The cult of the boss LUCIA MICHELUTTI

‘Today muscle is power. Earlier, only the son of economic and political governance of the king could rule. Today everybody can which are popularly referred to with ver- rule. You need weapons to rule. Leaders need to have guns. Not everybody should have guns nacular terms such as ‘Mafia Raj’, – only people with status. However, nowadays ‘Goonda Raj’ and ‘Mastangiri’ – rule by everyone who wishes can get guns and rule.’ mafia, or rule by gangsters. These sys- – Raghu , tems, which use force to accelerate the Dabang (boss) in western UP path towards power and wealth, share THE North Indian boss contrasts similarities with the Caciques and kingly power with ‘muscle and gun Caudillos of Latin America, the Mafiosi power’, in a world where sufficient in Italy, urban political machines in the force and electoral politics can lever- United States, and today’s gangster age rule.1 Today, bossism is played out politicians in Indonesia, Russia, Thai- against a backdrop of rapid economic land, Philippines, Bulgaria, Turkey, growth, and a scramble for economic Jamaica, Colombia and Brazil. resources. Alongside the manipula- And yet, despite similarities in the tion of later forms of capitalism, com- ways which South Asian bosses func- petitive electoral politics (and their tion, acquire authority, wield power, rising costs) are the pillars of the con- and gain influence in their respective struction of decentralized fiefdoms domains, they are distinctively shaped headed by Mafia-esque bosses.2 by the subcontinent’s unique passion Across South Asia, the bosses’ for ‘the political’, and some of the high- styles of governance created systems est rates of participation and contes- tation in the world. Consequently, 1. Research for this paper has been conducted ‘Mafia Raj is not an authoritarian but within the framework of the research pro- a hybrid system of political and eco- gramme ‘Democratic Cultures’ (http://www. ucl.ac.uk/democratic-cultures) which I con- nomic governance which combine vened between 2012 and 2016 (funded by fol- elements of redistributive, market, lowing grants: ERC-AIMSA/284080 and predatory and democratic logics.3 ESRC-ES/I036702/1). Throughout the text I omitted names and/or used pseudonymous Drawing on ethnographic mate- and obscured localities. rial collected in provincial town in west- 2. This essay greatly relies on experts from a ern , I shall explore in this book manuscript co-authored with Ashraf Hoque, Nicolas Martin, David Picherit, 3. For the elaboration of the concept of 59 Paul Rollier, Arild Ruud and Clarinda Still ‘hybrid state’, see Jaffe (2013: 735). On the entitled ‘Mafia Raj: The Rule of Bosses in concept of ‘Mafia Raj’, see Michelutti (forth- South Asia’. coming).

SEMINAR 693 – May 2017 essay what the presence of bosses on In the literature, the paradigmatic boss instil both fear and respect. As an the Indian political scene tells us about is an individual who acquires power informant explained: ‘A goonda is just ‘democratic authoritarianism’ in South by achieving monopolistic or quasi- a hired thug; to be a dabang you need Asia and beyond. I suggest that look- monopolistic control over an area’s to be charismatic, people need to give ing at the morphology of small-scale coercive and economic resources.7 you influence, you need to stand out.’ bosses’ authority in provincial North The boss is a person who claims for What defines a dabang is com- has the potential to shed some himself (for it is normally a ‘he’) the mand. Crucially dabangs, or their close light on the symbiotic relations bet- rights to discipline and punish, protect, relatives, occupy political seats that ween democratic processes and vio- tax, and represent local populations. afford them both prestige and a degree lent entrepreneurial styles of political In short, bosses not only want to make of state protection. Moreover a typi- leadership. I also suggest that attention money through criminal enterprises or cal dabang uses his/her own ‘crew’ as to the local dynamics of systems of to mediate other’s people access to bodyguards, travels in white 4/4s with (criminal) power and their multiple state institutions, they want to rule. red beacons and party