EuroJTh (1993) 2:2, 119-132 0960-2720 • Christian Identity in the Graeco-Roman World • Christliche ldentitat in der Griechisch-Romischen Welt • L'ldentite chretienne dans le monde greco-romain

Oskar Skarsaune, Oslo

RESUME Dans le de bat theologique recent, l a souvent ete desapprouve. Ace propos, que ces religions soutenu que les affirmations traditionnelles du pafennes aient ete l'une des anciennes caractere absolu du christianisme etaient religions nationales ( animistes pour la devenues nulles ou denuees de sens, tout plupart) ou le culte officiel rendu aux dieux simplement par le fait du pluralisme religieux. greco-romains, ou encore l'une des nouvelles Ceci semble supposer que ['affirmation d'un religions a mystere ne faisait aucune caractere absolu avait son sens dans un difference signi{tcative. Toutes ces religions contexte ou le christianisme exercait un etaient elles-memes plutot tolerantes et monopole religieux et culturel, mais qu'elle pouvaient s'accommoder d'autres croyances perd son sens en dehors de ce context. On peut qui n'etaient pas exclusives, tout comme elles repondre a cela en avancant la these opposee: n'etaient pas elles-memes exclusives. C'est le des son origine, le christianisme a affirme son refus 'juif des chretiens d'avoir quoi que ce soit caractere absolu, alors qu'il est ne au sein de la a faire avec les autres religions qui les a mis situation pluraliste de l'empire romain. en marge et a fait d'eux un probleme pour Autrement dit, c'est precisement une situation leurs voisins et pour les autorites romaines. de pluralisme religieux et culturel qui a Pour les autorites romaines, le refus des constitue le milieu d'origine de cette affirmation chretiens de participer a la religion officielle d'un caractere absolu. Ainsi, une etude plus etait le seul et unique probleme. Ceci explique approfondie du processus par lequel le la politique adoptee par Rome a l'egard des christianisme s'est defini dans le monde greco­ chretiens. En meme temps, ce refus explique le romain prend tout son sens au vu de la secret de la victoire de l'Eglise sur l'un des plus situation actuelle. puissants empires que le monde ait jamais Les non-Juifs qui ont cru en Christ attiraient connu. l'attention de leurs voisins par leur attitude En ce qui concerne les religions a mystere la intolerante vis-a-vis de tout culte rendu au non participation des chretiens ne posait pas le genie de l'empereur ou aux dieux romains. meme probleme. C'etait meme l'inverse: le Seuls les Juifs avaient le privilege legal de christianisme pouvait etre considere comme refuser de participer a ce culte. Quand les tres semblable aux religions a mystere et chretiens d'origine pafenne ont commence a se pouvait etre inclus parmi elles comme la comporter comme des Juifs sur ce point, sans 'version a mystere' du judafsme. Les etre Juifs eux-memes, ils ne disposaient apologetes chretiens reconnaissent quelques d'aucun fondementjuridique pour justifier leur similitudes entre les sacrements chretiens et refus de prendre part a la religion officielle. les rites des religions a mystere, mais il Deux noms que l'on a des l'origine attribues l'expliquent par la theorie de l'imitation aux chretiens, christianoi et 'le troisieme demoniaque. Le defile plus subtil que dut peuple (nijuifs, ni grecs), nous montrent que relever le christianisme vint du gnosticisme les chretiens devaient definir leur identite par qui, souvent, ne se presentait pas comme une rapport a deux entites: le judafsme et le autre voie que le christianisme, mais comme le paganisme. En ce qui concerne le paganisme, christianisme meme. Le gnosticisme etait les chretiens d'origine palenne partageaient la compatible avec la religion offtcielle et avec conviction fondamentale des Juifs selon d'autres religions. Ainsi, il n'a pas produit de laquelle tout culte pafen constituait de martyrs. En refusant la voie gnostique, l'idolatrie et devait par consequent etre l'Eglise disait non a une approche facile, et tres

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seduisante, du pluralisme. Elle disait voulait rendre ses lecteurs pa'iens conscients egalement non a une approche qui pouvait du fait que les chretiens n'etaient pas les seuls entrainer l'extinction du christianisme en tant a refuser le culte officiel. Parmi leurs grands que tel, avec son identite propre, et la hommes les plus eminents, plusieurs avaient disparition des chretiens comme un peuple fait de meme. L'un d'eux, Socrate, etait meme different. devenu un martyr pour cette raison. Ainsi, en L'idee, emise par Justin, Clement l'un des grands heros de la culture grecque, le d'Alexandrie et d'autres parmi les premiers plus grand des philosophes, Justin trouve un peres de l'Eglise, d'une revelation exterieure a allie, un porte parole, precisement pour cet l'Ecriture n'attenue en aucune maniere cette element qui semblait le plus anti-culturel dans approche sans compromis des religions la foi chretienne: le rejet de la religion paiennes. St. Justin, l'auteur de l'idee du Logos offzcielle. spermatikos, ne pensait pas du tout que Christ Par consequent, ce n'est absolument pas etait la realite cachee derriere les religions dans la religion non-chretienne que Justin voit paiennes. Ce n'etait pas non plus la pensee de le Logos spermatikos a l'oeuvre, mais dans le Clement d'Alexandrie, ni d'aucun autre pere rejet par des non chretiens de la religion non de l':Eglise primitive. Justin partageait la chretienne. La meme idee se retrouve chez conviction courante parmi les chretiens que Clement d'Alexandrie et meme chez cette realite cachee n'etait pas Christ mais les Tertullien. Les tentatives modernes de faire demons. Il savait aussi que ce rejet de la des premiers peres de l'Eglise les porte parole religion officielle etait considere comme un de l'idee d'un 'Christ cache' dans les religions outrage et qu'il conduisait au martyre. Mais il pa'iennes sont done sans fondement.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In der modernen theologischen Debatte ist oft einem Begriff, wederJuden noch Griechen. Mit behauptet warden, daP traditionelle den Juden teilten sie sich den Glauben, dap Bestiitigungen uber die absolute Natur des die Anbetung der Heiden Gotzendienst war­ Christentums mit der einfachen Tatsache des egal ob es die Form der altertumlichen religiOsen Pluralismus' zunichte gemacht nationalen Religionen annahm; oder die wurden. Das deutet an, daP solch ein Gedanke offuielle Anbetung, die den Griechisch­ nur in einem Kontext sinnvoll ist, in dem das Romischen Gottern angeboten wurden; oder Christentum ein kulturelles und religioses eine der neuen Mysteriumreligionen. Diese Monopol ausubt. Das Gegenteil kann jedoch waren alle 'tolerant', es war die 'judische' behauptet werden: von Anfang an hat das Intoleranz der Christen, die sie fur ihre Christentum seinen absoluten Charakter Nachbarn unertriiglich machten. bestiitigt, obwohl es im Herzen des Fur die r6mischen Behorden war die pluralistischen Romischen Reiches entstanden Verweigerung der Christen, an dem offuiellen ist. Daher ist ein Studium daruber, wie das Kult teilzunehmen, das einzige Problem, und Christentum sich selbst in der Griechisch­ das erkliirt ihre Feindseligkeit. Dies war jedoch Romischen Welt zu verstehen bekam, relevant auch der Schlussel zu dem Sieg der Kirche zu der modernen Situation. uber eines der miichtigsten Reiche in der Nicht-judische Christen zogen die Geschichte. Aufmerksamkeit ihrer Nachbarn auf sich, in Das Problem im Fall der dem sie sich weigerten, an der Anbetung des Mysteriumreligionen, und besonders in der Kaisers oder r6mischer Gotter teilzunehmen. Gnostik, war die Versuc!J:ung sich wegen Nur Juden hatten vom Gesetz her das Privileg einigen oberfliichlichen Ahnlichkeiten solche Anbetung zu verweigern. Christen, die anzugleichen. Die Gnostik war 'umfassend'. ursprunglich Heiden waren, begannen sich in Mit der Ablehnung dieses Weges lehnte das dieser Hinsicht wie Juden zu benehmen, hatten Christentum eine Moglichkeit ab, die seine aber keine gesetzliche Grundlage dafur. Identitiit zerstort hiitte. Christen wurden als 'das dritte Volk' zu Und zuletzt, es gibt in den Schriften

