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Documents of the Soviet Groups to Establish Trust Between the U.S

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Documents of the Soviet Groups to Establish Trust Between the U.S DOCUMENTS OF THE SOVIET GROUPS TO ESTABLISH TRUST BETWEEN THE U.S. AND THE U.S.S.R. Compiled, Translated and Edited by the Staff of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Washington, D.C. May 22, 1984 7 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE LETTERS, APPEALS AND REPORTS OF THE SOVIET TRUST GROUPS Appeal to the Governments and People of the USSR and the USA .... ...................................... I Appeal to the Distinguished Delegates to the UN Second Session on Disarmament ...... .................. 4 Appeal to Peace Advocates ............................... 5 "Content-Analysis of the Media" ..... ........... 7 "To Establish Trust Between the USSR and the USA ....... 8 Moscow Trust Group Letter to the American Friends Service Committee .................. .................. 11 Appeal to UNESCO Second World Conference on Cultural Policy .............................................. 13 Appeal to the Governments and Peoples of West and East .. 14 Bulletin on the Work of the Moscow Trust Group Scientific Seminar ................................... 16 Appeal to Peace Activists With Six Proposals .... ........ 18 "To Establish Trust Between the West and East" (Odessa Trust Group) ................................ 20 Open Letter from the Moscow Trust Group .............. ... 22 Declaration of Principles . 23 Open Letter from the Soviet Trust Groups to the Indepen- dent Pacifist Organizations of Europe and the USA ... 25 Address to Peace Supporters . ............................. 27 Concerning the (Moscow) Trust Group ..................... 28 Appeal to the VII Session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR ............. .................... 32 "An Energy Model of Opposition Between Two Governments" . 35 i Appeal to the Madrid Meeting .......... .................. 37 "An Organization Model of Disarmament with a Controlled Level of Disarmament" ......... ........... 38 Appeal to the Soviet and American Governments on Negotiations to Normalize Relations ........ ......... 39 "A Lexical-Semantic Analysis of Political Texts and the Relaxing of International Tensions" .... ......... 40 "Concerning the Maximum Level of Nuclear Arms as a Criteria for the Minimum Probability of Armed Conflict" .. .... 42 Reasons for the Repression of the Moscow Trust Group: A Correlational Analysis ............................ 43 Proposals to the Moscow Trust Group from Elena Sannikova. 44 Letter on Yuri Kornilov's Article, Issued by TASS ....... 46 Open Letter to the Second Conference for Nuclear Disarmament in Europe ............................... 50 Appeal to the Governments of the USSR and the USA .... ... 53 Appeal to the Supporters of Peace and Participants in the Anti-Nuclear Movement ................. .......... 54 Appeal to the Governments and Peoples of the East and West (Novosibirsk) ....... ........................... 56 Appeal to Soviet Citizens to Enter Into a Correspondence with Supporters of Peace in Other Countries ......... 58 Statement for the World Public .................. ........ 59 APPEALS, REPORTS AND STATEMENTS ON REPRESSION OF TRUST GROUP MEMBERS Statement on An Attempt by an Unknown Driver to Hit Me on the Street ..................................................... 60 Statement to the Moscow Prosecutor ........ ............... 61 Appeal to the Chief Prosecutor .......................... 63 Appeal to L.I. Brezhnev ................................. 64 Bulletin on the Destruction of Moscow Trust Group Exhibit ........................................................ 65 ii An Account of the Fifteen-Day Arrest of Trust Group Members Yu.V. Medvedkov and Yu.G. Khronopulo ........ 66 Open Letter to Teachers of Russian Language and Literature ............................. ............. 69 Statement on the Repression of the Moscow Trust Group (June-August 1982) .................................. 71 Appendix to Statement on Repression ..................... 86 Statement on the House Search of Anna Gordienko .. ....... 89 Report on the Trial of Trust Group Member Oleg Radzinsky in Moscow ............................................ 90 Announcement of the Arrests of Aleksandr Shatravka and Vladimir Mishchenko ................................. 93 Report on Persecution of Moscow Trust Group Members (July-December 1982) ........... ..................... 95 Statement on the Persecution of Eight Moscow Trust Group Members ...................... 98 Open Letter to Academician E.P. Velikov ................. 109 Trial in Moscow of Oleg Radzinsky ..... .................. 113 Appeal to Western Public Opinion "Save Olga Medvedkova" . 117 Appeal to Western Public Opinion from Olga Medvedkova ... 