A Persian Qurʾan?: The Masnavi-e Ma‛navi as Scripture

Matthew B. Lynch

A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Religious Studies (Islamic Studies) in the College of Arts and Sciences.

Chapel Hill 2018

Approved by:

Carl W. Ernst

Juliane Hammer

Omid Safi

Mohsen Kadivar

Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak

© 2018 Matthew B. Lynch ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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ABSTRACT

Matthew B. Lynch: A Persian Qurʾan?: The Masnavi-e Ma‛navi as Scripture (Under the direction of Carl W. Ernst)

This dissertation investigates the category of “scripture” as constructed within the field of religious studies generally and in Islamic studies particularly. I argue that narrow definitions of “scripture” as restricted to solely the Qurʾan within

Islamic traditions do not account for the diverse phenomena of scriptural production within Islamic and Islamicate polities, past and present. As a consequence, the field has re-instantiated a normative understanding of scripture within Islam, while subsuming other Islamic scriptural writings as of secondary value. Using the example of the Masnavi-e Ma‛navi—a 13th century epic poem from the Persian and Islamic traditions—I demonstrate how scriptural traditions have been formed and utilized by Muslim religious communities and how these scriptures in turn shape their communities.

In my argument, the Masnavi constructs itself as, and comes to be, an Islamic scripture: it has even been referred to as “the Qurʾan in Persian.” The Masnavi-e

Ma‛navi’s status as scripture stems from two aspects: its internal discourses about and related to scripture and its reception and usage as scripture. Within the work, it identifies itself as a scripture through internal discourses related to the Qurʾan and other Islamic traditions, such as hadith and Sufi folklore. This internal discourse is supported by claims to authority the Masnavi makes about itself—what I call its

iii “self-authentication” as scripture. In terms of reception and usage, the Masnavi becomes recognized and recognizable as scripture through the interactions between its progenitor, Jalal al-din Rumi, and the disciples (the nascent Mevlevi order, later called “whirling dervishes”) who formed the text’s immediate audience.

I argue that the adoption of the Masnavi within the teachings and rituals of the Mevlevis shows a community in formation around a text— a process that mirrors the formation of the early community of Muslims around and by the Qurʾan.

I show how the (re)production of the Masnavi and its ritual use were intertwined within broader the socio-cultural landscapes of Anatolia and the Mediterranean. The

Masnavi thus laid claim to Islamic scriptural authority within the intellectual, political, and spiritual environs of its epoch. As a consequence, scholarship on Islam,

Sufism, and religious studies must revisit the definition of “scripture” within these fields.

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For my father, Terry, the contrarian.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I take it as a given within this project that no work comes to be solely as result of a single person’s efforts. My dissertation is no exception. It would have been impossible for me to complete this project without the support of my family, friends, colleagues, and mentors. From the circle of poets with whom I first read

Rumi in translation to the dissertation committee who so generously responded to the dissertation in its final form, I want to express my sincerest gratitude. To name everyone who had a role to play would be impossible. For those unnamed here, I hope you will find your own stamp within these pages.

My main advisor, Carl W. Ernst, has been an inspiration to me and to a whole generation of scholars in Islamic studies. He carefully and kindly shepherded this project from its nascent stages to its current form, prodding me all the way to go further into the subject matter while constantly helping me to refine the theoretical framework I used in approaching the materials.

I also had the benefit, from an early stage in my Ph.D. research, to study under the wing of Omid Safi, whose knowledge of the history and themes discussed here is perhaps only surpassed by his appreciation of their beauty. His assistance in formulating and executing the final project has been a blessing to me.

As the project began to take shape, I had the good fortune to receive the input of Juliane Hammer, whose advice has made this project more relevant and applicable than I had ever imagined it could be. Mohsen Kadivar was also a huge

vi influence on my thinking and on my approach to these topics. He encouraged me to expand beyond the methods and resources of the American academy. His input greatly expanded my view of the audiences for my scholarship—and my responsibilities to those audiences. The final member of my committee, Ahmad

Karimi-Hakkak, kindly lent his wisdom and expertise to the project. I appreciate his insights into the import of this project. All of my committee members helped to deepen my own thinking about these topics and how to make the project more meaningful to others.

While at the University of North Carolina, I was also the beneficiary of the support of Randall Styers, who directed the Department of Religious Studies, and

Lauren Leve, the director of Graduate Studies for the department.. I also want to acknowledge the guidance of faculty within the department, including Jessica Boon,

Yaakov Ariel, Jodi Magness, Todd Ochoa, Barbara Ambros, Brandon Bayne, Andrea

Cooper, David Lambert, and Brendan Thornton. Additionally, Brett Whalen and

Jessica Wolfe were both instrumental to my scholarly development at UNC.