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bestimmter Kirchenviiter ( insbesondere daher das Logos Spermatikos nicht als mittatig Justin's Logos Spermatikos keine an in anderen Religionen, sondern nur in der Rechtfertigung fur die Annahme, da/3 Christus . Verweigerung von einigen Nicht-Christen bei die versteckte Realitat in heidnischen nicht-christlichen Religionen. Daher sind Religionen war. Justin, im Bezug auf moderne Versuche, eine Basis fur die Annahme Sokrates und andere, wollte nur aufweisen, da/3 des versteckten Christus' in nicht-christlichen Christen micht die Einzigen waren, die eine Religionen in den Schriften der Kirchenviiter offizielle Religion verweigerten. Justin sieht zu finden, ohne Grundlage.

I only religion of Christian Europe, they may have been credible in other periods and he present-day relevance of my theme areas when Christianity was the dominant T could be indicated by a slight reformula­ element in a certain culture, they may even tion of the title: Christian identity in a have been credible when there were realistic religiously pluralistic world. As is well prospects of Christianity becoming the only known, Christians in general and theo­ or dominant religion of a certain area. But logians in particular are not in agreement now, with the prospect of increasing religious concerning the question how Christians pluralism, and Christianity losing its should respond to the reality of religious cultural monopoly in the 'old world', the pluralism. Christian claims of absoluteness become less Paul Rajashekar, the leader of the LWF and less credible. The context in which they office for the Church and People of Other gave meaning is vanishing. Faiths, once said the following: 1 'While we I must confess that as an historian of the hold our allegiance to the universal Lordship early Church I find it rather surprising that of Jesus Christ, Christianity itself is a par­ anyone should hold this view. It seems to ticular religion in a religiously pluralistic presuppose that the claims of absoluteness world and there is every indication that it originated in the Constantinian period, or will remain so. Today we cannot take the maybe even in Medieval Europe. As everyone same attitude which many Christians in the should know, this is not the case. The Bible past took in dismissing other faiths as did not originate in a homogeneous, unified some form of satanic substitutes or demonic culture, Jewish or Christian. It took shape deceptions.' Rajashekar continued by saying in a situation of cultural and religious that Christians in our times in increasing pluralism and confrontation, of ethnic and measure have seen the many positive values racial conflict. The same description holds in other religions, and that other religions true with regard to the formative years of have established themselves in Christian the early Church. The world of religious countries and have won considerable hearing. pluralism, the world of the pluralistic metro­ 'In this situation the traditional absolute polis, was not a foreign world to early claims of Christianity have become rather Christianity. It was precisely in this world tenuous. Some Christians have even raised it had to define itself from the beginning, the question of whether Christian faithful­ and all the sayings of absoluteness or ness demands the repetition of the absolute uniqueness have exactly this world as their claims of the New Testament and the early background. One could, I think, argue that church.' it is only in a pluralistic situation that If I am not mistaken, this quote is rather sayings about uniqueness are really mean­ representative of a certain way of thinking ingful. Pointing out that there is only one which has been very much in vogue lately. saviour and only one way leading to salva­ It may be summarized like this: The absolute tion, is more appropriate in a setting where claims of Christianity were credible in a several saviours and ways are competing, certain period and in a certain setting. They than in a monopoly situation in which no were credible when Christianity was the alternatives are allowed to appear.