flags, and sources of authority may help to under- The aspiration to rule requires flaunts his/her wealth and power with stand the rising global appreciation investing in a special set of resources weapons, ostentatious gold jewellery, for leaders who cultivate a boss-like that are not necessarily available to and large farmhouses on the outskirts attitude like Putin, Erdogan, Modi illegal entrepreneurs, brokers or indi- of town. Most importantly, the contem- and Trump or the late Chavez. How do vidual criminals. A crucial resource is porary dabang is also a successful and muscular entrepreneurship, business the threat of violence. However, legitimate businessman. acumen, managerial culture and cin- bosses do not rely exclusively on brute ematographic charisma provide a tem- force when ruling. Violence is neces- plate for contemporary democratic sarily coupled with legal and illegal It is important to highlight that the politics? Are bosses ultimately chosen entrepreneurship, charisma and per- dabangs I met over the course of my because they are authoritative or suasion, rules and honour, kinship net- fieldwork represent a qualitative shift authoritarian? works, intelligence, professional legal from the traditional figures of the bhaia and financial advice and, crucially, or dada in any North Indian provincial collusion with political and administra- town until about two decades ago. The I shall now go back to the opening tive resources.8 traditional town and neighbourhood quote by Raghu Yadav. The context of bosses used to establish their sover- my research () eignty through protection rackets, is widely known for its endemic vio- In western Uttar Pradesh the most money lending, and adjudicating lence and criminality,4 for being cultur- powerful violent bosses are often disputes.9 These old style protectors- ally shaped by the ‘macho’ ethos of its referred to as dabangs. The term cum-social bandits boasted of an excep- dominant castes, for being marred by dabang entered the popular lexicon tional muscular physique and reputed communalism and caste based con- following the release of two films by fighting techniques – usually acquired flicts, and by poverty and underdeve- that name in 2010 and 2012 and is now through wrestling. They employed lopment.5 However, what is perhaps commonly used to refer to mafia boss- their force to establish domination deeply misleading is the portrayal of type leaders. Dabangs, unlike mere in the mohalla (neighbourhood) and this region as a poor backwater. On goondas, are public authorities and can doctors, police investigators, astrologists, the contrary, ‘money’ – as informants 6. In the field I documented bosses’ will to priests, and the residents of the ‘spaces’ again and again emphasize – ‘is not an rule. I mapped their territories, areas of domi- where bosses operate. issue here’. A rampant predatory eco- nation, spheres of interest and jurisdictions. 7. On bosses as violent enterpreneurs and on I followed them during election campaigns party machine/bossism, see Scott (1969); nomy linked to the construction and or appearances in court. I observed their styles estate development sectors has created Migdal (1988); on Italy, Blok (1972); Chubb of self-presentation, rhetoric, and the sites that (1982); on East Asia, Sidel (1999); on Indo- new opportunities and significant they choose to gather support or to perform. nesia, Wilson (2015); on India, Weiner (1963) wealth over the past decade. These spaces included caste or business and Vaishnav (2011); on Pakistan, Gayer association meetings, religious festivals, (2014); on Russia, Volkov (2002). Raghu is one of the bosses I bazaars, wrestling arenas, university campus, shadowed in their daily life during field- hotels, lodges and night clubs, commemora- 8. Michelutti et al (Ibid: Introduction). 60 work.6 He is a small-scale town’s boss. tion ceremonies and sports events. I inter- 9. For descriptions of the figure of the bhaia viewed members of the bosses’ families, gang in provincial North India see, Gooptu (2001); 4. Brass (1997). members, enemies, rivals, businessmen, crimi- Michelutti (2010); in Mumbai see, Hansen 5. Jeffrey, Jeffery and Lerche (2014). nal lawyers, crime reporters, accountants, (2001).