I have also had the benefit of a wide community of scholars in religious studies, history, literature, and languages during my Ph.D. research. I would like to thank especially Bruce B. Lawrence, miriam cooke, Ebrahim Moosa, Amir Hussain,

Elijah Reynolds, Cemil Aydin, Judith Ernst, Emran al-Badawi, and the faculty at

SWEESL and QASID. I am further indebted to Brian Catlos and Sharon Kinoshita, along with the members of the Mediterranean Seminar, for broadening my thinking and expanding the audience for my scholarship. I would also like to thank my

vii colleagues in the Religion Program at Bard College for their advice and encouragement during the final stages of this project.

This project is the outgrowth of both my undergraduate and Masters’ research, so I must acknowledge my mentors at Marlboro College and the University of Chicago. Amer Latif first inspired, encouraged, and cajoled me into taking Rumi and Sufism seriously as academic subjects. John Sheehy made me a better writer.

Neal Weiner transformed me into a critic—and I am still not mad at him for it. While at the University of Chicago, I studied under John Woods, who helped me to view

Sufism in terms of history and society. Michael Sells brought wisdom to all of our many discussions and I am forever grateful to him for his support and encouragement. To Saeed Gharehmani and Nazeer Lotfi-Fard, I owe my gratitude for helping me to learn Persian language and culture. And among Rumi scholars, I count my lucky stars to have worked with Franklin Lewis. I thank him greatly for his scholarship on Rumi, cited copiously here.

I have also benefited from many graduate student peers over the years. I want to thank especially Matthew Hotham and Travis Proctor, with whom I had the good fortune to study, teach, and research while at UNC. I would also like to thank my cohort, my sounding partners Vincent Gonzalez, Leif Tornquist, Mark Letteney, and Andrew Aghapour, as well as the Islamic studies crew of Ilyse Morgenstein

Fuerst, Kathy Foody, Tehseen Thaver, Rose Aslan, G. A. Lipton, Zahra Ayubi,

Brannon Ingram, Michael Muhammad Knight, Katherine Merriman, Patrick D’Silva,

Micah Hughes, and Brandon Gorman. I received further support and encouragement from Jill Peterfeso, Shannon Schorey, Brad Erickson, Bo Eberle, Torang Asadi,

viii Daanish Faruqi, Timothy Guttman, Rodrigo Adem, Richard Heffron, Laurens de

Rooij, Carl Shook, John Dechant, Saadia Yacoub, Zaid Adhami, Austin O’Malley,

Cameron Cross, J. Andrew Bush, Navid Gorgin, Sonia Hazard, Adrienne Krone, Sam

Kigar, Ali Kadivar, Ariela Marcus-Sells, Emilia Bachrach, and Hunter Bandy (amongst others!). For their ongoing support, thank you also Sean Swanick, Calvin Powell,

Greg Kubarych, Alison Niedbalski, Jason Roy, Daniel Rechtschaffen, Jessica Bergman,

Eric Gushee, Khadi King, Timothy Welsh, T.J. Kanczuzewski, David and Lisa McCorry,

James Rogers, Jason Hawk, Scott and Emily Williamson, and, of course, all of my family (the Smith’s, Mauro’s, Lynch’s, and Draper’s). Most of all, I thank Candace

Mixon for riding this ‘funny little highway’ with me.

Lastly, I would be remiss not to note that some of my great inspirations for this project passed during the time of its making. I benefited greatly from the teaching of Heshmat Moayyad, Farouk Mustafa, and Gary Gutting. The scholarship of

Shahab Ahmed, Jonathan Z. Smith, and Leonard Lewisohn also greatly improved the writing of this project. May our gratitude be shown by living up to the legacies that they left.

All errors and omissions contained herein, while certainly and entirely my own fault, can also be traced to that entropic force which at once inspires us to achieve—while promising our own subsuming. I am thus forever grateful to all of those who have left their best efforts to us as a gift in the face of it.

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NOTES ON TRANSLATIONS AND TRANSLITERATION

This dissertation draws on a number of primary and secondary source materials that originally appeared in Persian and/or Arabic. In my own renderings and translations of these materials, I have followed the IJMES (International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies) guidelines for transliteration. Names of key individuals appear in the text first in their full transliteration; in subsequent citations, I have often used a more simplified spelling to aid in readability.

Since secondary source materials in languages other than Persian and Arabic use a broad range of transliteration methodologies, I have generally left quotations from other authors in their original form. Thus “Masnavi” will appear on occasion as

“Mathnawi” in some quotations and citations. Likewise, the name of the poet “Rumi” may also appear as “Mawlana”, “Mowlana”, “Mevlana”, “Khodavandgar”, or “Jalal al- din Balkhi.” These all refer to the same historical person—though, as I explain within, the titles used may indicate different attitudes towards him.

