Republic of Bulgaria
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English Version of This Report Is the Only Official Document
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Republic of Bulgaria Early Parliamentary Elections, 26 March 2017 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS Electoral contestants reached out to the voters freely, in a low-key campaign characterized by the public’s disillusionment with politics and weariness of holding elections. The legal framework was amended several times since the 2014 elections, but limitations remain to the suffrage rights, use of languages other than Bulgarian, campaign finance reporting, complaints and appeals system and voting abroad. The election administration worked professionally and transparently overall, however their decision-making was not always consistent. The voting process was transparent, but procedural shortcomings were noted during counting in the limited number of polling stations observed. The legal framework is generally conducive to holding democratic elections. The 2014 Electoral Code was amended several times, most recently in October 2016. The amendments addressed some previous OSCE/ODIHR and Council of Europe Venice Commission recommendations, but not others, including long-standing limitations of the right to vote, right to stand and equality of suffrage. The limitation of the number of polling stations in non-European Union (EU) countries has a discriminatory effect. In general, the election administration conducted its work in a professional and transparent manner and met most legal deadlines. The sessions of the Central and District Election Commissions (CEC and DECs) were live-streamed and open to the public and media. The CEC did not reach the required qualified majority to approve several decisions. It also decided that all voter education materials would be exclusively in the Bulgarian language, contrary to international commitments and standards. -
European Left Info Flyer
United for a left alternative in Europe United for a left alternative in Europe ”We refer to the values and traditions of socialism, com- munism and the labor move- ment, of feminism, the fem- inist movement and gender equality, of the environmental movement and sustainable development, of peace and international solidarity, of hu- man rights, humanism and an- tifascism, of progressive and liberal thinking, both national- ly and internationally”. Manifesto of the Party of the European Left, 2004 ABOUT THE PARTY OF THE EUROPEAN LEFT (EL) EXECUTIVE BOARD The Executive Board was elected at the 4th Congress of the Party of the European Left, which took place from 13 to 15 December 2013 in Madrid. The Executive Board consists of the President and the Vice-Presidents, the Treasurer and other Members elected by the Congress, on the basis of two persons of each member party, respecting the principle of gender balance. COUNCIL OF CHAIRPERSONS The Council of Chairpersons meets at least once a year. The members are the Presidents of all the member par- ties, the President of the EL and the Vice-Presidents. The Council of Chairpersons has, with regard to the Execu- tive Board, rights of initiative and objection on important political issues. The Council of Chairpersons adopts res- olutions and recommendations which are transmitted to the Executive Board, and it also decides on applications for EL membership. NETWORKS n Balkan Network n Trade Unionists n Culture Network Network WORKING GROUPS n Central and Eastern Europe n Africa n Youth n Agriculture n Migration n Latin America n Middle East n North America n Peace n Communication n Queer n Education n Public Services n Environment n Women Trafficking Member and Observer Parties The Party of the European Left (EL) is a political party at the Eu- ropean level that was formed in 2004. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3. -
Bakalářská Práce 2010
UNIVERZITA PARDUBICE Fakulta filozofická Evropské politické strany a koalice v současném Evropském parlamentu Jakub Petruţálek Bakalářská práce 2010 Tuto práci jsem vypracoval samostatně. Veškeré literární prameny a informace, které jsem v práci vyuţil, jsou uvedeny v seznamu pouţité literatury. Byl jsem seznámen s tím, ţe se na moji práci vztahují práva a povinnosti vyplývající ze zákona č. 121/2000 Sb., autorský zákon, zejména se skutečností, ţe Univerzita Pardubice má právo na uzavření licenční smlouvy o uţití této práce jako školního díla podle § 60 odst. 1 autorského zákona, a s tím, ţe pokud dojde k uţití této práce mnou nebo bude poskytnuta licence o uţití jinému subjektu, je Univerzita Pardubice oprávněna ode mne poţadovat přiměřený příspěvek na úhradu nákladů, které na vytvoření díla vynaloţila, a to podle okolností aţ do jejich skutečné výše. Souhlasím s prezenčním zpřístupněním své práce v Univerzitní knihovně. V Pardubicích dne 20. 11. 2010. Jakub Petruţálek Souhrn Bakalářská práce se zaměřuje na historii, programovou orientaci a strukturu Evropských politických stran a koalicí. Její součástí je též popis struktury, sídla a hlavních úloh Evropského parlamentu. Klíčová slova historie; politika; frakce; volby; Evropský parlament; Title European political parties and coalitions in current European Parliament. Abstract The bachelor's work is focused on history, the programmatic orientation and the structure of European political parties and the coalition. Its part is also a description of the structure, the seat and main tasks of European parliament. Keywords history; policy; fraction; election; European Parliament Touto cestou chci poděkovat doc. PhDr. Václavu Veberovi za odbornou a všestrannou pomoc v průběhu tvorby bakalářské práce. Také bych chtěl poděkovat mým přátelům a kolegům z oboru za jejich rady. -
SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos
Transnational networking and cooperation among neo-reformist left parties in Southern Europe during the Eurozone crisis: SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos Vladimir Bortun The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. March 2019 Abstract European parties to the left of social democracy have always lagged behind the main political families in terms of transnational cooperation at the level of the EU. However, the markedly transnational character of the Eurozone crisis and of the management of that crisis has arguably provided a uniquely propitious context for these parties to reduce that gap. This research project aims to establish whether they achieved that by focusing on three parties that were particularly prone to seeking an increase in their transnational cooperation: SYRIZA from Greece, Bloco de Esquerda from Portugal and Podemos from Spain. For these parties not only come from the member states most affected by the crisis, both economically and politically, but they also share several programmatic and strategic features favouring such an increase. By using a mix of document analysis, semi-structured interviews and non-participatory observation, the thesis discusses both the informal and formal transnational networking and cooperation among the three parties. This discussion reveals four key findings, with potentially useful insights for wider transnational party cooperation that are to be pursued in future research. Firstly, the transnational networking and cooperation among SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos did increase at some point during the crisis, particularly around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015. Secondly, since the U-turn of that government in July 2015, SYRIZA’s relationship with both Bloco and Podemos has declined significantly, as reflected in their diverging views of the EU. -
25 Years Freedom in Bulgaria
25 YEARS FREEDOM IN BULGARIA CIVIC EDUCATION | TRANSITION | BERLIN WALL | PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA | FREEDOM | 1989 | INTERPRETATIONS | OPEN LESSONS | MYTHS | LEGENDS | TOTALITARIAN PAST | DESTALINIZATION | BELENE CAMPS | GEORGI MARKOV | FUTURE | CITIZENS | EAST | WEST | SECURITY SERVICE | ECOGLASNOST | CIVIL DUTY AWARD | ANNIVERSARY | COMMUNISM | CAPITALISM | ARCHIVES | REMEMBRANCE| DISSIDENTS | ZHELYO ZHELEV | RADIO FREE EUROPE | VISEGRAD FOUR | HISTORY| POLITICAL STANDARTS | RULE OF LAW | FREE MEDIA | NOSTALGIA | REGIME| MEMORIES | RATIONALIZATION | HUMAN RIGHTS | HOPE | NOW AND THEN | DISCUSSING | VISUAL EVIDENCES | REPRESSIONS | HERITAGE | INTELLECTUAL ELITE | IRON CURTAIN | CENCORSHIP | GENERATIONS | LESSONS | TRANSFORMATION | TODOR ZHIVKOV | COLD WAR | INSTITUTIONS | BEGINNING | INFORMATION | RECONCILIATION | FACTS | EXPERIENCES | CONSENSUS | DISTORTIONS | MARKET ECONOMY | REFORM | UNEMPLOYMENT | THE BIG EXCURSION | IDEOLOGY | PUBLIC OPINION | NATIONAL INITIATIVE | TRUTH | ELECTIONS years ee B 25 years free Bulgaria is a civic initiative under the auspices of the President of Bulgaria, organized by Sofia Platform Fr ulgaria years CONTENT ee B Fr ulgaria CIVIC EDUCATION | TRANSITION | BERLIN WALL | PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA | FREEDOM | 1989 | INTERPRETATIONS | OPEN LESSONS | MYTHS | LEGENDS | TOTALITARIAN PAST | 1. 25 Years Freedom in Bulgaria 02 DESTALINIZATION | BELENE CAMPS | GEORGI MARKOV | FUTURE | CITIZENS | EAST | WEST | SECURITY 2. Remembrance and Culture 04 SERVICE | ECOGLASNOST | CIVIL DUTY AWARD -
Political History of the Balkans (1989–2018) This Page Intentionally Left Blank POLITICAL HISTORY of the BALKANS (1989–2018) Edited by József Dúró – Zoltán Egeresi
The Balkan Peninsula has played a crucial role in human history many times. The region framed the 20th century. The end of the Political History of the Balkans Cold War also had a significant effect on the region as it resulted (1989–2018) in bloody wars, economic collapse and complicated political transitions. The 2000s and 2010s opened the way towards EU membership, as many countries received candidate status and launched accession negotiations – however, this process has recently been facing obstacles. Political History This volume provides a general overview of the Post-Cold War history of the Balkans and explores the dynamics behind these tremendous changes ranging from democratic transitions to EU prospects. The authors describe the transitional period, the evolution of the political system and highlight the most important of the Balkans political developments in each country in the region. We recommend this book to those who seek a deeper insight into the recent history of the Balkans and a deeper understanding of its political developments. (1989–2018) POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE BALKANS (1989—2018) POLITICAL HISTORY The work was created in commission of the National University of Public Service under the priority project PACSDOP-2.1.2-CCHOP-15-2016-00001 entitled “Public Service Development Establishing Good Governance”. Zoltán Egeresi (eds.): Egeresi Zoltán — József Dúró József Edited by JÓZSEF DÚRÓ European Social Fund ZOLTÁN EGERESI INVESTING IN YOUR FUTURE Political History of the Balkans (1989–2018) This page intentionally left blank POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE BALKANS (1989–2018) Edited by József Dúró – Zoltán Egeresi Dialóg Campus Budapest, 2020 The work was created in commission of the National University of Public Service under the priority project PACSDOP-2.1.2-CCHOP-15-2016-00001 entitled “Public Service Development Establishing Good Governance”. -
Human Rights in Bulgaria in 2014