SEMINAR 693 – May 2017 to acquire ‘violent’ credibility with ‘Shiv came back to me in tears. their patrons (who were often the local A s the other dabangs I have met he I asked him what happened. I went to politicians). has an air of self-assurance and com- talk to those boys. One of the boys By contrast, today the small- mand, which I think is usually one of twisted my wrist. Can you imagine? town bosses and their associates have the bosses’ best assets. Raghu does not The fight started and at a certain point transmogrified into well financed inter- need to use violence very much nowa- I took the gun out and fired (laughs)… state criminal networks whose crimi- days. The threat of violence is enough. that led to a total stampede …those nal capital is used to build up political ‘Nowadays I use violence very mini- boys (now men) still run away when turfs and business fortunes. These mally. To tell you the truth, I used wea- they see me (more laughs)…’ bosses do not help politicians to gov- pons in public only twice in my life. Yes, ern any more: they themselves govern, believe me, I have only used twice in directly or indirectly. my whole 30 years’ career of leader- Unpredictability and arbitrariness ship. You know Ram, my youngest are still at the heart of the bosses’ son. Well, I have an older son too. local authority and are cultivated in A former ward representative, Once he was beaten up by his class the popular narratives. After all, as Raghu Yadav is in his later fifties. His teacher. My son lost consciousness Volkov points out, ‘it [the capacity to son and daughter-in-law are currently from the concussion. I was furious. use violence] becomes similar to ward representatives in two different I went to the school and slapped the a commercial reputation’10 – people parts of the town. His father-in-law is teacher. come to you of their own accord to an MLA and various relatives on both ‘After that, I was surrounded by enforce services or settle disputes sides of his family are zila parishad five teachers. It was then that I took or to offer a ticket to contest elections. members. Raghu regularly acts as the out my Mauser. The teachers, when As Raghu explicitly pointed out, ‘After local mohalla’s adjudicator. People they saw the weapon, ran away all, it is not what you do and how capa- flock to him (and pay him) to resolve quickly. I fired one bullet but it did not ble of doing violence you are. What disputes and to maintain order in the harm anyone. There was no FIR case counts is what people believe you are neighbourhood. In particular, people registered against me. I used a weapon capable of doing. It is the people who come to him when they find them- for self-defence. I knew that even if make you a dabang (a boss)! Not the selves entangled with the slow and cor- there was a chargesheet against me other way around…’ and, ‘If people rupted Indian justice system and police. I could get bail… It was a case of self- see you as powerful, then you are.’ Raghu Yadav has personal sove- defence. Even if I would have got Such comments highlight how reignty. He dispenses justice and col- caught, the sentence would have been the bosses’ authority is co-produced lects money (‘goonda tax’) against minor… Weapons are very important and co-experienced. Bossism is a protection. His brother is a key figure for the protection of the life. Weapons relational affair. A tendency to focus in the local ‘bhumi mafia’ (land mafia). are crucial to protect yourself. on individual leaders rather than on the His uncle is involved in the local ‘oil ‘The second time I used a gun in social production and day-to-day man- racket’. These ‘mafias’ are at the apex public was when I fired during the agement of their authority may lead of much more extensive local criminal Ramnavami festival…. I went to the to interpretations which emphasize economic systems which to function temple with my sons. It was very the autocratic, authoritarian, and popu- need to be symbiotically related to for- crowded. My youngest son (Shiv – list potential of bossism. What often mal, registered and regulated institu- who is the one who is ward representa- remains under-analysed is the rela- tions and ‘the political’ sphere. Raghu tive for X now) was already notorious tional and horizontal nature of such has invested profit from illegal activi- when he was a kid. He is really my forms of authority, the complicities and ties into legitimate business. He now darling boy. Fearless and only 23 opportunistic partnerships which bind manages two hotels, three restaurants years old. He has been charged for and connect bosses with the popula- and a cement factory. He owns several attempted murder twice already. He tion among whom they live and ‘boss’. apartments in the newly constructing is the youngest city ward member…. In North India, the ideal of colonies which are springing out in the to go back to the temple story. We a strong, ‘wild’ and dangerous boss outskirts of town. Raghu describes him- were standing in the queue. Shiv has shaped political cultures. An old self as a successful businessman and a jumped the queue. There was a group repertoire of tropes of honour, kingly 61 politician and he proudly adds, ‘I am of boys and one of them slapped Shiv also what people call a dabang: a boss.’ and singled him out from the queue. 10. Volkov (2002: 45).