In terms of translation, I have followed the standard translation of the

Masnavi by Reynold Nicholson. I have smoothed out his translation at points by removing parentheses within the quotations. Nicholson’s translation is generally accurate and literal; however, it does have a Victorian flavor that can render the quotations overly quaint. On some occasions, I have found it necessary to either translate the passages myself or to utilize Jawid Mojaddedi’s translation. The

x footnotes will reflect this usage. My translations utilize Sobhani’s critical edition of the Masnavi.

For the Qurʾan, I have used Yusuf Ali’s English version of the Arabic original, unless otherwise noted. Quotations from the Qurʾan found within the Masnavi reflect Nicholson’s or Mojaddedi’s rendering of those passages.

I have included the original Arabic and Persian terms in my analysis when necessary. In the footnotes, I abbreviate the Masnavi as “M x: y-z”, with “M” standing for Masnavi, “x” representing one of the six volumes of the text, and “y-z” representing the verses that are being quoted or cited. Similarly, Qurʾanic citation appears as “Q x: y-z.” I also abbreviate the Encyclopedia of Islam, Volume 2 as EI2, with the corresponding entry in quotations following thereafter.

The formatting and structure of the text, footnotes, appendix, and bibliography follow the standards of the University of North Carolina’s “Thesis and

Dissertation Guide.”

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION: “ON THE (IM)POSSIBILITY OF SCRIPTURE IN THE STUDY OF ISLAM AND SUFISM...... 1

Joseph, the Mirror, and God-talk ...... 1

The Masnavi as an Object of Analysis ...... 6

What is Scripture? (Revisited) ...... 12

Scripture and Canon, Scripture versus Canon...... 19

Sufi Scripture-making: Revelation and Prophecy in Sufi Writing and Practice ...... 22

Intertextuality and Scripture ...... 27

Structure of the Argument...... 29

CHAPTER ONE: “A SCRIPTURE FOR A NEW ERA: CONTEXTUALIZING THE PRODUCTION OF THE MASNAVI”...... 32

Contextualization in the Study of Islam...... 34

Contextualizing the Written Works of the Sufi Tradition...... 36

Intra-Sufi Negotiation: The Great Shaykh Debate ...... 39

Islamic Authority and Canonization in 13th Century Konya ...... 45

Madhab Authority During the Composition of the Masnavi ...... 47

The Masnavi as (Exemplary) Product of the Persianate ...... 55

The Masnavi as a Medieval Mediterranean Text ...... 61

Summary ...... 65

xii CHAPTER TWO: “DOING THINGS WITH (GOD’S) WORDS: SELF-AUTHENTICATION IN THE MASNAVI” ...... 66

Self-Authentication and Scripturalization ...... 66

Framework for Analysis ...... 68

Self-authentication and Performative Speech: Comparative Examples ... 70

Self-authentication and Performative Speech in the Qurʾan ...... 74

Ecstatic Utterances and Transgressive Words in Sufism ...... 79

Textual Analysis and the Masnavi ...... 84

The Question of Authorship within the Text ...... 90

Conclusions on Performative Language in the Masnavi ...... 96

CHAPTER THREE: “THE ESPOUSAL OF THE QURʾAN IN THE MASNAVI” ...... 97

Intertextuality and Scripture ...... 97

Intertextuality in the Qurʾan ...... 99

Stylistic Comparison of the Qurʾan and Masnavi ...... 104

The Qurʾan in the Masnavi: Citation, Translation and Allusion ...... 109

Qurʾan and Masnavi Overlaps in Indexical Scholarship...... 111

Stylistic Deployment of the Qurʾan in the Masnavi ...... 113

The Masnavi is the Qurʾan: Identification Beyond Explication ...... 118

CHAPTER FOUR: “AN UNBROKEN CHAIN: THE MASNAVI AND THE GENERATION OF MEVLEVI MEMORY” ...... 127

Taxonomy of Scripture in Relation to Masnavi Reception ...... 127

Approaches to the Study of Early Mevlevi History ...... 132

Sultan Valad and the Masnavi after Rumi’s Passing ...... 137

Sultan Valad’s Writing on the Masnavi ...... 141

xiii The Samaʿ and the Masnavi ...... 144

Seraj al-Din and the Role of the Masnavi-khwan ...... 148

Aflaki, Sepahsalar, and the Role of the Hagiographer in Scripturalization ...... 152

Reception and Institutional Scripturalization ...... 161

CONCLUSION ...... 165

Summary of the Key Arguments of the Project ...... 165

Out Here in the Field ...... 168

Days of Future Past ...... 171

The Final Word(s) ...... 175

APPENDICES: Data on Qurʾan Citation in the Masnavi ...... 176

A: Qurʾan Verses by Masnavi Volume ...... 178

B: Sura al-Bakara in the Masnavi ...... 179

C: Masnavi Citations by Sura ...... 180

D: Dataset of the Qurʾan in the Masnavi ...... 184

REFERENCES ...... 227

xiv INTRODUCTION: ON THE (IM)POSSIBILITY OF SCRIPTURE IN THE STUDY OF ISLAM AND SUFISM *** Alice laughed: "There's no use trying," she said; "one can't believe impossible things."

