique in conjoining section will explore further how that some 20,000 Sasak Muslims and happens. Balinese Hindus in time, place and In 1894 œ let alone the 1600s worship. Ideally a festival connects when the temple was reportedly ›rst participants to a common origin point built œ there were not many differences in time. That point of time, however, is between local Balinese Hindus and contentious. Sasak are considered the Sasak Muslims; —Hinduism“ and indigenous population and the Balinese —Islam“ were not politicized and are migrants from neighboring Bali. these groups practiced a similar adat Balinese came and occupied Lombok, (customary ritual practice and law) displacing Sasak kingdoms for 150 that connected people to the land,
29 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia their ancestors, and each other. Islamic and Balinese joined them for some leaders were different, however, and worship there and also in the many many Sasak went on the Haj in the late processions over the ›ve festival days. 19th century (and throughout the 20th and In addition was the culminating rite 21st centuries), and came back seeking of the main festival day (full moon of to separate adat from agama (world the 6th month in the Balinese calendar, religion-Islam), to divide society and the 7th month of the Sasak calendar), use Islam to rally against the Hindu Perang Topat; this involves two sides Balinese occupiers. During Dutch in outer courtyards hurling topat (rice colonization and early independence squares wrapped in banana leaves) years the festival continued with less at each other for up to 30 minutes. fanfare. But, for the Balinese, the For ten generations, there have been meaning of the temple changed. The Sasak pamangku (customary priests) original Pura Lingsar (Lingsar Temple, of›ciating at Lingsar. Nearly always, now called Pura Lingsar Barat œ West they were subordinate to the Balinese Lingsar Temple) had been dedicated to rajas and Krama Pura (temple celebrating the Balinese victory over organization). Indonesian independence Sasak and was largely restricted to provided an opportunity to assert families of upper castes only. With the independence from the Balinese and construction of a —new“ Pura Lingsar counter-narratives to the Lingsar history sometime between 1860-70, gradually and festival meanings. all Balinese could enter the gaduh (or The 1960s were tumultuous and gadoh, the upper/inner courtyard) and tension-›lled. In 1965-66 came the pray together as a community, although anti-communist slaughter that killed for decades commoners were not approximately one million people welcomed. Elderly commoner Balinese nationally and tens of thousands locally mentioned that in their youth in the (see Pepplinkhuizen 1991). Those 1950s, they only rarely stepped foot in targeted in Lombok were Chinese- the gaduh and felt more comfortable Indonesians and Wetu Telu, the Sasak worshipping with Sasak farmers. That is nominal Muslims that had retained not the case today and Balinese of every adat and working relationships with social level are intricately involved in Balinese; as an agrarian community, rites and socializing within the gaduh, many Wetu Telu favored land reform. which functions to unify Balinese in Survivors fiocked to Islam for ritual activities and nurture religious protection. Those without a —world community identity. religion“ throughout Indonesia were Sasak participants attended rites suspected of being communists and in an adjacent courtyard, the kemaliq, the Wetu Telu faith was not considered
30 David Harnish
Islam and thus not acknowledged. They has resulted in a decrease of Sasak were vulnerable. participation at the festival. But, through Tuan guru, charismatic religious the agency of Sasak pamangku œ from leaders, have had signi›cant political Sanusi (1960s-1993), to Asmin (1993- infiuence since the Balinese period, 2006) and Suparman (2006-present) when they adamantly opposed œ the orientation of Sasak participation Balinese rule (see Kingsley 2010 shifted toward Islam. Prayer periods for more on tuan guru). Some tuan with clergy at Lingsar were initiated guru struggled against the Dutch and before each festival perhaps just the early independence government; before the 2000s (and the pamangku through pressure, they impacted all invites some noted imam) and the policies enacted on Lombok since Sasak legend of the founding of the independence and many leaders, tuan Lingsar site began to forcefully assert guru and other haji, were elected Lingsar as a major point of origin of or appointed to of›ces. One district Islam, that an evangelist, assisted by leader in 1968 sent a letter to the God and some assistants, founded the Sasak pamangku at Lingsar that stated site and water springs. In some recent he could no longer of›ciate at the festivals, two men dressed as Arabs festival because he is supposed to be a have joined the proceedings, including Muslim and the festival clearly is not both processions and prayer periods, Islamic. This set off a ›restorm and upholding the legend’s contention that the Balinese eventually managed to the founders of the temple were Islamic overturn the of›cial‘s decree; however, evangelists. The of›cial opening of the the pamangku could only of›ciate at Perang Topat, headed by the regional Lingsar if he did so on cultural grounds, government (the vice governor or not religious grounds. This decision governor have spoken every year since created a divide between budaya 1988), makes it decisively clear that a (culture) and agama (religion) that Sasak (or Javanese-cum-Sasak) founded people (mostly Sasak) repeat today œ Lingsar and the water springs, sacri›ced this despite some Sasak actively praying himself into the spring for the bene›t to divine ancestors in the kemaliq of all, and that current Sasak citizens during the festival. For the Balinese the are —descendants“ of that cultural hero. Lingsar festival is a practice of religion; The government has adopted the Sasak for the Sasak, it is a practice of culture. story of Lingsar without knowledge Since the 1960s an increasingly or consideration of other narratives, modern, educated, urbanized and not only because it makes claims to Islamized Sasak citizenry have dominion over Lingsar but is also a abandoned or denigrated adat, which point of cultural pride on an island that
