The cult of the boss LUCIA MICHELUTTI ‘Today muscle is power. Earlier, only the son of economic and political governance of the king could rule. Today everybody can which are popularly referred to with ver- rule. You need weapons to rule. Leaders need to have guns. Not everybody should have guns nacular terms such as ‘Mafia Raj’, – only people with status. However, nowadays ‘Goonda Raj’ and ‘Mastangiri’ – rule by everyone who wishes can get guns and rule.’ mafia, or rule by gangsters. These sys- – Raghu Yadav, tems, which use force to accelerate the Dabang (boss) in western UP path towards power and wealth, share THE North Indian boss contrasts similarities with the Caciques and kingly power with ‘muscle and gun Caudillos of Latin America, the Mafiosi power’, in a world where sufficient in Italy, urban political machines in the force and electoral politics can lever- United States, and today’s gangster age rule.1 Today, bossism is played out politicians in Indonesia, Russia, Thai- against a backdrop of rapid economic land, Philippines, Bulgaria, Turkey, growth, and a scramble for economic Jamaica, Colombia and Brazil. resources. Alongside the manipula- And yet, despite similarities in the tion of later forms of capitalism, com- ways which South Asian bosses func- petitive electoral politics (and their tion, acquire authority, wield power, rising costs) are the pillars of the con- and gain influence in their respective struction of decentralized fiefdoms domains, they are distinctively shaped headed by Mafia-esque bosses.2 by the subcontinent’s unique passion Across South Asia, the bosses’ for ‘the political’, and some of the high- styles of governance created systems est rates of participation and contes- tation in the world. Consequently, 1. Research for this paper has been conducted ‘Mafia Raj is not an authoritarian but within the framework of the research pro- a hybrid system of political and eco- gramme ‘Democratic Cultures’ (http://www. ucl.ac.uk/democratic-cultures) which I con- nomic governance which combine vened between 2012 and 2016 (funded by fol- elements of redistributive, market, lowing grants: ERC-AIMSA/284080 and predatory and democratic logics.3 ESRC-ES/I036702/1). Throughout the text I omitted names and/or used pseudonymous Drawing on ethnographic mate- and obscured localities. rial collected in provincial town in west- 2. This essay greatly relies on experts from a ern Uttar Pradesh, I shall explore in this book manuscript co-authored with Ashraf Hoque, Nicolas Martin, David Picherit, 3. For the elaboration of the concept of 59 Paul Rollier, Arild Ruud and Clarinda Still ‘hybrid state’, see Jaffe (2013: 735). On the entitled ‘Mafia Raj: The Rule of Bosses in concept of ‘Mafia Raj’, see Michelutti (forth- South Asia’. coming). SEMINAR 693 – May 2017 essay what the presence of bosses on In the literature, the paradigmatic boss instil both fear and respect. As an the Indian political scene tells us about is an individual who acquires power informant explained: ‘A goonda is just ‘democratic authoritarianism’ in South by achieving monopolistic or quasi- a hired thug; to be a dabang you need Asia and beyond. I suggest that look- monopolistic control over an area’s to be charismatic, people need to give ing at the morphology of small-scale coercive and economic resources.7 you influence, you need to stand out.’ bosses’ authority in provincial North The boss is a person who claims for What defines a dabang is com- India has the potential to shed some himself (for it is normally a ‘he’) the mand. Crucially dabangs, or their close light on the symbiotic relations bet- rights to discipline and punish, protect, relatives, occupy political seats that ween democratic processes and vio- tax, and represent local populations. afford them both prestige and a degree lent entrepreneurial styles of political In short, bosses not only want to make of state protection. Moreover a typi- leadership. I also suggest that attention money through criminal enterprises or cal dabang uses his/her own ‘crew’ as to the local dynamics of systems of to mediate other’s people access to bodyguards, travels in white 4/4s with (criminal) power and their multiple state institutions, they want to rule. red beacons and party flags, and sources of authority may help to under- The aspiration to rule requires flaunts his/her wealth and power with stand the rising global appreciation investing in a special set of resources weapons, ostentatious gold jewellery, for leaders who cultivate a boss-like that are not necessarily available to and large farmhouses on the outskirts attitude like Putin, Erdogan, Modi illegal entrepreneurs, brokers or indi- of town. Most importantly, the contem- and Trump or the late Chavez. How do vidual criminals. A crucial resource is porary dabang is also a successful and muscular entrepreneurship, business the threat of violence. However, legitimate