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THE MAKING of a GOOD WHITE a Historical Ethnography of the Rehabilitation of Poor Whites in a Suburb of Cape Town

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THE MAKING of a GOOD WHITE a Historical Ethnography of the Rehabilitation of Poor Whites in a Suburb of Cape Town View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto Annika Björnsdotter Teppo THE MAKING OF A GOOD WHITE A Historical Ethnography of the Rehabilitation of Poor Whites in a Suburb of Cape Town Research Series in Anthropology University of Helsinki 1 Academic Dissertation Research Series in Anthropology University of Helsinki, Finland Distributed by Helsinki University Press PO Box 4 (Vuorikatu 3 A) 00014 University of Helsinki Finland fax +358 9 7010 2374 www.yliopistopaino.fi Copyright © 2004 Annika Teppo Layout Pasi Risberg ISSN 1458-3186 ISBN 952-10-1978-6 (paperback) ISBN 952-10-1979-4 (PDF), http://ethesis.helsinki.fi Helsinki University Printing House Helsinki 2004 2 ”Dit is dr. Anton Rupert wat gesê het: ‘Die mens wat nie in wonderwerke glo nie, is geen realis nie.’ So ook kan gesê word van die Afrikaner wat nie glo dat sy Skepper ’n duidelike hand in die lotgevalle van die Afrikanervolk openbaar nie.“1 (Bezuidenhout 1969: 62.) ”’n Boer maak ’n plan.”2 (An Afrikaans saying) 1 “It is Dr. Anton Rupert who said: ‘Who ever does not believe in miracles, is not a real- ist.’ This can also be said of the Afrikaner who does not believe that the fate of the Afri- kaner people has undoubtedly been steered by his Maker.” 2 “An Afrikaner makes a plan”, an old saying referring to the Afrikaner ideal of a virtuous, resourceful, far-seeing and simultaneously cunning person who, in a diffi cult situation, has taken all the possibilities into account beforehand, and has based his calculations on cold rational planning and information. 3 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During the evolution of this book I have accumulated many debts, only a proportion of which I have acknowledged here. This is due to the fact that this project ranged over two continents, three universities, and more people than I can count. I thank my supervisor, docent Anna Maria Viljanen of the University of Helsinki’s Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, for her unwavering support throughout the progression of this work. Special thanks belong to my long-time mentor, Professor John Sharp of the Uni- versity of Pretoria, whose teachings will always have a very special place in my academic life. In Helsinki, Professor Karen Armstrong offered invaluable help and clarifying comments during the last phases of my work. Preliminary ex- aminers Dr. Timo Kaartinen and Professor Saul Dubow did an astounding work in revising this dissertation manuscript. Their thorough comments truly helped me to improve my thesis. I am indebted to three different universities for providing an academic home. At Stellenbosch University’s Department of Sociology and So- cial Anthropology I received both friendship and professional help from Jacob du Plessis, my dear ’brother’ and colleague. I am also grateful to Professor Andrienetta Kritzinger, Dr. Joachim Ewert, Professor Cornie Groenewald, Hester Rossouw and the late Martina Taljaard-Dodds. I thank André Brits for being a faithful and patient assistant, and Gerritjan Pierre de Villiers for help with translations, and for his friendship. Nu- merous other, unnamed, people in Stellenbosch were also of great help: thank you. I am indebted to Professor Isak ‘Sakkie’ Niehaus of the University of Pretoria’s Department of Anthropology for his brilliant comments and support, and Jude Fokwang for being a wonderful colleague. At both the South African universities, departmental secretaries Liesl van Kerwel and Andrea Jordaan provided unforgettable tea and comfort. In South Africa Professor Andrew Spiegel, Dr. Marijke du Toit and Professor Jonathan Hyslop also offered important co-operation during several phases of this thesis. In France I thank Dr. Philippe Guillaume for co-operation and Dr. 5 Myriam Houssay-Holzscuch for her wisdom, for private and professional sisterhood, and for sharing the stoep on the top of that mountain with me. For funding I thank University of Helsinki for a travel scholarship and a scholarship for the last three months of my work. My main funding was provided by the Academy of Finland. In Helsinki, Petra Autio and Maria Koskijoki were present with their sharp comments and good ideas. Other friends who were important dur- ing different phases of the work and helped and supported its progress in various ways are Anne Leilde, Petri Motari, Bernita de Wet, Mikko Jauho, Tea Virtanen, Anna-Sirkku Tiilikainen, Ville Luukkainen, Minna Ruckenstein and Wiechard Otto. Heide Hackmann was in the right place in right time…not to mention her furniture! I thank Hanna Ristisuo for drawing the maps. My sister Saana Teppo provided a helping hand during my fi eldwork. I am also indebted to the