HUMAN RIGHTS IN BULGARIA IN 2014 Annual report of the Bulgarian Helsinki Committee April 2015 2 The Bulgarian Helsinki Committee is an independent non-governmental organisation for the protection of human rights. It was founded on 14 July 1992. This report was produced with the support of the Open Society Institute – Budapest and the Oak Foundation. Human Rights in Bulgaria in 2014 Sofia, March 2015 The report can be freely quoted upon condition that the source is acknowledged. Authors: The report was written by: Antoaneta Nenkova, Atanas Atanasov, Desislava Ivanova, Gergana Yancheva, Dilyana Angelova, Elitsa Gerginova, Zhenya Ivanova, Iliana Savova, Kaloyan Stanev, Krassimir Kanev, Margarita Ilieva, Radoslav Stoyanov, Slavka Kukova, Stanimir Petrov, Yana Buhrer Tavanier. The access to information section is based on materials provided by the Access to Information Programme. English language editor: Desislava Simeonova Publisher: Bulgarian Helsinki Committee 7 Varbitsa Street, 1504 Sofia, Bulgaria Tel. 3592 944 0670 www.bghelsinki.org BULGARIAN HELSINKI COMMITTEE HUMAN RIGHTS IN BULGARIA IN 2014 3 Table of contents 1. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN BULGARIA IN 2014 ................................................................... 4 2. RIGHT TO LIFE, PROTECTION FROM TORTURE, INHUMAN AND DEGRADING TREATMENT ... 6 3. R IG H T TO LIBERTY AND SECURITY O F P E R S O N ........................................................................ 13 4. INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY AND FAIR TRIAL ............................................................. -
Fragmentation and Pluralism of Leftist Parties in Europe
Cornelia Hildebrandt ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG Fragmentation and pluralism of Leftist parties in Europe Introduction Like other parties, left-wing parties set themselves the task of representing different interests, integrating them into a political concept or overall platform, and striving to gain political power so as to implement these interests and concepts. In so doing they have to consider the possibility of participating in government, however contentious this option may be in their own ranks. They must be able to develop an inner structure and culture which enables them to perform these tasks. This involves training political leaders. Left-wing parties are also scenes of political power struggles about who has the ultimate say on strategic and programmatic issues in the parties, about gaining acceptance for political and power concepts. But they also concern issues of competence and recognition both inside and outside the parties. The relationships between the left-wing parties of a party system and the power constellations within the parties are the expression of a permanent struggle. Within a party system left-wing parties are distinguished first with reference to the fault line between social justice and free markets, and secondly with reference to the socio-cultural fault line between authoritarian and libertarian political concepts.1 To this should be added the attitude of left-wing parties to the European Union, which fluctuates between acceptance of the EU as an arena of political action and a critical attitude to its domineering political approaches and a rejection of the EU as an imperial power block, together with a general rejection of its prevailing policies. -
Bulgarian Case: from Polarisation to Hegemonisation
Hyperpoliticisation of asylum and responsibility: The Bulgarian case: from polarisation to hegemonisation Anna Krasteva Chemnitz, November 2018 CEASEVAL RESEARCH ON THE COMMON EUROPEAN ASYLUM SYSTEM; Nr. 15 CEASEVAL Research on the Common European Asylum System publishes results of empirical research conducted for the H2020 Project “CEASEVAL” (Evaluation of the Commom European Asylum System). CEASEVAL received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 770037. Herausgeberschaft: Prof. Birgit Glorius and Dr. Melanie Kintz Technische Universität Chemnitz Institut für Europäische Studien Humangeographie mit Schwerpunkt Europäische Migrationsforschung 09107 Chemnitz http://www.tu-chemnitz.de/phil/europastudien/geographie Alle Rechte vorbehalten, Chemnitz 2018 ISSN 2627-339X Anna Krasteva CERMES, New Bulgarian University [email protected] Hyperpoliticisation of asylum and responsibility: The Bulgarian case: from polarisation to hegemonisation Abstract This analysis serves a two-fold purpose: theoretical and empirical. Its theoretical part reconstructs the concept of politicisation and develops it. The empirical part examines its applicability to the Bulgarian case analysing three types of discorses: political, media, intellectual. The text is structured in three parts. The first part elaborates the theoretical foundation of the analysis, building upon Wilde’s notion of politicisation and extending it in three directions: from politicisation to hyperpoliticisation; from polarisation -
English Version Remains the Only Official Document
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 5 July 2009 OSCE/ODIHR Limited Election Observation Mission Final Report Warsaw 30 September 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY........................................................................................................................ 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................................................. 3 III. BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................................................ 4 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND ELECTORAL SYSTEM....................................................................... 4 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION............................................................................................................ 7 A. OVERVIEW............................................................................................................................................. 7 B. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION .................................................................................................................. 8 C. VOTER REGISTRATION .......................................................................................................................... 9 D. ELECTRONIC VOTING ..........................................................................................................................11 E. VOTER EDUCATION ..............................................................................................................................11