SEMINAR 693 – May 2017 leadership, and heroism that valorize about his lack of authority and inca- would tell this story with a mixture of ‘criminal heroes’ feeds into the value pacity to instil order through fear and horror and pleasure. Some felt almost placed on toughness and physical respect. People would say that UP was reassured by it. In a way it showed strength. For example, certain politi- run by four and a half chief ministers: them that their CM was not as weak as cally successful caste groups (such as (Akhilesh’s the press and media kept portraying the Yadavs in northern India) capital- father), and Shivpal him. In short, he was not just a puppet ize on ideas of community honour and Singh Yadav (Akhilesh’s uncles), in the hands of his father and uncles. ‘divine kinship’ to legitimize bossism.11 , and Akhilesh is the half. Elsewhere, I showed how the bosses ‘There are too many bosses,’ build their image of strength and action I was told at the time. ‘Every Yadav Five years later is on a wide repertoire of cultural and in town thinks he is the boss.’ Com- fighting to establish his authority religious resources that help to create parisons were constantly made with within his family/party. The press, a legitimate ‘muscular charisma’. This the previous BSP government and the social media and TV describe the type of charisma is often seen as a capacity of (the Dalit BSP Yadav family feud using Mahabharata quality inherited from hero-gods and leader) to keep the bureaucracy under images. The father, Mulayam Singh sanctified by anti-colonialist figures, control. By contrast the SP govern- Yadav fought to keep his role as the and enhanced by achievements in ment was portrayed as chaotic due to party’s leader. In the end Akhilesh leading contemporary democratic the availability of multiple and often ‘won the war’ and is now the boss. social revolutions.12 This is also competing centres of power within the It is not coincidental that during reflected in the widespread idioms . the ongoing Uttar Pradesh election of fearlessness and virility that sur- campaign (2017) two of the most round political and economic life and circulated and shared videos in the the popular imagery that advertises As one informant pointed out when social media feature the CM as actor politicians’ ‘heroic’ (bahadur) capac- commenting on the difference bet- Shah Rukh Khan as a big boss in the ity to protect. ween the previous BSP regime under Bollywood hits Raees and Don 2. The A ‘tough reputation’ and the Chief Minister Mayawati and the cur- latter clip, entitled ‘Akhilesh 2’, fea- proven capacity to exercise violence rent SP regime: ‘You see …Mayawati tures Akhilesh Yadav acting Shah is said to bring together the two long was alone – she has no family, no sons Rukh Khan’s famous lines in Don 2: valued capabilities of the traditional or daughters, no uncles! And she just ‘My enemies were thinking that I would ruler: to protect and provide. Bosses took the money for herself and to build never return. But I will come back’ often choose to project an image of statues, but there are at least 20 rela- (‘Mere dushman samajh rahe the men of action: men who can ‘get things tives in Mulayam’s family who occupy main ab kabhi laut kar na aunga... done for their people’.13 The qualities elected state and national assembly mujhe pehchano, dekho main hoon of effectiveness, potency and courage seats – and hundreds of them at the kaun. Aa raha hoon palat ke.’) also signify the wealth, status and poli- local level, all of whom feel entitled to Systems of bossism are certainly tical empowerment of the community loot the state for as long as the SP stays testosterone-charged style of govern- which they represent and rule. In simi- in power’ (Rattan Singh, 35 years old, ance. These videos reflect and feed lar ways, local people feel special and milk seller). into the popular figure of the boss which empowered through being linked by Around that time a story begun stands for action, power, money and kinship (fictive and real) to their bosses. to circulate in the region: Akhilesh glamour. In today’s world, thanks was having an animated discussion with to Hollywood and South Asian film his party men in his office in industries and streaming, ‘the boss’ has What happens when leaders fail to where they were having a meeting become a powerful cross-cultural project ‘boss-like’ authority? In mid- about party issues. Akhilesh became theoretical archetype. The provision of 2012, a couple of months after very animated and one of the party justice, the redistribution of material Akhilesh Yadav had become UP chief workers put a hand on his shoulder and goods and intimidation are central minister, locals started to be concerned gently said, ‘Bhaiyya, calm down.’ building blocks of the bosses’ local 11. Michelutti (2010). Akhilesh kept on talking as if nothing authority as I briefly outlined above 62 12. Michelutti (2013). had happened. The day after, the man using Raghu’s life history. 13. See Michelutti (2010; 2014); Witsoe was found decapitated; his head was However, what is also very (2009); and Berenschot (2011). delivered to the chief minister. People important (and less explored) is the