rest of my family for supporting me in numerous ways. My sincerest apologies if I have inadvertently omitted anyone to whom acknowledgement is due. Without doubt there will be errors, omissions and over-simplifi cations, for which I take absolute responsibility, while hoping that the rest of the material will be enough to stimulate insights into this study of a South African period. In Cape Town, I thank Communicare (formerly Citizens’ Housing League), and there, particularly, those who facilitated my work so much. Without their unprejudiced access to their archives and premises this the- sis could never have happened. I particularly thank Beth Meyer for her wonderful insights and the cheerful faith she had in my work. Una Smit and Yolanda Blom were also helpful. I hope this work can, in return, also help today’s Communicare, which is very different from the Citizens’ Housing League of the past, to understand its own history. In Ruyterwacht, I am particularly thankful for Ursula Bulpitt and her family, and all the other wonderful people of Ruyterwacht who did so much to help me. You know who you are. In Stellenbosch, I will be forever grateful to Ilse Evertse and her fam- ily. During this work Ilse was my friend, my surrogate mother and an ingenious editor who never gave up her stalwart attempts to improve my character, my linguistic abilities and writing style. I owe Wilhelmien van der Merwe and her wonderful family an im- measurable debt for taking us into her heart, kitchen and under her mighty Boere wings, thus allowing two strangers to not only endure, but to get to 6 love and understand their country and people. There will never be enough words for me to express my gratitude. I dedicate this thesis with all my love and gratitude to those who con- stitute the foundation of my life then and now and, I hope, always will: to Pasi Risberg for his unconditional loyalty and affection, and to my daughter Pihla Teppo who ungrudgingly followed me there and back, never losing her brave spirit. Thank you all. Annika Björnsdotter Teppo Helsinki July 2004 7 8 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 13 Background to Poor Whites 14 The Practices of Rehabilitation 17 The Structure of Social Categories 19 White Spaces, Stark Boundaries 21 2. The Poor White Category 25 Whites in South Africa 25 Poor Whiteism 29 Eugenics 29 Poor Whites as an Intellectual, Economic and Religious Concern 33 A Festering Wound in the Social Body: the Organic Analogy 33 Poor Whites in the Economic Nation-building Process 38 Christian-national Ideology and the Poor White Problem 40 Citizens’ Housing League: Made to Measure 44 How the Residents of Epping Garden Village Became Poor Whites 46 The First Residents: 1938–1948 47 The Second Generation: after 1948 50 The Arrival of Those Who ‘Could not Lift Themselves Up’: 1960–1990 54 The End of Apartheid 56 Success or Failure? 58 The Poor White Stigma 61 3. Fieldwork: Facing the Issues of Trust and Betrayal 65 Archival Material and Its Analysis 69 Anthropological Study of Whites in South Africa 72 9 CONTENTS 4. The White Body and Its Boundaries 76 The Body 76 The Symbolic Boundaries of the Poor White Body 78 Practices of the White Body 80 Social Games and Tactics in the EGV 83 The Poor Whites as Ethnic Anomalies 85 The White Nightmare of Racial Miscegenation 86 White: a Hazy Category 88 Passing for White 94 Conclusion 96 5. Housing Schemes – a Perfect Solution 98 Inventing White Space in South Africa 98 Spatial Segregation 100 The ‘Cosmic Effect’ of the Poor White Embodiment 102 Housing Poor Whites in Cape Town 104 The Men and the Woman behind the Housing Schemes 104 Constructing EGV, a White Suburban Space 111 Layout of the Public Space 114 Houses and Gardens 117 Symbolism and the Suburb 118 Myth of Origin 120 Conclusion 121 6. The Era of Faith and Hard Work: Shaping a White Identity in Epping Garden Village in 1938–1950 123 The First Generation 123 Social Services in the CHL Housing Project 127 Distribution of Economic Capital 131 Distribution of Cultural Capital Through Bodies and Embodiment 134 10 CONTENTS Men and Women at Work: Toiling, Gendered and Regulated Bodies 135 The Correct Ways of Presenting Self in Public and Private Spaces 144 A Soap Opera of Social Relations and Social Control 148 The Central Role of the Nuclear Family Unit 149 The Company is the Mother, the Company is the Father 151 Pass-Whites and the Company’s Dilemma of Colour 154 The Case of the Domestic Servants: Resistance or Compliance? 159 Conclusion 161 7. The Era of Stagnation and Disintegration 1950–1990 165 Apartheid 165 The Second Generation 167 A Struggle to Keep the Community ‘Normal’ 168 Selection Criteria Changes 170 Apartheid and Suburban Space 173 Resources and Time 174 Work and Gender 176 Uplifting Free Time 179 Appearance and Taste 183 Institutionalisation of the Social Relations 185 Control of Sexual Relations 188 Changing Family Relations 190 A Right to be White 196 Conclusion 199 8.
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