"I daresay you haven't had much practice," said the Queen. "When I was younger, I always did it for half an hour a day. Why, sometimes I've believed as many as six impossible things before breakfast."1 ***

It is well known that ʿAmr ibn ʿUthmān al-Makkī, seeing Hallaj writing something, said to

him: ‘What is this?’

‘This?’ said Hallaj, ‘I put it on a level with the Qurʾan.’ Then Makkī cursed him and blacklisted him.2 ***

In the opening volume of the Masnavi-e Ma‛navi, the text explains how it is customary, within a courtly setting, for Sufis to sit facing the king. The Sufis have this pride of place, “for they are a mirror for the soul, and better than a mirror.”3 In the Sufis’ polished heart, the king’s beauty may be reflected back to him. Thus “the beauteous face is in love with the mirror: it is a polisher of the soul and a kindler of the fear of God in

1 Lewis Carroll, Through the Looking Glass, 59.

2 A story attributed to Abū al-Qāsim al-Qushayrī, as quoted in Louis Massignon, The Passion of Hallaj, Vol. I, 114-115.

3 M I: 3156.

1 men’s hearts.”4 The latter part of this line utilizes a particular Qurʾanic phrase, taqwa al-

Qolub, to describe the function of Sufis as mirrors. Within its original context of Sura al-

Hajj, this “heart-piety”5 is a quality of those who “hold in honor the Symbols of Allah.”6

Thus, in a few short lines, the Masnavi ties the state of Sufis in front of kings to the

Qurʾanic context: their state is the precise one of “heart-piety” that the Qurʾan has

described.

The Masnavi continues this discussion of the mirror by further engaging with the

Qurʾanic imaginary by means of an invocation of the narrative of the ‘most beautiful of

stories,’ that of Joseph.7 In the Masnavi’s narrative, a friend of Joseph arrives and asks him to recount the tale of his captivity in the well and in prison—an experience Joseph likens to the waning period of the moon and to a seed that has been ground into the mill waiting to become bread. Following this exegesis of Joseph’s state within the familiar scriptural account of his life, told in the voice of no less a figure than Joseph himself, is followed by Joseph demanding a gift of his friend:

“Now, O so-and-so, what traveler’s gift hast thou brought for me?” To come empty handed to the door of friends is like going without wheat to the mill. God, exalted is He, will say to the people at the gathering (for Judgment), “Where is your present for the Day of Resurrection? Ye have come to Us and alone without provision, just in the same guise as We created you.

4 Ibid.

5 Leonard Lewisohn, “Taḳwā”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition.

6 Q 22: 32. (trans. Yusuf Ali, 829-830), Cf. Qurʾan va Masnavi, 119.

7 Cf. Annemarie Schimmel, “Yusuf in Mawlana Rumi’s Poetry,” in The Heritage of Sufism, Vol. II, 45-59. Schimmel sees the Masnavi’s deployment of the Joseph narrative, especially in his relationship to Zulaikha, as being metonymic for Rumi’s relationship with Shams al-Din Tabrizi.

2 Hark what have ye brought as an offering—a gift on homecoming for the Day when ye rise from the dead? Or had ye no hope of returning? Did the promise of (meeting Me) to-day seem vain to you?”8

Joseph likens his own request for a gift to that which God will demand on the Last Day,

invoking both the Islamic eschatological framework as well as citing, in a mix of Persian

and Arabic, the 94th verse of Sūra al-Anʻām.9 Joseph explains to his friend why he should refrain from eating and rest, despite his long journey, using further Qurʾanic allusions to convince him. After this somewhat terrifying request for a gift from no less a figure than

Joseph, his friend is at first ashamed. He asks, “How should I bring a grain of gold to the mine, or a drop of water to the sea of Oman?” Ultimately, however, the friend finally reveals what he has brought to Joseph:

“I deemed it fitting that I should bring to thee a mirror like the light of a pure breast, That thou mayst behold thy beauteous face therein, O thou who, like the sun, art the candle of heaven. I have brought thee a mirror, O light (of mine eyes), so that when thou seest thy face thou mayst think of me.”10

Just as the Sufi, in the previous story, had been a mirror for the king, in this story the mirror functions to reflect the beauty back to its recipient. At this point, the Masnavi slips out of the narrative voice, and begins to explain the symbols and metaphors it has just deployed. The text asks, “What is the mirror of Being?,” only then to provide the immediate answer: “non-being.”11 It commands that the hearer (or reader) of the story

“bring not-being as your gift, if you are not a fool.” It continues, in a homiletic dialogue

8 M I: 31-37.

9 Cf. Qurʾan va Masnavi, 119-120.

10 M I: 3197-3199.

11 M I: 3201.

3 with the audience, to explicate the role of the mirror, or the role of one opposite in

revealing another: “Because every contrary is certainly made evident by its contrary;

because honey is perceived to be sweet by contrast to vinegar.”12 It invokes the Qurʾanic

words of Iblis, or Satan, who saw himself as better than Adam, in order to show the limits

of perception and the need for assistance in order to see properly.