31 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia is supposed to be Sasak rather than managed to wrest control of the kemaliq Balinese. Telle (2014) highlights a from the Balinese during his tenure and similar point of contestation: a failed Pamangku Suparman has registered the Balinese attempt to build a large temple kemaliq as a separate site from the pura and the interreligious friction between (temple), while the lands, for now, are Sasak and Balinese in the 21st century. still owned by Balinese. The temple and surrounding The temple and its festival, lands are sites of contention. Within while not always considered —sacred“ the temple lands are the major water today, are loci of wide-ranging beliefs springs for the rice ›elds throughout that primarily fall into a religion West Lombok; some Lingsar water is category. Reenacting culture, as the used to irrigate ›elds as far away as Sasak publicly do, rededicate their Central Lombok. Guarded by sacred commitment to ancestors because it eels, a sacred pond is located within was their ancestor, according to the the kemaliq (also within Pura Lingsar legend, who divinely sacri›ced himself Barat) that people and temple of›ciants (moksa, leaving his spirit at the spot) use during puri›cations. During into the water to create and sustain festivals, of›ciants, in consultation fertility and abundance. The water is his with subak (rice collectives), determine essence and thus the springs are sacred. the fiow of water into the ›elds for the The word —kemaliq“ refers to a place next year. The festival thus regulated made sacred and protected by taboos. irrigation water, and of›cials still It is a Wetu Telu term, part of a web of make decisions concerning irrigation sacred spaces and rites to ancestralize throughout most rice ›elds in the west. the landscape. To government religious At one time, the Balinese raja and of›cials, a paradox arises when a festival calendar determined when to kemaliq, a pre-reformed Islamic site plant seedlings and harvest; today, those under the jurisdiction of adat, is thought decisions are made by subak and many to be associated with Islam. Attempts have chosen to use fast-growing strains at Islamizing can only progress so far. that deviate from the calendar. During Balinese legends, on the other hand, Dutch colonization, Balinese acquired hold that it was the deity of the area, leases to the land, which have legally Batara Gede Lingsar, who brought stood up until today. Sasak of›cials and them to Lingsar (led initially from the festival pamangku have attempted to Bali by butterfiies transformed from make a case for Sasak stewardship; the falling leaves) and manifested himself assertive legend and new pre-festival through creating the water springs prayers have attracted new attention of when they arrived, marking the spot as governing of›cials. Pamangku Sanusi sacred. In modern Balinese Hinduism,
32 David Harnish water is connected to Batara Wisnu bureaucrats (see Harnish 2014). Many (Vishnu), and thus the water connects of›cials governing within West Lombok with Balinese Hinduism in two very are members of these organizations. signi›cant ways: As an ancestralizing On the Balinese side is Parisada Hindu force (and pact with the local divine) Dharma Indonesia (PHDI), a Hindu and for Hinduizing the festival through reformist organization originating in the power of one of the trinity of Bali that went national and gained global Hinduism. The temple was so strength through literati and intellectuals important politically and agriculturally on Lombok attempting to further that the raja seized the festival as a state Hinduize existing rituals and festivals, ceremony (Gerdin 1982: 216), perhaps like Lingsar‘s. Speci›cally at Lingsar before the 18th century; successive rajas and other major Balinese temples did not relinquish control until 1894. in Lombok, PHDI has infiuenced Further complicating the changes in the performing arts, relationships between Balinese and advocating for standard, homogenous Sasak are reformist organizations that music performances (gamelan gong have intervened in the festival and kuna, kidung praise singing, gamelan forced of›ciants to take heed. Nahdlatul baleganjur) and religious practice; for Watan (NW) was established in 1936 instance, through PHDI‘s infiuence by the highly esteemed Tuan Guru Haji nearly all Balinese know some sung Zainuddin Abdul Majid (1904-97), chants that used to be the domain of infiuenced by the rather conservative high priests (padanda). They want Naqsybandiyah order of Su›sm, which to give direct access to the prime has roots in Lombok since before tenets of the religion to all Balinese; mid-19th century (see Clegg 2004). in the process, local traditions are The current though outgoing governor, discouraged or disallowed. All reformist Tuan Guru Bajang, is TGH Majid‘s organizations have sought to cease the grandson. NW and the modernist, heterogeneity that marked the Lingsar —traditionalist“ Nahdlatul Ulama festival since its origins. (NU) have worked to eradicate Wetu 1 Telu traditions and villages, and the Rites within the Festival governor forbade Balinese and even Three of the ›ve of›cial days of the traditional Sasak performing arts at festival are active: the ›rst, second and state events. Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) ›fth. The other two days are —empty“ and Muhammadiyah are Javanese- and allow otherwise busy people to originated 20th-century reformist arrive, pray, picnic, and return home, organizations that have made inroads into the intellectual class and Javanese í L u v}š ]voµ]vP Z Œ šZ ‰Œ r( •ŸÀo Œ]š • Z o on the grounds. For those, see Harnish (2006).