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Accordingly, the need to define Christian they refused to have anything to do with. identity in a situation of religious pluralism normal, ordinary religion at Antioch, exactly is by no means a new challenge to Christians. like the Jews. They would not pay any From the beginning, Christians had to find respect to the official gods of Rome, let alone out what belief in Jesus meant in exactly sacrifice to them. They would not bum in­ this kind of environment. We shall take a cense in front of the emperor's statue. Nor closer look at some important aspects of this would they pay any respect to the traditional process of defining Christian identity and gods of Antioch-that is: the old gods of Christian belief in the pluralistic Graeco­ Syria, the gods of their own ancestors, the Roman world. gods they themselves had worshipped until recently. They would not even have anything 11 to do with any of the new religions, the mysteries-again: exactly like the Jews. Like 'The disciples were called Christians first at the Jews, they behaved and thought as a Antioch' (Acts 11,26). People are identified people apart, a people different from other by their names. Individuals are given men. But they were not Jews. They did not individual names. A group of people with undergo circumcision at their conversion, a strong group identity will usually be they did not observe the Jewish purity given a name, for easy identification. Very regulations concerning food, they did not often, the name which the group itself prefers, appear to observe the Sabbath, they did not is not the same as the name used by out­ attend the Synagogue service. And all the siders. In Antioch, Luke tells us, the disciples time they had this strange name on their were called Christians2-presumably by lips, 'The Anointed One', Ho Christos. So, outsiders.3 It was not a name they chose for what else could you call them, these strange themselves. And for good reason, for it was non-Jewish Jews, than 'those people of hardly meant as an honorary or positive the Anointed One', 'the Messianics', Hoi name. Calling someone a christianos was Christianoi. equal to saying that he belonged to the sect founded by Christos (the Anointed One) or Chrestos (the useful one)-both words were Ill pronounced the same way. Names with the ending-ianos were typical sect names. In My theme is Christian identity in the this case, the name to which the ending was Graeco-Roman world, and I could think of appended, may have been strange in itself. no better point of departure than the situ­ If Gentiles in Antioch took it to mean The ation in Antioch, when the disciples were Anointed One, they would not be familiar given the name Christians. And I think it with its meaning. Well informed Gentiles will prove fruitful to stay a little more in would have some vague knowledge that it Antioch, and make some points concerning had something to do with the national Christian identity with constant reference aspirations and hopes of the Jewish people, to that city.4 maybe they would even know that 'The Antioch was the third biggest city of the Anointed One' was the expected national Roman empire, and it was the old capital of a redeemer. As long as Jews in Antioch talked large empire older than the Roman. It was about this Anointed One, their Gentile founded in the forth century BC, shortly after surroundings would hardly take notice, and the death of Alexander, by one of his three ·hardly bother. What was special in Antioch, leading generals, Seleucus Nicator. He named was that an increasing number of Gentiles the city after his father Antiochus, and made began behaving strangely Jewish. And all it the capital of his empire, which extended the time these Gentiles were talking about from the shores of the Mediterranean and all The Anointed One, even more so than the the way the borders of India. It was a typically Jews themselves. These Gentiles were Hellenistic city, with a nucleus of six thousand Athenian immigrants in its population, the strange people. They behaved very Jewish, rest of which was mostly natives from the they were thinking very Jewish. First of all, region (Aramaic-speaking ~yrians), and a

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substantial Jewish colony.o Antioch soon willingly by the Romans, and they always flourished, and especially under Antiochus carried a grudge against the Jews and were IV Epiphanes it became a true metropolis, deeply suspicious of them. But they had to consciously hellenized, magnificently adorned, admit that it was an old and established known as the centre of culture, art, and pleasure tradition among the Jews that they could only in the East, arena of the Olympic games. It worship the God of Israel and nobody else, and was also under Epiphanes that the Jewish the Romans had a deep respect for traditions; question for the first time was put on the their own and those of other peoples. Nobody agenda in Antioch. Jewish resistance to could deny that the Jews were following the Epiphanes' programme of Hellenization did traditions of their forefathers when they be­ not make them popular, and when the story of haved in this peculiar way in all matters of Jewish resistance in Jerusalem became known religion and ritual. in Antioch, anti-Jewish riots broke out, the first such riots on record ever. When the In the diaspora outside the Land of Israel, Romans took control of the province of Syria Judaism was recognized as a religio licita, and Palestine in 64-63 BC, Antioch took on a legal religion. There were Jewish colonies new significance as the Roman stronghold in all the major cities all around the against the Parthian empire in the east. It Mediterranean, and in their conduct of their became a typically Graeco-Roman city, the religion and rituals, these Jewish colonies third biggest in the empire after Rome and were protected by the legal status of Judaism. Alexandria, and it provides us with an ex­ But they were not loved by their Gentile cellent and typical example of the religious, neighbours. They were under great pressure cultural, and political setting in which early Christianity had to define itself. towards assimilation and loss of Jewish identity. They were under great pressure to First of all, we see quite clearly that the minimize Jewish ritual observances, because identity of Christians had to do with their these kept them most apart and made social relationship to Judaism and the Jewish life with Gentiles difficult. In other words: people. As long as we are talking of the In the diaspora, Jewish identity was much community of Jewish believers in Jesus in more problematic, it was something you had Jerusalem, that might be considered self­ to be conscious about, and perhaps fight for. 6 explanatory. Of course the first believers in This was the case in Antioch, too. So, in Jesus had to define themselves vis a vis the Antioch we find the two religious and rest of the Jewish people, the great majority cultural elements that were always import­ who did not believe in Him. But I want to ant in Christian self-definition: the Jews emphasize that this relationship to Judaism and the Gentiles, the Jews and the Hellenistic and the Jews was not less important in a population. The Jewish believers in Jesus typically Graeco-Roman city like Antioch. hardly represented a problem to their Gentile Maybe one could reasonably argue that it neighbours. They were Jews, they were became more important there, than in allowed to behave J ewish-and probably Jerusalem. were expected to behave Jewish-with regard In Jerusalem, the Jewish identity of all Jews to official religion. It was otherwise with the was, in a certain sense, unproblematic. A Jew Gentile believers in Jesus. They, too, behaved in Palestine could belong to the party of the Jewish with regard to official religion. In Sadducees, the Pharisees, the Essenes, or the refusing to have anything to do with official disciples of Jesus; he could be a Zealot, or he religion or emperor worship they behaved could belong to no particular party at all. In Jewish, they claimed a Jewish privilege. But any case, his Jewish identity as such was not they were not Jews. They were the neither­ in question. He belonged to an old nation, nor-people. Early in the second century they recognized as such by the Roman authorities. were called 'the third people'. Not Jews, not He belonged to a nation with rather peculiar Gentiles, but the third people.7 This name, religious traditions, but even that was recog­ nized by the Romans, to the point that they as well as the name Christianoi, tells us that allowed the Jews not to take part in official Christian identity in the Graeco-Roman worship of the Roman gods and the genius of world was defined within the social, cultural, the Emperor. This special privilege, granted to and religious tension between Gentiles and the Jews and to nobody else, was not granted Jews. The relationship Jews/Gentiles so to