The Masnavi follows this account with the story of a scribe who wrote down the

Revelation during the time of the Prophet Muhammad. This scribe apparently became

confused by the Revelation’s rays hitting him alongside the Prophet, and became an

enemy of Islam. The Masnavi ‘quotes’ the Prophet, who calls the man an “obstinate

miscreant” for confusing his role with that of the Prophet’s.13 By extension, the Masnavi appears to be rebuking those who would claim a type of wisdom or role for themselves that they do not have.

However, this rebuke comes after the Masnavi has just cited the Qurʾan, retold and explained the story of Joseph and added a narrative of its own about him, and then quoted the Prophet. The Masnavi thus arbitrates between the position of the scribe, who claimed a certain knowledge, and that of the Qurʾan and the Prophet. It ultimately lands in favor of Muhammad and ‘the Religion’—ostensibly making this judgment from a position of authority above that of the scribe who had received revelation. The Prophet, the Qurʾan, and the narrator of the Masnavi all ‘speak’ in the same voice in regards to this scribe within the text.

The question that drives my study is this: how are we to understand a text that uses these methods? How is a text that speaks in the voice of Islam’s prophet, at times

12 M I: 3211.

13 M I: 3235.

4 quoting his words and at times seeming to make them up, meant to be understood? How

do we understand the function of the Qurʾan in a text that quotes or alludes to it in over

15 percent of its 26,000 verses? Although it may seem precisely counterintuitive, given

the repudiation of the scribe by both Muhammad and the Masnavi, it is my view that the

text is positioning itself, perhaps intentionally paradoxically, as a scripture in its own

right. Its exegetical function is clear: it tells the story of Joseph as a mirror for the

Qurʾanic story of Joseph, reflecting the features of that narrative back upon the previous

narratives. The Masnavi also, somehow, polishes that mirror, both refining and

enhancing its image; its stories add dimension and depth at the same time that they cite

and reflect upon their source.

This framework was the genesis for my consideration of the Masnavi as scripture.

In reading the explanation of the Sufis in front of the king, and then the figure of Joseph

and his mirror, along with the story of a scribe who mistakenly received revelation, I

began to view the text as operating at an authoritative level that could cite and invoke

the Qurʾan as well as embellish and expand upon it in its own unique ways. This, to me,

did not appear to be simply exegesis, but an attempt to establish a work with its own

claim to spiritual, and thus, scriptural, authority.

Of course, I was not nearly the first to make this observation. The famed quote,

often attributed to the fifteenth century poet Jami, crystallized a certain understanding of

both the text’s ‘author’, Mawlana Jalal al-din Rumi, and his most famed writing:

Mawlana’s Masnavi is the Qurʾan in the Persian tongue I am not saying he is a prophet, but he does have a book.14

14 ‘Abd al-Rahman Jami, Nafahat al-ons men hazarat al-qods. (cf. Lewis, Franklin. Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, p. 467-469). I address the problematic provenance of this quote later in the dissertation.

5 Even during Rumi’s own time, there is evidence that the text was used in ritual settings

alongside the Qurʾan as part of his emerging order’s praxis. The book’s self-descriptions

also betray just how important it should be considered: the first volume calls the Masnavi

“the roots of the roots of the roots of the Religion.” Yet to call the Masnavi a “scripture” challenges basic normative ideas of what is possible within Islam, given that the Qurʾan has long been understood as the last and perfect revelation of God. Further, to discuss the Masnavi as scripture requires revisiting the taxonomical underpinnings of the field of religious studies, and to (again) reconsider the definition of the term “scripture” itself.

***

The Masnavi as an Object of Analysis

In order to discuss how the Masnavi functions as a scripture, it is necessary to describe just what the book is, how it came to be, and how it has been understood. While authorship is a thorny issue, it is commonly accepted that the book was written by the great and knowledgeable mystic, Jalal al-din Rumi (1207-1273), in the second half of the thirteenth century (the seventh century of the hijra calendar). Rumi composed the work at the behest of his followers: according to traditional accounts, his disciples asked him to compose a Masnavi, at which point he pulled a piece of paper from his turban which contained its opening verses. These verses, “the song of the Reed,” have come to be among the most famous in all of the Persian language.