33 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia completing their minimal obligations. sacred sites (often involving water). I highlight here only a few major In the early afternoon of the ›rst day events. The ›rst day (one day before of the festival, a large procession the full moon) features an abundance generally called Mendak Tirta (Greet of processions. The day and festival Holy Water), is led by a Sasak gamelan are awakened by a Balinese gamelan ensemble called tambur and followed gong kuna (large ceremonial gamelan by Sasak batek baris and sometimes of metallophones, gong-chime, gongs telek dancers (see below). Gamelan and drums) early in the morning in a tambur œ consisting solely of a gong pavilion just outside the gaduh (see and drum œ is associated with the Figure 1). Musicians and priests state earliest ancestors at Lingsar, public that this performance calls together displays of Lingsar‘s spiritual power deity and human worlds. The music (the instruments themselves are sacred) fioods throughout the temple complex. for everyone‘s bene›t, and provides a Within a few hours the Sasak gamelan Sasak claim to ownership (see Figures baris, consisting of gamelan tambur 3, 4). The participants, however, are instruments (drum and gong) plus overwhelmingly Balinese, who add rebab (›ddle), suling (fiute), gongs and three more processional gamelans, drums performs on a nearby pavilion. either beleganjur (without reong kettle- Both music sometimes overlap. The gongs) or gong gilak (with reong). The musicians play all day until they join in procession goes eastward to a temple the processions (Figure 2). with a sacred water spring; another The processions are the major procession with little fanfare proceeds initiating and concluding rites (see west to a different water spring and Harnish 2018); they are journeys temple. Common priests (pamangku) in through the appointed path to connected each group collect water at the temple
Figure 1. Musicians of a Gamelan Gong Kuna Figure 1. Musicians of Gamelan Baris on the Pavilion Outside the Gaduh, 2017. Photo Circumambulate the Kemaliq, 2017. Photo by by Author. Author.
34 David Harnish into two vessels with speci›c colors, for a related performance, and a few representing the two high deities of Bali of›cials, because Sasak do not want (at the western spring) œ Batara Gunung to be seen supporting the Balinese Agung (white color, deity of the largest claim over Lingsar. In addition, mountain in Bali) and Batara Alit Sakti one interlocutor suggested that the (red, dei›ed ancestor of Balinese rulers; procession appropriates the gamelan immaculately conceived, he directed tambur œ owned by the land and the Balinese to Lombok) œ and of Lombok original ancestors œ under Balinese (at the eastern spring) œ representing control. While there was a time when Batara Gede Rinjani (black, deity this procession symbolized Balinese of the high mountain in Lombok) dominion of the Sasak and Lombok, and Batara Gede Lingsar (yellow, ritual life has become politicized over the deity at Lingsar). Then these two recent decades and Sasak have de›ed processions converge on the three-way Balinese narratives of the occupation intersection outside the entrance to era. the Lingsar temple. Led by Balinese The Sasak Batek Baris (or just pamangku, the waters and deities are Baris) dancers are eight men dressed in —married“ through a prayerful ritual by Dutch military uniforms and carrying approximately 1,000 mostly Balinese, rifies (most of them non-functional), led thus unifying Bali and Lombok together by a komanden (commandant) carrying under Balinese control and con›rming a sword and barking orders to the the Balinese legend. Long ago many —soldiers“ in Sasak with a few Dutch Sasak participated in this procession; words. The Telek dance involves young today, however, the only Sasak are women cross-dressed as culture heroes, the gamelan musicians, some dancers generally unnamed king, general and
Figure 3. Musicians of the Gamelan Tambur Figure 4. Batek Baris and Telek Dancers Lead Mendak Tirta, 2001. Photo by Author. Assemble for Mendak Tirta with Balinese Of›cials, 2017. Photo by Author.