EuroJTh 2:2 • 123 • Oskar Skarsaune • speak provides us with a diagram within on with other pantheons of the eastern which we can describe Christian identity. To peoples. In Antioch this process was begun understand this better, we shall have to look before the Roman conquest, the Greek a little closer at the Gentile element in this Seleucids had identified the old Semitic gods diagram. of Syria with the Greek pantheon already, and this process of Hellenization was so IV complete by New Testament times, that only the Greek names of the deities of Antioch Let us look at Paganism in Antioch. Antioch survive in our sources, not the Semitic ones. was a metropolis, a true mega-city by the On top of this, the Roman identifications standards of those days, with maybe as were added, and the old cults of Syria could much as half a million inhabitants. 8 That parade as the official worship of the Roman means, in Antioch we find the typical plural­ gods, who were no longer local, but in a ism of all big cities, ancient or modem. In sense universal, at least as universal as the Antioch, as in Rome, Alexandria, Ephesus, empire itself. This was not a religion for the Carthage-the five biggest cities in the individual, private man; it was the official Roman empire, and also the five most worship carried out by the authorities. Its important centres of Christianity, after purpose was the wellbeing and peace and Jerusalem-we find three elements in Pagan prosperity of the empire. Its latest addition religion.9 brings this out most clearly: the worship of The first is what we could call the old the emperor's personal genius. native religion. This would be different from The third and newest element of Paganism city to city, from area to area, because the in a city like Antioch was what we nowadays gods of native religion were local. In Antioch would call the new religions. This new type the native religion would be very close to the of religion can be seen as a product of the religion of the Canaanites of the OT; it cultural and religious common-market means, e.g., that Baal was a major deity.10 established with the empire itself. When It was a religion concerned with fertility and people travelled from city to city, when people vitality, life energy, among men and beasts met with other people of quite different and on the fields; Baal was a dying and backgrounds in the big cities, something rising god, he died and rose with the barley happened to traditional, national religion. in the fields. It was a religion concerned People were forced to compare and to think with personified forces in nature, it was about their religion. They were forced to basically an animistic religion, concerned to raise the problem of universality: Is my appease the divine forces, good or evil. In religion just the religion of this locality, or other words, the core of traditional religion is it in any way the truth for all men? in Antioch was classic animism, as we still This resulted in two things. It resulted in find it at the core of popular religion all over a high degree of religious relativism and the world. syncretism. But it also had another and The second element was that which we apparently different result. Some became could call official religion, lying as a second convinced that their old local religion really layer above the old native worship. The was the truth for all men, and so they Romans were convinced that the welfare of loosened their old faith from its national their empire was directly dependent on the limitations and made it an offer to all men. goodwill and favour of the Roman gods, and In this way some national cults became their favourite technique for accommodating international and missionary; most of them other peoples' pantheons was to identify the had an eastern origin. We call them the Roman gods with those of other peoples. 11 mystery religions, because they had rites of Only the names differed, the gods were the initiation that were kept secret to outsiders. 12 same. This process had been carried out first It is interesting to observe that these with regard to the gods of Greece; in this religions of eastern origin were consciously case there existed officially recognised Hellenized, that is: westernized, before they identifications. But the same process went were presented to the Greek-Roman world.

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In A.D. Nock's words: 'For the ... expansion observations on the situation of Christians of cults from the Near East in Greece and in also. the West ... (they) were substantially trans­ As I have said, a high degree of mutual lated into Greek and remade with Greek tolerance prevailed within the Roman empire, elements into cults which retained an especially with regard to religion. Old Oriental flavour but were divorced from their national religions were accepted, and even original cultural and religious setting.'13 the missionary mystery religions were toler­ The mystery cults of Dionysios and Attis ated. But speaking of tolerance, we should came from Asia Minor, the mysteries of Isis stress the word mutual. There was, so to came from Egypt, and the mysteries of speak, an unwritten rule of the game: If you Mithras came from Persia. These mystery tolerate my gods, I will tolerate yours. And religions did not aspire to the position of new everyone respected this rule-except the state religion, they did hardly at all want to Jews and the Christians. The reason was become official religion-and the only one to simple. As one Jewish historian has put it: achieve a kind of semi-official standing was 'The Gods of Greece could easily compromise Mithraism, which for one period in the third with the God of Israel, but he could not century was popular in the army and with compromise with them.'14 some emperors. No, the mystery religions The problem with the Jews, seen from the were satisfied to form a new kind of religious Roman perspective, was that it proved quite society: the private religious society or club. impossible to get the Jews to pay any homage The peak of this movement was the 'New whatsoever to the Roman gods. To the Jews, Age' phenomenon of antiquity: Gnosticism. of course, that would have been idolatry It tried to make an amalgam of all the best plain and simple. And to worship the oriental wisdom, and presented it as new Emperor would be as bad if not worse, for wisdom in the West, old and new at the same that was worship of a human being as if he time. were God. So the Jews proved absolutely It goes without saying that this new stubborn on these points: No homage to the religiosity was a typical city phenomenon. Roman gods, no worship of the emperor. Very likely, the mystery cults satisfied the This was very hard to accept for the need of big-city people for new social net­ Romans. No other people made such diffi­ works. In the mystery cults, the individual culties. No other people had a God like the was taken seriously. Mystery religion very people of Israel, a God who tolerated no much centred on the salvation of the indi­ other god beside himself. Because of this, the vidual. And the mystery societies acted as Romans did not love the Jews, to put it fellowships of mutual help and assistance. mildly. In fact, there were many who did not At the same time, the mystery cults did like the Jews very much. The Jews were not bother about or interfere with the other popularly called atheists, meaning that they religious loyalties of the citizen. He could refused any participation in official religion. apply for membership in a mystery cult, and They were called haters of men, meaning at the same time perform the obligatory anti-social people, because their rules of rites of official religion. He could be initiated ritual purity did not allow much contact in more than one mystery religion; after with Gentiles. They could not eat together some time it became an ideal to be initiated with non-Jews, for example.15 in 'all mysteries'. Therefore the Romans Nevertheless, the Romans were realists could tolerate these new missionary religions, enough to understand that there was no way despite the fact that they regarded some of they could change or force the Jews to behave them with considerable suspicion. differently in these matters. And the Romans had respect for old traditions. They had to V recognize, although they may not have liked it, that the Jews were following the tradition We must now look at the other side of our of their ancestors when they refused to have religious diagram, the Jewish side. And it anything to do with any god beside the God may be fruitful to include at once some of Israel. Accordingly, the Roman authorities