While there exists some small disagreements over precisely when the book was begun and completed, generally scholars place the production of its six volumes of

25,575 verses15 as having occurred between 1258 and 1273, or roughly the last decade

15 This is the number according to Sobhani’s critical edition that is based on the earliest known copy; Nicholson’s translation has 25,632 as he was using a different manuscript

6 and a half of Rumi’s life.16 The book’s title, Masnavi-e Ma‛navi, has been translated as “the spiritual couplets” and “the masnavi of hidden meanings.” The masnavi genre (or mathnawi in transliteration from Arabic)17 emerged as a popular verse form in the

Persian language in the 10th century. It consists of rhyming couplets of ten or eleven syllables within a specific meter. Works in this genre can vary in length; the Masnavi’s

25,575 verses makes it significantly longer than Attar’s most famous masnavi, the

Conference of the Birds, which is only about 4500 lines of verse. It is also much shorter than another famous epic of the genre, the Shahnameh (Book of Kings) of Firdausi, which is around 50,000 verses. By way of comparison, Dante’s entire Divine Comedy is about

14,000 lines in length.

The Masnavi has six discrete volumes, each introduced by a prose prologue in

Arabic. The volumes range in length, with the second volume the shortest at 3,721 lines and the sixth the longest at 4,929 lines. Despite this, the sixth book appears to have been cut off, mid-narrative—leading to an explanation by Sultan Valad (Rumi’s son) appended to the end.18 A 7th volume circulated for some time, though it has largely been rejected as

a spurious addition (with some notable exceptions).19

up until when he had reached the third book. Cf. “About the Masnavi,” http://www.dar- al-masnavi.org/about_masnavi.html; accessed December 12, 2018.

16 Franklin Lewis discusses some of these issues in his essay, “Towards a Chronology of the Divan-i Shams,” in Philosophy of Ecstasy, 145-176.

17 EI2, “Mathnawi.”

18 I return to this topic in the fourth chapter of this project.

19 Cf. Eliza Tasbihi, “Ismā‘īl Anqarawī’s Commentary on Book Seven of the Mathnawī: A Seventeenth-Century Ottoman Sufi Controversy,” 33.

7 In the years following Rumi’s passing, the Masnavi was widely republished and

distributed—perhaps exceeded only by the Qurʾan within areas of Persianate influence, including territories in the eastern Mediterranean, central Asia, and the Indian subcontinent. It also has a vast commentary history composed by the Mevlevi Order

(founded in Rumi’s memory) and other Sufi groups. There were masnavi-khane, or

“Masnavi houses,” to teach the work across Ottoman lands from Baghdad to the Balkans.

This allowed for the Persian text to be taught to popular audiences in local vernaculars like Turkish and Arabic. Additionally, Mevlevi tekkes featured recitations of the Masnavi for disciples of that order.

While much has been written about the Masnavi, in large part this has been done in the service of explicating its inner meanings. The poem’s didactic tone and its wide range of discourses and narrative traditions do necessitate some explication, especially as audiences become further distanced by time, space, and language from its original setting. In this way, commentary and exegesis of the Masnavi function in similar ways to exegesis of other scriptures. Yet unlike other scriptural traditions, much of the extant academic scholarship on the Masnavi has not emancipated itself from the truth-claims and worldview of its subject matter. Thus the text remains under-theorized, to an extant.

Further, most approaches to the Masnavi embrace and reinforce Rumi’s role as author, with the consequence that the text is a further demonstration of his status as “the most eminent Sufi poet who Persia has ever produced,”20 as E.G. Browne described him.

Rumi’s intended meaning becomes the primary mode of discussing the Masnavi. In this

way, it becomes possible to put the Masnavi together with other of Rumi’s writings in

20 Cf. Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 563. Browne goes on in the quote to state that the Masnavi “…deserves to be ranked amongst the greatest poems of all time.”

8 order to develop a system of thought or consistent ideology inflecting all of his

writings.21 This approach necessitates the decontextualizing of his writings—despite the

fact that this poetry probably spanned the length of several rather tumultuous decades.

It has a further function of placing the book and its value solely within Rumi’s purview

and lifetime—despite the wide-ranging influence it had subsequently. In my approach

here, I aim to demystify the text. I describe how it functions both internally and within its

contexts of both production and reception. This necessitates, in my view, extricating the

book from the intention of the author—while still being attentive to the author and his

audiences’ place and role within the contexts of the book’s production and reception.22 It has also necessitated, to some extent, excluding certain aspects of what I might call

“enchanted” scholarship from my analysis: since much of the scholarship about Rumi is produced by scholars with a strong affinity for his teachings, I have found it necessary to treat these with a grain of salt, and have relied on more ‘objective’ treatments in order to avoid the re-inscription of this enchantment and the further reification of Rumi.23

When discussing scriptural writing, it is also not uncommon to leave off the

question of human authorship and instead allow the text to speak for itself. For instance,

general usage when discussing the Qurʾan is to quote it by saying, “The Qurʾan says…”

21 For example, William Chittick’s Sufi Path of Love identifies a number of themes and categories within Rumi’s writings and then lists examples. These writings are from as disparate sources as his personal letters to his quatrains and ghazals to the Masnavi. 22 A recent attempt to explicate the inner meaning of the work, and Rumi’s intentions in creating that meaning, was undertaken by Safavi and Weightman in Rumi’s Mystical Design. I discuss their approach further in Chapter Three.