SEMINAR 693 – May 2017 role of the fantastic power of the self- inequalities. Defying and escaping rules of the political and economic made entrepreneurial boss in shaping death, and their being ‘above the law’ game in which they move. Their fami- political leaders’ authority. Another also gives them an aura of extraordi- liarity with “the system” allows them video clip again features Akhilesh as nariness. These mythologies of power to detect opportunities that enable them Shah Rukh Khan, this time in the movie create hopes and dreams of individual to develop their activities.’16 Raees saying: ‘My mum used to say self-determination, and exploit shared no business is small and no religion is imaginaries of popular emancipation bigger than business. What is good for and desire for freedom. Thus, the It should be also noted that bosses business is good. What is bad for busi- bosses’ public ‘declarations of inde- do not have unlimited powers and ness is bad.’ Later, Shah Rukh Khan pendence’ through charismatic impro- monopolies. The relation between says that he combines in himself both vization and pragmatic complicities bosses and the populations they com- business sense (the brain of a Bania) give voice to widespread cultural val- mand is extremely volatile. Impor- and daring. The video concludes with ues of defiance, pride, respectability, tantly, populations live in contexts in a veiled threat, ‘Aa raha hoon’ (I am and self-worth. In turn, these emergent which there are overlapping reper- coming!).14 mythologies of power vernacularize toires of authority. Raghu is certainly ideas and practice of democracy and not the only authority available in the economy in new ways.15 town. People pay their dues to several It should be emphasized that this is of them at the same time.17 The vola- a world where the economy governs tile, unstable, evanescent and ‘demo- politics, not the other way around. It follows that people appreciate cratic’ relations between the boss and Nowadays, leaders need to project a bosses because they are authoritative, their citizen-subjects distinguish this capacity to make money, to run suc- not because they are authoritarian. relationship from patron-client or cessful businesses and make profit- The appeal of bosses should not be con- king-servant hierarchical relations. able deals. Raghu not only protects fused with a demand for authoritarian It follows that the systems of neighbourhoods, but also runs a large strongmen. People do not want a new ‘Mafia Raj’ cannot be painted as a assemblage of legitimate business ‘Indira Gandhi’. What they appreciate monochrome picture of victims, vil- companies and properties. People is a boss, not an autocrat. They want lains, autocrats, criminals or heroes. often admire him for having built a individuals who are capable of leading, These are worlds in which it is often small fortune from nothing and for commanding and getting things done. difficult to establish who the victim building up a local political dynasty. Bosses do not run or aspire to run and who the perpetrator is, as individu- This is indeed a world where ‘authoritarian regimes’ – they run als may be both at different times and bosses are increasingly respected agile il/legal enterprises and work in in different spaces. Raghu is a boss but because they are successful, self- unison with other criminals, business- is also ‘bossed’ by bigger big men in made men (and occasionally women) men and politician to create an envi- the constituency and the region. who ambitiously dare to take risks, ronment (‘Mafia Raj’) which fits their The bosses’ positions are also manage to accumulate wealth, and needs. perpetually insecure; they live in con- build a better life for themselves, their Free market logics are at the stant fear, fear of losing their position, families, their clients, and associates. heart of this systems of governance. their money, and their power. They Bosses are characters who are capa- Bosses work with ‘democracy’ and have to continuously look over their ble of shouting loudly: ‘You’re not my not against it as it would not be profit- shoulders to guard against ambitious boss!’ As such they are often admired able to do the opposite. It follows that young men and their own henchmen. for their determination and their the presence of bosses does not auto- Significantly, elections constantly put claim to re-establish order. They are matically create authoritarian regimes their power and impunity into question. also admired because they appear to or failed states as has often been Electoral democracy keeps them on challenge caste and class barriers, assumed. Bosses do not have an inter- their toes. Even seemingly untouch- gender roles, family hierarchies and est in subverting local political and able bosses may fall (though some- economic structures. As Brisquet and 16. Briquet and Faravel-Garrigues (2010: 4). 14. See the videos at https://www.youtube. Faravel-Garrigues argued, bosses are 17. Hansen (2005). com/watch?v=s1tua-hd2_g (accessed 20/02/ ‘very often satisfied with the existing 63 2017) and https://www. youtube.com/ 18. Jaffe (2013: 736) makes a similar point watch?v=JjXmuPb9Hzk (accessed 20/02/ discussing donmanship in inner-city Jamaica. 2017). 15. Michelutti et al. (Ibid.: Introduction). 19. Armao (2015).