35 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia scout, again related to the coming of the œ and again make a claim of Sasak evangelists. Two other women portray ownership (Harnish 2001). Also carried batek warriors.2 Some have suggested in this procession is the momot, a that the dance is a reenactment of a local sealed bottle opened at the end of the legend of a princess falling in love with festival mysteriously containing liquid, a commoner and that the cross-dressing and secondary offerings called pesaji, (women as male heroes) generates always made in increments of nine fertility, which is one of the primary (Figure 5). The procession is again rationales of the festival. According to led by gamelan tambur (or gamelan most Sasak interlocutors, this platoon baris), followed by the offerings and symbolizes the security for the leaders then two-three other gamelans. As they of the original Islamic mission from arrive to the kemaliq, the congregation Java, represented by the Telek and holds a prayer period with gamelans Batek dancers, and is a reenactment performing in front of the primary altar using the most powerful images of next to the sacred pond. The procession, the 20th century: Dutch soldiers with and perhaps most Lingsar processions, guns. Though the dancers simply walk needs to be loud to announce its great eastward with the procession, their very signi›cance as participants march presence is protective. through space. Past interviews reveal Countering the Balinese procession that the martial, masculine processional and prayer unifying Bali and Lombok, music intimidate malevolent spirits and an assembly forms at the Sasak protect participants (Harnish 2006). No pamangku’s compound to process to Balinese participate in the procession, the kemaliq, called Mendak Kebon though a few join in the prayers. Odeq (Greet Kebon Odeq). This is when A major procession with both the paired, primary festival offerings, Balinese and Sasak follows, and kebon odeq (little garden, male and female), are publicly paraded over about 30 minutes and placed onto the central shrine, alongside numerous dressed stones, in the kemaliq. These offerings consist of fruits, Chinese coins, fiowers and seeds and work to unite complimentary duality – king/ queen, male/female, Balinese/Sasak
2 The women are supposed to be unmarried. Some Figure 5. The Two Kebon Odeq (Middle) and U Ç Œ• šÁ} Á}u v ‰ŒŸ]‰š v šZ v µ•µooÇ Œ •• Momot (Front) circumambulate the Kemaliq as batek. If there is a third, they will don the king }µž]šX Courtyard, 2001. Photo by Author.
36 David Harnish includes perhaps 2,000 people. A the kemaliq, the Batek Baris and Telek water buffalo is escorted around the dancers sometimes perform for the exterior of the Pura Lingsar complex deity in front of the main altar; if so, the three times with Balinese and Sasak congregants may be asked to sit. processional gamelans leading the The main day consists of similar way, along with Sasak dancers (Figure rites: Balinese and Sasak gamelan 6) and Balinese priests. This rite is performances throughout much of the believed to offer the buffalo to the day and a second procession from the deity and it is sacri›ced and consumed Sasak pamangku‘s compound to the the following morning and afternoon kemaliq honoring new pesaji offerings (usually a second buffalo as well; one (and a second prayer period within for Sasak, one for Balinese).3 At the the kemaliq), along with respective conclusion of this procession, smaller feasts (buffalo, vegetables, and rice), a processions form in the gaduh (all gamelan gong Sasak (a style modeled Balinese) and kemaliq (mixed, though after early Balinese gamelan gong primarily Sasak), circumambulating kebyar) performing on an outside the inner altars three times. To some, pavilion, and a great deal of activity these circumambulations initiate the within the gaduh. Several Balinese bridge to the ancestors and the birth gamelans may be playing and a of the festival.4 After the procession in kidung club sets up in the kemaliq for
ï !š šZ îìíó ( •ŸÀoU šZŒ Áš Œ µ+o} • Á Œ Balinese worshippers (Figure 7). The •Œ]. X gaduh is packed with Balinese in the ð avÇ ‰ŒŸ]‰vš• • šZ šZŒ u]v Ç• v }‰‰}Œšµv]Ÿ • (}Œ ‰Œ} ••]}v•U š}P šZ Œ ‹µo]vP early afternoon preparing for the mass v]v ~ïÆï•U Œ oŸvP š} }•u}o}P]o vµu Œ}o}PÇX worship ceremony known as Mabakti The numbers 3 and 9 are ritually important for both Sasak and Balinese. While these three (to do devotion; sometimes called ]ŒµuuµoŸ}v• ]v]Ÿš šZ ( •ŸÀoU }šZ Œ• }v the second day sustain it, and those on the last day Panca Sembah, ›ve-times prayer), and terminate it, symbolizing the three stages of life. high priests (padanda) are conducting their ritual (maweda and mabanten). As people are congregating and in accompaniment to the padandas’ rituals, a dance, Rejang Dewa, is performed by eight women dressed in yellow and white. Rejang Dewa (Offering to God) is a relatively new dance created in Bali for use in temples without a rejang (female offering) type of dance Figure 6. The Batek Baris and Telek Dancers (Figure 8). It came to Lombok fully Circumambulate Pura Lingsar, 2017. Photo by endorsed by PHDI, part of a strategy Author.