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made an exception from the general rule: idolatry plain and simple, the very thing The Jews were allowed to abstain from wor­ most of the OT was directed against. The ship of the Roman gods and the emperor. Jews and the Christians took notice of the Part of the reason for this tolerance by the basically animistic character of the old Romans was probably their conviction that religions by claiming that the official gods Judaism was and would remain the national were not really gods at all, but deceptive religion of the Jewish people. And in this demons, evil spirits. Official religion was they were not mistaken. The problem came nothing else than worship of (evil) spirits!17 with Christianity, when it became clear that This was no learned theory of advanced Christianity was not destined to remain a theologians only. It was impressed on all Jewish religious group, but recruited more Christians minds, e.g. at their baptism. followers outside than inside Judaism. When a Gentile was baptised, he said two I have said that the mystery religions things. He confessed his faith in the Father, were old national eastern religions turned the Son, and the Holy Spirit in the form of universal and missionary. In this perspective, affirmative answers to the three questions of one can easily imagine the role into which faith-which developed into the three Christianity would be cast. Christianity articles of the creed. 18 But before the bap­ could be interpreted as Judaism turned into tismal candidate confessed his faith in this a universal mystery religion, the 'mystery positive way, he said the following formula: version' of Judaism. Probably this was I renounce thee, Satan, and all service of you how some saw it in antiquity. Certainly it and all your works.19 We still have basically has been seen this way by some modern the same sentence in our Norwegian bap­ scholars.16 And although I believe this tismal liturgy, and no-one any longer perspective is, on the whole, misleading, it knows exactly what it means. To the early certainly makes us see the identity problem Christians it had a very clear and drastic of early Christians clearly. meaning: I hereby declare that I shall no Mystery religions were very tolerant, longer visit the temples, no longer bring the never exclusive. If Christianity, as another sacrifices or burn incense to any image, no 'new' religion, was put in this category, longer consult the astrologers or fortune­ Christian refusal to take part in any other tellers, no longer have anything to do with religious worship must have been very the religious traditions of my ancestors. It is offensive. In this respect Christians did not all service to Satan, slavery under Satan. behave like the mystery people. They Now I am free from it, I quit all that, I break behaved like Jews. When, at the same time, with it. they did not present the national aspect of One can easily imagine how offensive this Judaism, but were consciously universalistic was with regard to family and old friends and missionary, they represented a unique who still were not Christians. And it brought challenge to their surroundings. The mystery the non-Jewish Christian into a legal no­ religions did present their adherents with man's land where he was unprotected by any an addition, a new dimension to their law. He behaved Jewish, but he was not a religious life. Confronted with Christianity, Jew. He was not protected by the legal you had to choose, you had to say no to status of Judaism. He was the follower of a everything else to be able to say yes to a new new religion, not a century-old tradition. He master and a new life. Let us look a little had no legal protection. closer at this Christian 'no!' to other faiths. I believe this explains quite exactly the legal standing of the great majority of early VI Christians-those of non-Jewish origin. It explains why the early Church was a per­ With regard to the old national religions, secuted Church and a martyr Church. If Christianity quite simply continued the Christianity had only had consequences rejection pronounced by the OT and Judaism. within the realm of private religion, there To worship Pagan gods by honouring their would have been few problems with the statues in the temples was regarded as authorities. There would have been severe

126 • EuroJTh 2:2 • Christian Identity In the Graec<>-Roman world • conflicts within the family and among friends, the second phase in the State's dealings with but not with the authorities. But Christianity the Church: That year he launched the first had consequences outside the realm of systematic and full-scale attempt to destroy private religion. Christians-just like the the Church through violent persecution. He Jews--refused to take part in official religion. succeeded in producing a great number of martyrs, but he did not succeed in destroying Therefore the Church had a constant conflict the Church. It lasted about 50 years until the going with the authorities. emperor Diocletian tried once more to wipe out It is interesting to see how this conflict between the Church once and for all. It was the most Church and state developed. For the first 200 terrible persecution ever, and in the Eastern years the state authorities tried, with mixed part of the empire it lasted 10 terrible years. success, to ignore the Christians as far as But it did not succeed. Historically speaking, possible. Roman policy was delineated by the it was probably too late. The Christians were emperor Trajan in a response to an official in too many and were so integrated into the Bithynia, Asia Minor, in 112 AD. society on all levels that it was practically You have taken the right line, my dear Pliny, impossible to destroy them without destroying in examining the cases of those denounced to the fabric of society.21 you as Christians, for no hard and fast rule And then, within less than ten years, came can be laid down, of universal application. the great shift which introduced the third They are not to be sought out; if they are phase, which in parts of Europe has lasted into informed against, and the charge is proved, our century: The Constantinian era. Emperor they are to be punished, with this reservation Constantine obviously understood that the -that if any one denies that he is a Christian, Church could not be beaten, it had successfully and actually proves it, that is by worshipping opposed the physical means of power which our gods, he shall be pardoned as a result of Diocletian had amassed against it. There is a his recantation, however suspect he may popular American saying, 'if you can't beat have been with respect to the past. Pamphlets 'em, join 'em.' Whether that was Constantine's published anonymously should carry no reason or not; it clearly was his policy. The weight in any charge whatsoever. They con­ only way to make the power of Rome and the stitute a very bad precedent, and are also out spiritual power of the Church coexist peacefully and without unbearable conflict, was to make of keeping with this age.2o 2 The meaning of the emperor is quite clear: Christianity the religion of the state. 2 Make as few martyrs as possible. Do not make I think that is a very interesting story. active investigation as to who are Christians. What was the force that drove this story Only when persons are denounced as forward; what was the secret behind the Christians by their neighbours should action be taken-but then due punishment must be Church's victory over one of the most power­ given. Refusal to worship our gods is the very ful empires the world has ever seen? I think mark of the Christian, and is a capital offence. one may put it quite simply: It was the This official policy was normally the one simple fact that the Christians refused to actually carried out. The early reports on take part in official religion. In the long run, martyrdoms confirm that the initiative to legal that left the state with only two alternatives: persecution did not come from the authorities, beat 'em or join 'em. Through this stubborn but from ordinary people: neighbours, relatives, refusal to participate in official religion, the slaves betraying their masters and vice versa. Christians conquered the empire. In the Part of the reason why the Romans would words of Peter Brown: 'They remained a avoid great numbers of martyrs, was that they small group: but they succeeded in becoming regarded Christian martyrs as good publicity 23 for the Church and bad publicity for the a big problem.' It did cost them a terrible authorities. They knew the truth of Tertullian's price: The blood ofthe martyrs. But through famous words: The blood of the martyrs is the it, they won. seed of the Church. But the problem was: With or without this publicity, the Church continued to grow. In the third century, Christians had VII become so numerous that one of the emperors, Decius, decided it was intolerable that so many With regard to the mystery religions, the people openly opposed the obligatory duties of situation was similar, and yet different. all loyal citizens. In 251 AD Decius introduced There was no obligation to take part in