118 INTERVIEWS, STATEMENTS AND BIOGRAPHIES OF INDIVIDUAL MOSCOW TRUST GROUP MEMBERS Interview with Sergei Batovrin ................. ......... 120 "Why We Refuse Our Bowls of Soup" Hunger Strike Statement by Sergei Batovrin ....................... ........... 124 Interview with Mark Reitman ................. ............ 126 Letter to a Friend from Mark Reitman .............. ....... 131 Biography of Mark Isaevich Reitman ...................... 135 Biography of Yuri Medvedkov .................. ........... 137 On the Substance of the "Criminal" Works for which Oleg Radzinsky was Convicted .............. ... ............ 141 iii LETTERS, APPEALS AND REPORTS OF THE SOVIET TRUST GROUPS l Appeal To The Governments and People of The USSR and The USA The USSR and the USA have the means to kill in such proportions that would end the history of mankind. A balance of terror cannot be a reliable guarantee of safety in the world. Only trust between peoples can create a firm assurance of the future. Today, when elementary trust between the two nations has been completely lost, the problem of trust has ceased to be simply a question of bilateral relations. This is the question: Will mankind be wiped out by its own destructive capabilities or will it survive? This problem demands immediate action today. It is, however, very obvious that political leaders of both sides are incapable of coming to any sort of agreement about significant arms limitations in the near future . ...to say nothing of genuine disarmament. Due to their political interests and circumstances, politicians find it difficult to be objective on disarmament issues. Recognizing this, we do not wish to accuse one side or the other of not wishing to promote the peace process, nor certainly of any aggressive designs for the future. We are convinced of their genuine desire for peace and curtailment of the nuclear threat. However, the search for the path to disarmament has become difficult. We all share an equal responsibility for the future. The active peace movement among citizens of many countries proves that this is understood by millions of people. But our common desire for peace must not be blind It must be perceived and expressed in concrete terms. It must be presented in the context of actual conditions. The world is concerned about its future. Everyone understands that there must be dialogue if the threat is to be removed. The prevailing principles of conducting bilateral dialogue must be changed immediately. We are convinced that the time has come for the public not only to confront decision makers with the issue of disarmament, but to participate in the decision making process with the politicians. 1 We are in favor of quatrapartite dialogue - for dialogue in which average Soviet and American citizens are included on an equal footing with political figures. We favor consistent and, ultimately complete destruction of stockpiles of. nuclear weapons and other forms of mass destruction, and for limitations of conventional weapons. We view the present program for the search for peace as the following: 1. As a first step to abolish the nuclear threat, we appeal to everyone who does not desire the death of his neighbor to submit his own specific proposals on bilateral limitations and cutbacks of weaponry, and, most of all, for the establishment of trust. We call for each such proposal to be forwarded simultaneously to the governments of both countries and to representatives of independent public peace groups. We hope espeially that our call will be heeded by the peoples of the Soviet Union and the United States, whose governments bear the main responsibility for maintaining the safety of the world. 2. We call upon the citizens of both countries to create combined international public groups, based on the principles of independence. Their functions would include: the receipt and analysis of individual proposals on disarmament and promoting trust between nations: the selection of the most interesting and realistic proposals: bringing these proposals to the attention of the respective populations about the possible consequences of the use of nuclear arms, and about all issues concerning disarmament. 3. We appeal to the scientific community, particularly to independent international scientific organizations involved in the campaign for peace, to work on scientific problems directly connected with the preservation of peace. For instance, at the present stage, it is extremely important to develop a unified mathematical method for evaluating the weaponry of the opposing sides. We call upon scientists to create independent research groups to scientifically analyze citizen proposals. 4. We call upon political leaders and the media of both countries to refrain from mutual accustions about intentions to use nuclear weapons for aggressive purposes. We are convinced that such accusations only inflame distrust between the sides
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