37 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia to homogenize ritual arts; it replaced while upholding the Sasak version of Topeng used during worship, and has history. To my knowledge, Governor been performed annually in the gaduh Tuan Guru Bajang, has, probably on since 1997 or 1998. In 2017 (and religious grounds as a tuan guru, not likely in festivals a year or two earlier), attended during his years in of›ce.5 another rejang-type dance, Rejang The culminating rite is Perang Renteng (featuring mature women) was Topat. The accompaniment is usually a performed; this dance has been trending kulkul slit-drum struck rapidly, meant to at festivals throughout Bali and Lombok denote action. Hundreds or a thousand in the 2010s. A second (or third) dance, or more participants outside the gaduh Canang Sari (Essence of Betelnut), and kemaliq hurl rice squares (topat) begins just outside the gaduh entrance. at each other for 15-20 minutes.6 The An offering dance that used to feature event ends when all the topat have ›ve male dancers, today around 20 been hurled, then most participants go dancers, including women and children, home; for many œ such as government carry offerings and dance in a long line dignitaries, tourists, orthodox Muslims, into the center of the gaduh, then give and visitors from from other islands, the offerings to Balinese pamangku, including Bali œ this is the last event who arrange them in altars (Figure and they do not return. Farmers 9). Following these prayers and those ñ L © v šZ • •‰ Z •U Z o }µš•] šZ in the kemaliq (which includes some š u‰o U (}Œ šZ .Œ•š Ÿu ]v îìíóX tŒ À]}µ•oÇ L Ávš Balinese), the governor or vice governor š} Œ u]v ]v šZ }µŒšÇŒ• • ŸÀ]Ÿ • Œ }vP}]vP µŒ]vP šZ]• (}ŒuoU }8]}µ• Œ u}vÇX L Á• •µŒ‰Œ]• and the district head give speeches š Z}Á ‰}o]Ÿo šZ šol• Á Œ U vÇ]vP vÇ .o]v • µšZ}Œ]šÇ v •}u Ÿu • ]Pv}Œ]vP šZ u À v Á]šZ]v recognizing the profound history and šZ }vš Æš }( šZ ‰oµŒo]•š vŒŒŸÀ X nature of the festival and heralding the ò {}u Ÿu • •}u {•l Ç}µšZ Œ vlo ~vµPZšÇ• v šZŒ}Á Œ}© v PP• }Œ •š}v •X L ZÀ v Z]š }À Œ pluralism and tolerance at the festival šZ Ç Œ• Á]šZ iµ•š }µš À ŒÇšZ]vPU À v ÁZ v L u }µš•] šZ l uo]‹ v š Zv]ooÇ }v šZ {•l •] X
Figure 7. A Kidung Club in the Kemaliq, 2001. Figure 8. Rejang Dewa Performed in the Gaduh, Photo by Author 2001. Photo by Author.