23 Franklin Lewis’ scholarship on Rumi, for example, remains largely objective, or at least descriptive, on questions of historicity and Rumi’s place within that history, and thus seems a more reliable source for discussing those matters than those who take as their starting point that Rumi is a saint whose wisdom transcends the ages. I discuss this issue further in the Conclusion.

9 rather than, for example, “Muhammad says in the Qurʾan…”. This is accepted usage for

other scriptural writings, and since, in my view, the Masnavi lays claim to certain types of

inspiration and authority, an approach that allows the text to speak on its own terms will

open up new means of analyzing those claims (rather than, for example, reducing it to

merely Rumi’s own poetic eccentricities).24 This method of approaching the text in terms of its own agency also connects with ongoing discussions within the study of religion about materiality, or how religious objects come to have their own agency amongst religious communities. The Masnavi, with its extensive manuscript history and pride of place of these manuscripts within Mevlevi and other settings, is a prime example of the power of the text-as-object.25

Since, in many ways, I see the Masnavi as acting in similar ways to the Qurʾan—as

an religious object as a scriptural text—I also explore the Masnavi’s relationship to the

Qurʾan. While some analyses see the Masnavi as a commentary on the Qurʾan, or an

exegetical treatment of the Qurʾan, in my view the relationship between these texts is

more complex. I build upon the approaches of recent scholars, including Nargess Virani

and Jawid Mojaddedi, who have explicated aspects of Rumi’s relationship to the Qurʾan in

24 Cf. Jawid Mojaddedi, “Rumi, Jalal al-Din: Rumi’s Teachings” in Encyclopedia Iranica: “In the fourth book of the Maṯnawi, he also states that the Sufi Bāyazid Besṭāmi (d. 261/874) received the same kind of divine communications as prophets, and that the Preserved Tablet (lawḥ-e maḥfuẓ) in heaven was the source of his knowledge. He explains in this context that Sufis may use different terms (e.g., waḥy-e del) for their divine communication in order to imply that theirs is inferior to that of the prophets, but this is just for the sake of hiding the truth from the non-mystic (az pay-e rupuš-e ʿāmma; Maṯnawi IV, v. 1854).”

25 My models for this approach to the text as a type of material object has been informed by Catherine Bell’s “Ritualization of Text, Textualization of Ritual,” as well as Cecily Hillsdale’s “Translatio and Objecthood: The Cultural Agendas of Two Greek Manuscripts at Saint-Denis.”

10 his writings.26 Both scholars rely on Rumi’s intent as the primary mode of analysis. In my view, the texts’ relationships with each other is not explained solely by authorial intent, but is also contingent on the books’ audiences. Much of the data that I utilize in my analysis was drawn from Persian-language scholarship of these two texts, largely in the form of concordances that offer little theorization about the two texts’ relationship.27

They do, however, offer insight into the technical process of quoting, translating, or alluding to the Arabic source material within the macaronic text of the Masnavi. What the function of that materials’ presence is left up to other theorists.

Within contemporary debates about scripture in Islam, there have been attempts to expand the experience of revelation beyond that of the Qurʾan and its messenger. For example, Abdulkarim Soroush discusses, in The Expansion of Prophetic Experience, how revelation is conditioned by context. This has the consequence that the Qurʾan as revealed is but one form of God’s message, but not necessarily its final or complete form, since human beings play a role in conditioning revelation.28 Soroush suggests, in his writings, that Rumi himself was a recipient of divine wisdom, and thus the Masnavi is the written result of that experience. The conditioning of revelation by context, and the ongoing nature of divine self-disclosure, has also been argued by feminist Muslim scholars. Aysha Hidayatullah, in Feminist Edges of the Qurʾan (and elsewhere) discusses

26 Cf. Virani’s “’I am the Nightingale of the Merciful’: Rumi’s Use of the Quran and Hadith” and Mojaddedi’s “Rumi.” Virani’s article examines themes and imagery Rumi borrows from the Qurʾan and how they are deployed, but unfortunately (for our purposes) focuses on the Divan. Mojaddedi’s approach is discussed further in Chapter Three. Both rely on Rumi’s authorship and intent as a given in this analysis.

27 Cf. Mirza’s Quran dar Masnavi, Khorramshahi and Mokhtari’s Qurʾan va Masnavi: Farhangvahre-ye ta’sir-e Ayat-e Qurʾan dar Ebyaht-e Masnavi, Kutanayi’s Quran va Masnavi-i ma`navi : ayat-i Masnavi.