businessman. acumen, managerial culture and cin- bosses do not rely exclusively on brute ematographic charisma provide a tem- force when ruling. Violence is neces- plate for contemporary democratic sarily coupled with legal and illegal It is important to highlight that the politics? Are bosses ultimately chosen entrepreneurship, charisma and per- dabangs I met over the course of my because they are authoritative or suasion, rules and honour, kinship net- fieldwork represent a qualitative shift authoritarian? works, intelligence, professional legal from the traditional figures of the bhaia and financial advice and, crucially, or dada in any North Indian provincial collusion with political and administra- town until about two decades ago. The I shall now go back to the opening tive resources.8 traditional town and neighbourhood quote by Raghu Yadav. The context of bosses used to establish their sover- my research (western Uttar Pradesh) eignty through protection rackets, is widely known for its endemic vio- In western Uttar Pradesh the most money lending, and adjudicating lence and criminality,4 for being cultur- powerful violent bosses are often disputes.9 These old style protectors- ally shaped by the ‘macho’ ethos of its referred to as dabangs. The term cum-social bandits boasted of an excep- dominant castes, for being marred by dabang entered the popular lexicon tional muscular physique and reputed communalism and caste based con- following the release of two films by fighting techniques – usually acquired flicts, and by poverty and underdeve- that name in 2010 and 2012 and is now through wrestling. They employed lopment.5 However, what is perhaps commonly used to refer to mafia boss- their force to establish domination deeply misleading is the portrayal of type leaders. Dabangs, unlike mere in the mohalla (neighbourhood) and this region as a poor backwater. On goondas, are public authorities and can doctors, police investigators, astrologists, the contrary, ‘money’ – as informants 6. In the field I documented bosses’ will to priests, and the residents of the ‘spaces’ again and again emphasize – ‘is not an rule. I mapped their territories, areas of domi- where bosses operate. issue here’. A rampant predatory eco- nation, spheres of interest and jurisdictions. 7. On bosses as violent enterpreneurs and on I followed them during election campaigns party machine/bossism, see Scott (1969); nomy linked to the construction and or appearances in court. I observed their styles estate development sectors has created Migdal (1988); on Italy, Blok (1972); Chubb of self-presentation, rhetoric, and the sites that (1982); on East Asia, Sidel (1999); on Indo- new opportunities and significant they choose to gather support or to perform. nesia, Wilson (2015); on India, Weiner (1963) wealth over the past decade. These spaces included caste or business and Vaishnav (2011); on Pakistan, Gayer association meetings, religious festivals, (2014); on Russia, Volkov (2002). Raghu is one of the bosses I bazaars, wrestling arenas, university campus, shadowed in their daily life during field- hotels, lodges and night clubs, commemora- 8. Michelutti et al (Ibid: Introduction). 60 work.6 He is a small-scale town’s boss. tion ceremonies and sports events. I inter- 9. For descriptions of the figure of the bhaia viewed members of the bosses’ families, gang in provincial North India see, Gooptu (2001); 4. Brass (1997). members, enemies, rivals, businessmen, crimi- Michelutti (2010); in Mumbai see, Hansen 5. Jeffrey, Jeffery and Lerche (2014). nal lawyers, crime reporters, accountants, (2001). SEMINAR 693 – May 2017 to acquire ‘violent’ credibility with ‘Shiv came back to me in tears. their patrons (who were often the local A s the other dabangs I have met he I asked him what happened. I went to politicians). has an air of self-assurance and com- talk to those boys. One of the boys By contrast, today the small- mand, which I think is usually one of twisted my wrist. Can you imagine? town bosses and their associates have the bosses’ best assets. Raghu does not The fight started and at a certain point transmogrified into well financed inter- need to use violence very much nowa- I took the gun out and fired (laughs)… state criminal networks whose crimi- days. The threat of violence is enough. that led to a total stampede …those nal capital is used to build up political ‘Nowadays I use violence very mini- boys (now men) still run away when turfs and business fortunes. These mally. To tell you the truth, I used wea- they see me (more laughs)…’ bosses do not help politicians to gov- pons in public only twice in my life. Yes, ern any more: they themselves govern, believe me, I have only used twice in directly or indirectly. my whole 30 years’ career of leader- Unpredictability and arbitrariness ship. You know Ram, my youngest are still at the heart of the bosses’ son. Well, I have an older son too.