38 David Harnish collect and place the topat in their rice leaders may hold hands as they walk, ›elds or trees; after being thrown, symbolizing the reuni›cation of they are believed to be blessed and their groups. Processional gamelans to promote fertility. More performing (including the Sasak gamelan tambur, arts disconnected to any rites may be which again leads), wooden double- performed on this and/or the previous reed players (Balinese who perform evening. instrumental versions of sacred The last festival day begins, like poetry as individual rites), some the other main days, with gamelan dancers, temple of›cials, priests, and gong kuna, which serves as a individuals and families (representing soundtrack for the entire event. A ›nal their communities or villages or just procession advances from the Sasak themselves) are involved, and special priest‘s compound to the kemaliq with volunteers carry most of the offerings, gamelans, dancers, and new offerings, including the kebon odeq and momot. then another prayer period follows in While participants from the gaduh pray both gaduh (all Balinese) and kemaliq within the temple upon arrival, those (mixed). The prayers, particularly in the from the kemaliq stop at a river beside kemaliq, ask the deity(ies) to return to the temple to pray, then the Sasak the ancestral world. pamangku breaks open the kebon odeq The ›nal event is a huge procession and tens of people clamor to grab the of the remaining 5,000 or so participants ingredients as they are thrown in the moving out from the Pura Lingsar river to go to the sea. Then he unwraps temple to another temple area to the the momot, a bottle that was sealed west, the same temple visiting by a empty with prescribed leaves and thread Balinese entourage on the opening at the beginning of the festival. The day. This is when Sasak and Balinese liquid that mysteriously appears within is considered bestowed directly by the deity, and it is handed out to participants who drink, wash or collect it in their own bottles. It is said to promote purity, health, and fertility, and it is yet another water element. The amount of liquid is considered directly proportional to the level of the coming rainfall for the rainy season, so all hope for an abundant amount. The momot opening concludes the festival. Figure 9. Canang Sari Performed in the Gaduh, 2001. Photo by Author.
39 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia
Music within the Festival spiritual experiences within rites The festival serves myriad with intermingling and intertextuality purposes and ideally has myriad of actions, emblems and icons. A outcomes. The most important of foundation of the festival is to make the former are reunifying Balinese the past present via associated music and Sasak, transforming time and tradition (for example, the gamelan space and communing with (and tambur and the Sasak ancestors and receiving blessings from) the divine Lingsar founding, and gamelan gong or ancestors; the most important of kuna with Balinese ancestors and the latter are enhanced fertility, health, cosmology), and legends reenact and re- and abundant rainfall. Uni›cations present the temple‘s founding through of various sorts are goals, because it dance and music, while newer and older is within complementary duality that idioms of Islam and Hinduism abound. fertility, the union of male and female, Even though the festival has results. This is one reason why union changed since 1983 œ altered between Balinese and Sasak is a festival schedules for certain rites, new objective despite all of the rhetorical Islamic prayer periods (and stopping contestation preceding and even during before the early evening Magrib), the event. Of course, there is also greater Sasak determination over the extensive social bonding throughout the kemaliq, and numerous renovations event œ as Balinese mix with Balinese paid by the government (to increase they rarely see, and Sasak with Sasak, tourist marketability) or by reformist and Sasak and Balinese œ and during organizations (to make the physical the festival the crucial plans for water appearance more standardized) œ and distribution to subak for the next year the socio-religious orientation of are negotiated. the participants has largely changed Music and other performing arts (Sasak and Balinese more Muslim and drive the festival from its initiation to Hindu, respectively), the functions of its conclusion. The arts are vehicles the arts have not markedly changed. for enacting myth and worship, and Their responsibilities have been for self and community identi›cation. maintained despite many changes Music, in particular, structures the rites, within the performing arts. One serves as the soundtrack as well as long-held tradition (for hundreds of soundscape, and sometimes, instead of years, perhaps), preret double-reed accompanying behavior, constitutes a playing to accompany all kebon odeq rite unto itself. This festival, like others, activities, ended in the mid-1990s; is context-sensitive and sometimes Balinese Topeng Pajegan or Topeng context-speci›c, and nurtures Panca (masked theatre abstractly
40 David Harnish featuring a story about Lingsar‘s inspired by sociopolitical and religious founding performed by soloist or small changes. ensemble), was replaced by Rejang One prime example of an inspired Dewa a few years later and today change is the preret solo and duo we have the added Rejang Renteng; double-reed tradition. Before 1993, Canang Sari changed from a solemn the Sasak pamangku invited preret offering dance featuring only men to musicians to accompany the making and a lighter event welcoming women and procession of the kebon odeq offerings children; Gandrung, a fiirtatious Sasak and the rites of the pamangku each dance with fertility elements (women year. I knew several players over the picking men out of the audience for decades but I was especially acquainted spontaneous dance) disappeared with Amaq Sari and Amaq Salih, who though sometimes returns without were nearly 60 when I ›rst talked with those elements; kidung, Hindu praise them in 1987. Both