EuroJTh 2:2 • 127 • Oskar Skarsaune • these, the Christians were not the only ones with exactly this option. It made Christianity who refused to have anything to do with unpopular, like Judaism, and for much the them. The greatest problem was the similar­ same reason. But more than that: It made ity between the mystery religions and Christians visible, it made them 'public', Christianity itself. Therefore, Christian because the Christian rejection of Pagan polemic at this point is not simply a take­ worship was not a private affair. It could over from Judaism, because the Jews did not make them martyrs. have this problem. The early Apologists, like Justin, see the problem and usually VIII follow the strategy of admitting a superficial similarity, especially with regard to the rites In the light of this-what about the early of the Christian sacraments, but attributing Christian sayings that seem to speak for these to demonic imitation. The demons tolerance and for the idea that Christ was knew in advance about Christ and the active also outside Biblical revelation, as the Christian sacraments, because they knew Logos Spermatikos? What do these sayings the Old Testament prophecies. Therefore tell about Christian identity? In our days, they produced poor parodies of these things some theologians advocating a more inclusive among the Gentiles, so that when the real approach have pointed to the Logos thing came, people would say: just another Spermatikos idea as an early Christian ver­ myth, just another mystery.24 sion of the idea that Christ is the hidden This sharp polemical attitude was reality also in non-Christian religion.26 itself part of the big difference between Let me state my thesis quite bluntly: The Christianity and the mysteries. The world author of the Logos Spermatikos idea, Saint of mystery religions would easily have Justin, did not think that Christ was the accommodated Christianity and made it hidden reality behind Pagan religions.27 Nor a member of the group, had not Christians did Clement of Alexandria, nor any other insisted that their faith excluded all other father of the early Church. Justin shared the forms of worship. common conviction among Christians that The biggest problem in this field was this hidden reality was not Christ, but the Gnosticism, because important groups demons. He also knew that this rejection of within this movement insisted on being the official religion was regarded as an outrage, true Christians. While the mystery religions and that it produced martyrdoms. Like some may have accused Christians of being Jewish apologists before him, he liked to narrow-minded because they would allow no make his Gentile audience aware of the fact alternatives, Gnosticism presented itself not that Christians were not the only ones who as an alternative but as Christianity itself. rejected official worship. There were some There are many aspects of this conflict with among their own greatest men who had done Gnosticism which there is no space to go into the same. One of them even became a martyr here; I will only draw attention to one feature. for it, like the Christians: Socrates. In one of For the most part, Gnosticism presented the big heroes of Greek culture, the greatest itself as the open-minded version of of philosophers, Socrates himself, J ustin Christianity. Which means: Gnostic finds an ally, a spokesman, and a spokesman Christianity was compatible with the neces­ for precisely that element in Christian faith sary participation in official religion, and which seemed most anti-cultural: the rejec­ also with membership in one or more of the tion of official religion. Pagan mysteries. By and large, Gnostics avoided being persecuted, and they seem to Those who were born before Christ ... were dragged into law courts as irreligious and have mocked Christian martyrdom as com­ meddling persons, when they tried in human pletely unnecessary. 25 narrowness to think out and prove things by So-to sum up: In a world of religious reason. Socrates, the most ardent of all in this pluralism, a world in which people intensely regard, was accused of the very crimes that are disliked to choose one alternative and exclude imputed to us. They claimed that he introduced all others, Christianity presented people new deities and rejected the state-sponsored

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gods. But what he did was to ostracize Homer anticipate and answer such a difficulty. We and the other poets, and to instruct men to have been taught that Christ was First­ expel the evil demons and those who per­ begotten of God, and we have indicated above petrated the deeds narrated by the poets;28 that He is the Logos of whom all mankind and to exhort men by meditation to learn more partakes. Those who lived by reason (or: about God who was unknown to them, saying: according to Logos) are 'Christians', even 'It is not an easy matter to find the Father and though they have been considered atheists: Creator of all things, nor, when He is found, such as, among the Greeks, Socrates, is it safe to announce him to all men.'29 Yet, Heraclitus, and others like them; and among our Christ did all this through His own power. the foreigners, Abraham, Ananias, Azarias, There was no one who believed so much in Mishael, Elijah, and many others ... (1. Apol. Socrates as to die for his teaching, but not only 46:1-3, transl. Falls). philosophers and scholars believed in Christ, I would suggest that Justin has christianized of whom even Socrates had a vague knowledge, ... but also workmen and men wholly un­ a Jewish idea: The Gentile person who all on educated, who all scorned glory, and fear, and his own repudiates Pagan religion is heading death (Justin, 2. Apology, 10 (transl. Falls)). in the right direction, he is an honorary 'Jew'---or, mutatis mutandis, a 'Christian'. Accordingly, it is not in non-Christian The model case is Socrates: He repudiated religion that Justin sees the Logos Athenian religion (idolatry, demon worship) Spermatikos at work, but in non-Christian 30 and exhorted the Athenians to seek the rejection of non-Christian religion. In Unknown God. Justin's case, it is precisely the most offensive, the most provocative aspect of Christian behaviour within a pluralistic society, IX namely the stubborn adherence to Christ alone, which is brought home and explained It is time to conclude. We have seen that the in a culturally meaningful way through his identity, or the self-definition, of early idea of the Logos Spermatikos. Christians was a complex phenomenon with To sum up: In Justin religion and philos­ many aspects. Instead of trying to sum up ophy are antagonistic entities. Philosophy is everything of relevance, I would like to end valued in so far as it destroys official religion, by highlighting one conclusion. and it is this destruction of non-Biblical Christianity was born in a religiously religion (idolatry) by Pagans which is pluralistic world, among pluralistically regarded as manifestations of Christ the minded people. In such a world, many things Sower, the Logos Spermatikos, by Justin.31 are tolerated. But one thing is difficult to Whence did Justin get his idea that Pagans tolerate: The message which claims to be who repudiated idolatry should be reckoned absolute truth for all men. The early Church as Christians? There is a Rabbinic saying, was under a constant pressure to dilute or transmitted in different contexts, which soften its claim to possess an absolute truth says: Anyone who repudiates idolatry, is to for all men. The best proof of this pressure be called 'a Jew'.32 Pagans who reject idolatry, are the many martyrdoms. Christians were are, so to speak, Jews honoris causa. The martyred for not being willing to respect the Rabbis could sometimes group Abraham, Roman gods and the divine status of the Ananias, Azarias, and Mishael (the three emperor. It was incompatible with their young men of Dan 3) together as model Christian faith. Their uncompromising martyrs or model proselytes, precisely attitude with regard to Pagan religion in because they all repudiated idolatry. In general probably made people in general exactly the same way Justin can group such dislike them to the extent of instigating mob people together as 'Christians': persecutions. On the other hand, it was this Christian unwillingness to compromise which Lest some should unreasonably assert ... that we affirm that Christ was born one made them such an insoluble problem to the hundred and fifty years ago . . . and should authorities. accuse us as if all men born before Christ were Early Christian ideas of Christ as the not accountable for their actions, we shall Logos Spermatikos in no way softens this