SEMINAR 693 – May 2017 times only temporarily) when they Authority in India’, in R. Kaur (ed.), Religion, lose an election. The bosses’ power is Violence and Political Mobilisation in South Asia. Sage, New Delhi, 109-144. hence precarious and needs to be con- Jaffe, Rivke (2013) ‘The Hybrid State: stantly reinstated and performed. Crime and Citizenship in Urban Jamaica’, American Ethnologist 40(4), 734-748. Jeffrey, Roger, Craig Jeffery and Jens Lerche ltimately these systems are ‘neither (eds.) (2014) Development Failure and Iden- U tity Politics in Uttar Pradesh. Sage, New Delhi. hegemonic nor subaltern but a hybrid 18 Michelutti, Lucia, Ashraf Hoque, Nicolas mix of both’. They successfully com- Martin, David Picherit, Paul Rollier, Arild bine the local dimension of territorial Ruud and Clarinda Still (nd.) Mafia Raj: The control through plundering and the Rule of Bosses in South Asia (unpublished global dimension of the transnational manuscript). markets.19 The result is a localized Michelutti, Lucia (2010) ‘Wrestling With (Body) Politics: Understanding “Goonda” parcellation of authority which may not Political Styles in North India’, in P. Price and be necessarily complementary with A.E. Ruud (eds.) Power and Influence in top-down authoritarian regimes as South Asia: Bosses, Lords, and Captains. Routledge, Delhi, London. hyper-fragmentation makes difficult Michelutti, Lucia (2013) ‘Sons of Krishna and the implementation of policies and Sons of Bolivar: Charismatic Kinship and ideologies on the ground. In the region, Leadership Across India and Venezuela’, such fragmentation also makes elec- Focaal - Journal of Historical and Global toral results hard to predict as elections Anthropology 67, Winter 2013, 19-31. are increasingly decided booth by booth. Michelutti, Lucia (2014) ‘Kingship Without Kings’, in A. Piliavsky (ed.) Patronage as Politics in South Asia. Cambridge University References Press, Cambridge. Armao, Fabio (2015) ‘Mafia-Owned-Demo- Michelutti, Lucia (forthcoming). ‘Mafia Raj’, cracies. Italy and Mexico as Patterns of in A. Ledeneva (ed.) The Global Encyclope- Criminal Neoliberalism’, Revista de Historia dia of Informality. UCL Press, London. Actual 1, 4-21. Price, Pamela and Arild E. Ruud eds. (2010) Berenschot, Ward (2011) ‘On the Usefulness Power and Influence in India: Bosses, Lords of Goondas in Indian Politics: “Moneypower” and Captains. Routledge, London, Delhi. and “Musclepower” in a Gujarati Locality’, Scott, James (1969) ‘Corruption, Machine South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies Politics, and Political Change’, The American 34(2), 255-275. Political Science Review 63(4), 1142-1158. Blok, Anton (1972) ‘The Peasant and the Sidel, John (1999) ‘Capital, Coercion, and Brigand: Social Banditry Reconsidered’, Crime: Bossism in the Philippines. University Comp. Stud. Soc. Hist. 14(04), 494-510. of California Press, Stanford. Brass, Paul (1997) Theft of an Idol: Text and Vaishnav, Milan (2011) The Market for Context in the Representation of Collective Criminality: Money, Muscle and Elections in Violence. Princeton University Press, Prince- India. URL: https://casi.sas.upenn.edu/sites/ ton. NJ. casi.sas.upenn.edu/files/iit/Market% Briquet, Jean-Louis and Gilles Favarel- 20for%20Criminality%20-%20Aug% Garrigues (2010) Organized Crime and 202011.pdf, accessed 30 November 2015. States. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Volkov, Vladimir (2002) Violent Entrepre- Chubb, James (1996) ‘The Mafia, the Mar- neurs: The Use of Force in the Making of ket and the State in Italy and Russia’, Jour- Russian Capitalism. Cornell University Press, nal of Modern Italian Studies 1(2), 273-291. Ithaca. Gayer, Laurent (2014) ‘Karachi: Ordered Weiner, Myron (1963) The Politics of Scar- Disorder and the Struggle for the City. Hurst/ city. Chicago University Press, Chicago. HarperCollins/Oxford University Press, Wilson, Douglas (2015) ‘The Politics of Pro- London/Delhi/New York/Karachi. tection Rackets in Post-New Order Indonesia: Hansen, Thomas Blom (2001) Wages of Coercive Capital, Authority and Street Poli- Violence: Naming and Identity in Post- tics. Routledge, London. colonial Bombay. Princeton University 64 Witsoe, Jeffrey (2009) ‘Territorial Demo- Press, Princeton, NJ. cracy: Caste, Dominance and Electoral Hansen, Thomas Blom (2005) ‘Sovereigns Practice in Postcolonial India’, Political and Beyond the State: On Legality and Public Legal Anthropology Review 32(1), 64-83.

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