had performed singing usually featuring women‘s at the festival since before they were groups, was a Balinese addition to the married. Performance accompanied the kemaliq by the late 1990s; gendang lives of the kebon odeq, from before beleq, the Sasak modernist and loudest their creation to their termination. processional ensemble featuring According to interlocutors including elaborate choreography, was added in Pamangku Sanusi, the kebon odeq could the late 1990s (2-4 groups commonly not be made without preret music. The perform); and gamelan tawaq-tawaq, repertoire consisted of instrumental another Sasak processional ensemble, versions of sacred Sasak poetry has made regular appearances in one (badede). Though usually performed or more of the processions for about 20 solo, when Amaq Sari and Amaq Salih years (Figure 10). These changes are played together, the melodies would be staggered; one would play a line, reach a tone and sustain it, and the other would play the same phrase a second or so later. Pamangku Sanusi mentioned that the music rose like incense smoke to call and escort ancestral deities to the festival, that the music served as a bridge. The instrument‘s very loud sound and its repertoire, however, were prominently featured and solidly Wetu Figure 10. Gamelan Tawaq-Tawaq Performs Telu; the tradition, though normally in the Kemaliq with Gendang Beleq Positioned played solo, marked other pre-Islamic Behind, 2017. Photo by Author
41 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia ceremonies within kemaliq elsewhere in the Balinese camp‘s appropriation Lombok. The instrument and repertoire of early sacred Sasak arts (along stand for —Wetu Telu.“ While Sasak with gamelan tambur in the opening interlocutors were unable to explain procession) to create their own bridge to the preret players‘ absence, Balinese local deities. counterparts were quick to identify The Sasak gamelan gendang beleq Islamization as the reason. The tradition was added shortly after the divorce of did not ›t the movement toward Islam; preret from kebon odeq. Though the arts refiecting Wetu Telu ancestor beliefs ensemble performs during processions refute the pro›le of participants and (and sometimes while seated) and its festival as modern and Islamic. The sound is now crucial for a complete Sasak pamangku after Sanusi have not festival experience, it does not play in invited the musicians to play, though integral ritual role. Like nearly all early sometimes the Balinese Krama Pura ensemble traditions, gendang beleq organization invites one of them to play was a Wetu Telu ensemble in decline for cleansing ceremonies in the kemaliq. after the 1960s. In the 1980s-90s, the I was at ›rst surprised to meet Amaq provincial Arts Of›ce made gendang Sari in the kemaliq in 2001 playing beleq a special project. Of›cials ›rst for the Balinese cleansing ritual. One decontextualized and secularized Balinese interlocutor mentioned that the ensemble, then provided grants, Amaq Sari was strongly associated with materials, and expertise to aestheticize Lingsar performing an art that sacralizes the music (speeding it up and adding the environment and communicates more dynamics) and appearance (new with the deities of Lombok (see Figure choreography and out›ts) (Harnish 11). They were happy to invite him and 2007). Through this process, gendang I believe that Sari‘s performance assists beleq exploded in popularity and soon clubs were invited to play at Lingsar. The ensemble, now considered —Sasak“ and no longer —Wetu Telu,“ inserts a more secular and modernist Sasak cultural aesthetic and expression. Gendang beleq is more dynamic and louder than any other ensemble and 2-4 clubs typically play each year, sometimes overwhelming the soundscape and all other ensembles Figure 11. Amaq Sari Plays Preret in the (see Figure 12). Gendang beleq’s Kemaliq for Balinese Cleansing Ritual, 2001. addition, and preret’s deletion, marks Photo by Author.
42 David Harnish the Sasak trend toward —culture“ and standing there and even Hinduizes the away from —religion.“ In the meantime, space. The other Balinese additions gamelan tawaq-tawaq, another Sasak since the 1980s are Rejang Dewa, the processional ensemble (featuring choreographed sacred dance from Bali cymbals on tasseled lances) has become that PHDI managed to add to festival a festival mainstay and places more programs throughout most major Sasak cultural adat on display. temples in Bali, and Rejang Renteng, Balinese Krama Pura of›cials, featuring older women and enjoying with PHDI reformist organization even more visibility.7 The additions of encouragement, now invite a kidung kidung, Rejang Dewa, and now Rejang club or two to the festival each year Renteng are temporally marked. They to sing (in unison primarily) the long, occur at speci›c moments: kidung in unadorned melodic lines of the praise the kemaliq for Balinese rites there poetry. The (usually only) women to coincide with the initial padanda‘s singers perform in the kemaliq for rituals of puri›cation and offering, most rites there that involve Balinese, and Rejang Dewa and Rejang Renteng but particularly on the main day of in the gaduh, again coinciding with the festival when they accompany padanda rites (two padanda of›ciate in the lengthy rituals of a padanda high the gaduh; one in the kemaliq). These priest seated on a pavilion. Kidung arts assert a modernist, pan-Balinese is performed throughout Hindu Bali religious identity and bring much and is iconic for —Balinese temple more female energy into performance festival,“ though it was only ›rst but divert from the local expression included at the Lingsar festival in the and closer relationship with Sasak in 1990s. Positioned in the kemaliq, the earlier festival life. Table 1 indicates presence of kidung furthers Balinese the respective Sasak and Balinese performing arts at Lingsar and their approximate time of introduction to the festival: —Traditional“ (likely 19th century or earlier), —>1930“ (two gamelans that emerged in the 1930s), and —>1990“ (though newly introduced, arts that now largely characterize the festival).