EuroJTh 2:2 • 129 • Oskar Skarsaune • uncomprom1smg stand. On the contrary, 1 In an opening address at a seminar in Chicago, they bolster it by pointing out that a few 2 and 3 May 1986, arranged by the Commission among the Pagans anticipated this uncom­ on Studies in the LWF. Quoted here according to promising rejection of Pagan religion. a xeroxed press release by the LWF. I have consciously emphasized the rough 2 The Greek construction (chrematisai . . . tous It mathetas christianous) is formally an accusative edge of this early Christian identity. with an (active) aorist infinitive, but the meaning should not surprise us. Let me repeat: We is clearly passive, as observed in all translations. are dealing with a Church suffering martyr­ 3 Gentiles, not Jews. The Jews believed in the doms. And yet-allow me to bring some Anointed One themselves, and called the warmth to the picture by ending with a Christians by the name ofNazarenes, to identify quote which not only keeps the rough edge, them with Jesus. The form of the adjective but also speaks of the love behind it. It is the christianos is a Latinism (christianus). Some nicest expression of Christian identity I can scholars take this as an indication that the name think of: was coined by the Roman authorities in Antioch, but this is by no means a compelling inference. The distinction between Christians and other Similar names were usual, as e.g. Herodianoi et men is neither in country nor language nor al. customs. For they do not dwell in cities in 4 For general information on the Antioch of anti­ some place of their own, nor do they use any quity, cp. G. Downey, A History of Antioch in strange variety of dialect, nor practise an Syria, Princeton 1961; J. H. W. G. Liebeschu.tz, extraordinary kind of life .... Yet while living Antioch. City and Imperial Administration in the in Greek and barbarian cities, according as later Roman Empire, Oxford 1972. Concerning each obtained his lot, and following the local Christianity in Antioch, consult A. J. Festugiere, customs, both in clothing and food and in the Antioche paienne et chretienne (Bibliotheque des rest of life, they show forth the wonderful and ecoles fran~aises d'Athenes et de Rome, 194), confeBBedly strange character of the constitution Paris 1959; D. S. Wallace-Hadrill, Christian of their own citizenship: Antioch, Cambridge (Cambr. Univ. Press) 1982; They dwell in their own fatherlands-but as and W. A Meeks, R. L. Wilken, Jews and sojourners; Christians at Antioch in the first four centuries they share all things as citizen&-and suffer of the Common Era (Society of Biblical Literature all things as strangers; Sources for Biblical Study Nr. 13), Missoula every foreign country is their fatherland-and 1978, 13-52. every fatherland is a foreign country; 5 On Jews in Antioch, cp. W. A. Meeks, R. L. they offer free hospitality-but guard their Wilken, op.cit., 2-13; and the older work by C. purity; H. Kraeling, 'The Jewish Community at Antioch', they pass their time upon the earth-but their JBL 51 (1932), 130--60. citizenship is in heaven; 6 Concerning Judaism in the Diaspora of the they obey the appointed law&-and they sur­ Graeco-Roman world, cp. V. Tcherikover, pass them in their own lives; Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews, paperback they love all men-and are persecuted by all ed. New York 1977 (orig. publ. 1959), part II, men; ... 269-277; and the older work of Jean Juster, Les they are put to death-and they gain life; Juifs dans l'empire romain, Paris 1914. they are poor-and make many rich; 7 On the concept of the third people-the oldest they lack all thing&-and have all things in occurrence is in Kerygma Petrou, fragm. 2a (apud abundance; Clem. Alex. Strom. VI:5:41) kp. esp. A. von they are dishonoured-and are glorified in Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung des their dishonour; Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten I they are spoken evil of-and are justified; (4.Aufl.), Leipzig 1924, 264-67; 281-89, with they are abused-and give blessing; copious references to the primary sources. they are insulted-and render honour. 8 That is, in 'greater Antioch', the entire territory When they do good-they are buffeted as of the city. According to Meeks/Wilken, op. cit., evildoers; 8 (referring to Liebeschu.tz), Antioch proper may when they are buffeted-they rejoice as men have had 150,000 inhabitants in the fourth cen­ who receive life. tury, whereas the whole territory of Antioch They are warred upon by the Jews as foreigners, probably had 400,000. Maybe the population was and are persecuted by the Greek&-but those already declining in the fourth century AD. who hate them cannot state the cause of their 9 On religion in the ancient cities, cp. in particular enmity (Epistle to Diognetus, IV). A. D. Nock, Conversion. The Old and New in