Figure 12. A Gendang Beleq ensemble Circumambulates Pura Lingsar, 2017. Photo by 7 I suspect that Rejang Renteng will supplant Rejang Dewa in coming years because it is more popular and Author. its inclusion makes Rejang Dewa redundant.
43 Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia
Table 1. Balinese and Sasak Performing Arts at Lingsar
Balinese Arts Sasak Arts Traditional Gamelan Gong Kuna Gamelan Tambur Gamelan Gong Gilak Gamelan Baris Gamelan Baleganjur Preret (discontinued) Canang Sari dance Batek Baris dance (discontinued) Topeng dance (discontinued) Telek dance Gandrung dance (largerly discontinued) >1930 Gamelan Gong Kebyar Gamelan Gong Sasak >1990 Kidung praise singing Gamelan Gendang Beleq Rejang Dewa dance Gamelan Tawaq-tawaq Rejang Renteng dance (2010s)
Refiections in accordance with contemporary The Sasak and Balinese changes sociopolitical realities. in the festival program are parallel Despite the changes, some to changes in Muslim and Hindu —traditions“ remain. The Balinese religious identities in Lombok, and gamelan gong kuna retains its function these identities have been infiuenced of calling human and deities together by largely shaped by reformist and announcing the festival while on a organizations and the increasing trend pavilion right outside the gaduh. The of religiosity over the last 30-40 years music is an index of —ceremony“ and is (see Harnish 2014). The Balinese necessary to sacralize signi›cant sites, and Sasak at Lingsar have negotiated such as temples. The gong kuna does these forces and made decisions that not perform for any speci›c ritual; it is impacted music and musicians at the a rite itself and the prime soundscape festival. Sometimes, in the case of for the festival. The music elements Balinese topeng dancers and Sasak œ cycling parts, smaller cycles within preret players, participation has ended; larger cycles, interlocking parts – usher other times, arts new to the festival forth potential spiritual experience appear, perhaps to appeal to a new and bonding, transforming time, space and modernizing society. Though I and the mental state of participants, have been sometimes dismayed with particularly among the Balinese. the absence of earlier traditions (that The Sasak gamelan tambur were supposed to be —tetap sama,“ maintains its position as the eldest never changing), Balinese and Sasak of traditions, linked to the land and agents have been shaping the festival earliest ancestors. It performs during Sasak and mixed processions, and for
44 David Harnish the opening Mendak Tirta procession, this union still occurs by the end of when it clears the path of malevolent the festival. Sasak interlocutors state forces, protects participants, and helps off-and-on throughout the festival to unify the worlds of Bali and Lombok. that they enjoy hearing gamelan gong The Batek Baris and Telek dances have kuna and other Balinese arts; Balinese also retained their narrative functions in interlocutors always enjoy Sasak arts. reenacting part of the Sasak legends. The performing arts fiood the environs The trend has been for Balinese and, in my opinion, work their magic performing arts to be more Hindu throughout the festival: cosmological and for Sasak performing arts to be statements via gamelan gong kuna, more —cultural.“ I feel that the Sasak ancestral indices via gamelan tambur, pamangku have strategized very well, narratives reenacted in Batek Baris, adding Islamic elements (prayers Telek, Canang Sari, and Rejang Dewa and themes within legends), omitting dances, and the intermingling of priests, items more recognizably Wetu Telu rites, prayers, actions, and Perang Topat (like preret), and sustaining Sasak construct a union that at the end of the participation and even Wetu Telu festival is palpable. beliefs regarding ancestors, fertility The Lingsar festival is a stabilizing and rainwater while blunting bans from mechanism that remains essential in religious leaders. Balinese of›cials Lombok to reunite Balinese and Sasak have gradually allowed programming (temporarily), invoke the divine, fertility to become a more standardized Hindu and rainwater, and to establishing festival, and both Hindu and Islamic agreements surrounding irrigation water reformist forces have succeeded in for the next year. In this modern and further dividing the groups, making more fractured world, the festival may the ultimate interreligious union be an indispensable way of knowing (or more complicated and dif›cult. But, re-knowing) the other.[]
References
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