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Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine in several liturgical texts from Hippolytus (c. of Hippo, Oxford (paperb. ed.) 1961; R. L. Fox, 220 AD) onwards. Texts in English translation Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean in E. C. Whitaker, Documents of the Baptismal world from the second century AD to the con­ Liturgy (2. ed.), London 1970, 7ft'. version of Constantine (Penguin Books), 20 I have adopted here the translation in Henry Harmondsworth 1988, 27)261. Bettenson, Documents of the Christian Church 10 On traditional Paganism in Antioch, cp. (2. ed.), London 1963, 6. Wallace-Hadrill, op. cit., 14ft'. 21 On the theme of Church and state, persecution 11 Cp. R. M. Ogilvie, The Romans and their Gods, and martyrdom in the early Church, see first (paperb. ed.) London 1986 (orig. publ. 1969). and foremost William H. C. Frend, Martyrdom 12 To my mind, the best description of these 'new and Persecution in the Early Church, Oxford religions', the mystery cults, is still A. D. Nock's 1965 (reprint Grand Rapids 1981). in Conversion, chs. lli-IX (1961 paperb. ed., pp. 22 There are a great many books and articles on 33-155). For a convenient collection of primary Constantine and his religious policy-see for sources in translation, see M. W. Meyer (ed.), orientation A. H. M. Jones, Constantine and the The Ancient Mysteries: A Source Book, San Conversion ofEurope, Pelican Books, Harmonds­ Francisco 1987. worth 1972; and Heinrich Kraft (ed.), Konstantin 13 A. D. Nock, op. cit., 37. The analogies in modems der Grosse (Wege der Forschung 131), Darmstadt times are striking: First, the westernization of 1976. Hinduism into Neo-Hinduism around the turn of 23 P. Brown, The World of Late Antiquity from the last century; then, in our days the American­ Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad, London 1971, ization of eastern ideas in the cultural melting­ 65. pot of California. 24 E.g. 1. Apol. 33:3; 53f; 62:1; 64; 66:4; Dial. 70:1; 14 Victor Tcherikover in the book quoted in note 6. 78:6 et al. 15 On Gentile and Roman attitudes towards and 25 This is well brought out and well documented by perceptions of Jews, cp. i.a. I. Heinemann, 'The E. Pagels, The Gnostic Gospels, New York attitude of the Ancient World toward Judaism', (Vintage Books) 1981, eh. IV (pp. 84-122. Review of Religion 4 (1940), 385-400; J. G. 26 E.g. George Khodr in a paper read at the WCC Gager, The origins of Anti-Semitism. Attitudes central committee meeting at Addis Ababa in toward Judaism in Pagan and Christian Anti­ 1970: 'Christianity in a Pluralist World-the quity, New York/Oxford 1985, esp. pp. 35-112. Economy of the Holy Spirit'; later published in Gager makes a good case for the view that anti­ S. Samartha (ed.), Living Faiths and the Ecu­ Jewish feelings were not universal, and were menical Movement, Geneva 1971, 131-142. In balanced by much fascination and sympathy for this paper, Khodr claims Justin as one of the Jews, often by Pagans in high places. This was originators of the idea that 'Christ ... is asleep no doubt the case, but should not be generalized in the night of the religions' (p. 142). unduly. There is a full presentation of the sources 27 On Logos Spermatikos, cp. i.a. R. Holte, in M. Stern, Greek and Latin authors on Jews 'Logos Spermatikos. Christianity and Ancient and Judaism 1-11, Jerusalem 1974/80 (a third Philosophy according to St. Justin's Apologies', volume projected). Studia Theologica 12 (1958), 109--168; N. Pycke, 16 E.g. A. Loisy and H. Lietzmann, and instar 'Connaissance rationelle et connaissance de grAce omnium Odo Casei. For a critical and informed chez saint Justin', Ephemerides Theologicae discussion of this thesis, cp. the chapter 'Pagan Lovanienses 37, Louvain/Gembloux 1961, 52-85; and Christian Mysteries' in J. A. Jungmann, J. H. Waszink, 'Bemerkungen zu Justins Lehre The Early Liturgy, London 1960 (and later re­ vom Logos Spermatikos', MULLUS, Festschrift prints), 152-163. fUr Theodor Klauser ( = Jahrbuch f\ir Antike und 17 The early Christian sayings to this effect are Christentum, Erganzungsband 1), Munster legion, beginning with Justin. The same idea is 1964, 380-390; D. Bourgeois, La sagesse des certainly presupposed already by Paul in 1 Cor anciens dans le mystere du verbe: evangile et 10:20f, and indicated in the LXX and the Jewish philosophie chez saint Justin philosophe et martyr, Pseudepigrapha. Cp. a short review and discus­ Paris 1981. sion of the material in my The Proof from 28 This refers to Socrates' criticism of Homer and Prophecy: A Study in Justin Martyr's Proof-Text the other poets in Plato's dialogue Republic, X. Tradition (Suppl. to Novum Testamentum 56), 29 Socrates in Plato's dialogue Timaeus 28C. Leiden 1987, 368f. 30 It may come as a surprise to some that Justin 18 Cp. esp. J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds employs the concept of Logos Spermatikos only (3 ed.), London 1972, 40-49. twice, and both times in the Second Apology. The 19 This formula, with some variation in wording, is first occurrence, in 2. Apol. 8:2f, is in a passage first attested in Tertullian ea 200 AD, and then completely parallel to the one from 2. Apol. 10

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quoted above. The second, in 2. Apol. 13:3, has a testamentici Upsaliensis 21), Uppsala 1955, and very similar context: martyrdom and witness for my own remarks on the Logos Spermatikos the truth, fight against demons, being partially Christology in Skarsaune, Incarnation: Myth or accomplished by some of the philosophers. Fact? St. Louis 1991, 67-70. 31 The Christology behind this idea would seem to 32 Cp. Mekhilta de Rabbi Ishmael, tractate Pisha be the concept of Christ (=Logos) as the mediator V:40-43 (ed. Lauterbach pp. 26f); Bab. Talmud, ofcreation, especially the creation of man. As the tractate Megillah 13a; Sifre Deut, paragraph 28. creator, God has endowed man with a rational Cp. also the following: 'Idolatry is so heinous (Logos-like) capacity. The demons and the that he who rejects it is as though he admits the demonic are anti-rational, anti-Logos. Justin's whole Torah' (Bab. Talmud, Kiddushin 40a. For idea is not very far from Paul's in Rom. 1 and 2, some further comments on this theme, see and Paul's Areopagus speech in Acts 17. Cp. in my The Proof from Prophecy, 364-66; and particular B. Giirtner, The Areopagus Speech Incarnation: Myth or Fact?, 68f. and Natural Revelation (Acta Seminarii Neo-

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