28 Abdulkarim Soroush, Expansion of Prophetic Experience, 109-118.

11 how the new conditions of the modern age as necessitating a new understanding or approach to the Qurʾanic message.29 The possibility of ongoing divine self-disclosure is thus not limited to the Qurʾanic context, but could indeed be ongoing. Although they offer compelling evidence and hermeneutical methods, the approaches of Soroush and

Hidayatullah largely function within normative and activist spheres of Islamic studies scholarship, which is not necessarily my aim here. However, they do demonstrate that the potential for new scriptures, or at least new revelations, can pose a controversial challenge to the normative boundaries of Islamic practice—as well as its perhaps inadvertent echo within Islamic studies scholarship of those practices. In the next section, I discuss scripture as occurring within the realm of human activity, and seek to show how analyzing the Masnavi as functioning as a scripture within that realm can open up new viewpoints on the text and the fields in which it could and should be studied.

***

What is Scripture? (Revisited)

The contemporary field of religious study continuously uproots itself in order to grow the field beyond its theological origins. What is taken as a given during one period of scholarship becomes, in later scholarship, the precise point of critique. Categories that once were constructed on comparative grounds become problematized by the invocation of differing epistemic and historical frameworks. Basic terms like “ritual” and “myth” need to be revisited and reexamined as the given-ness of what these terms mean and entail is shown to lack universal application. Some terms come to mask more than they reveal in terms of their object of study. Even the top-level categories of the ‘major world religions’ face reconsideration, as they exist neither as entities with a separate existence

29 Cf. Aysha Hidayatullah, Feminist Edges of the Qurʾan, 80-82.

12 nor external from the practitioners who have shaped and continue to shape what the

religious tradition is thought to be.

Within this upheaval of given categories in the field of religious studies, it was

perhaps inevitable that the term “scripture” should come under special scrutiny.30

Coming out of the Latinate tradition, scripture refers, literally, to what is “written.”

Primarily, “scripture” came to designate the written Bible which contained the Old and

New Testament. Thus, the concept of scripture was laden with the authority of the textual in mediating religion, a legacy enshrined in the Reformation battle-cry, solo scriptura. Eventually, “scriptures” in other traditions were identified, and thus the term no longer referred primarily to the Jewish and Christian scriptural tradition. A hallmark example of this expansion can be found in Max Müller’s collection, Sacred Books of the

East.31 This collection, published from 1879-1910, included major scriptures of the

Hindu, Buddhist, Zoroastrian, Confucian and Islamic traditions. In the latter case, this only entailed the Edward Henry Palmer translation of the Qurʾan, published over two volumes in 1880. Other traditions admitted multiple entries into Müller’s collection, a demonstration of Jonathan Z. Smith’s famous adage: “Religion is solely the creation of the scholar’s study. It is created for the scholar’s analytic purposes by his imaginative acts of comparison and generalization.”32 Regardless, these examples conformed to the

30 William A. Graham, Beyond the Written Word: Oral Aspects of Scripture in the History of Religion, 2-3.

31 Carlo G. Cereti, “The Sacred Books of the East,” Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition, 2014, available at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/sacred-books-of-the-east (accessed on 27 October 2018).

32 Jonathan Z. Smith, Imagining Religion, xi.

13 definition of scripture as the sacred written textual materials of one confessional

tradition or another, a shift “from specific to generic.”33

Even a generic definition has its limits. William A. Graham discussed these limits in his examination into scripture, Beyond the Written Word. For Graham, “Scripture, not unlike religion, or ritual, or any other significant element of human life and society, proves finally ambiguous and elusive of simple definition or easy delineation.”34 Part of the reason for this is that what is often identified as scripture as synonymous with a written text was actually produced orally. The written aspect is secondary to its original production and reception. Additionally, for Graham, it is difficult to ascertain precisely what should be selected and counted as scripture:

A further difficulty in delimiting scripture is to distinguish the primary sacred text or texts of a religious tradition from others that are also sacred but secondarily so. Such distinction between a community’s preeminent scripture and the rest of its sacred texts is helpful in understanding many religious traditions, but others not at tall: in some cases, the panoply of texts revered is so great and the relative distinctions of authoirity and sacrality among them so unclear or unimportant that all have some legitimate claim to the title “scripture.”35

The decisions made by Müller in collating his collection may have set the framework for which of “the east’s” texts may count as “sacred,” yet these decisions may have been rather arbitrary, or even influenced by the normative practices of the people who these scholars had encountered.36 In this way, the definition of scripture for Islam became singular: echoing the normative Sunni perspective on the Qurʾan’s eminence while ignoring other sacred works that held prominence within the Islamic tradition.

33 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, What is Scripture? A Comparative Approach, 6.

34 Graham, Beyond the Written Word, 3.

35 Ibid., 3-4.

36 Cf. Kendall W. Folkert, “The ‘Canons’ of ‘Scripture’”, in Rethinking Scripture, 171-172.

14 In another acclaimed work in the field, What is Scripture?, Wilfred Cantwell Smith

devotes the entire manuscript to both problematizing and answering the titular

question. Smith’s approach is comparative and historical. He demonstrates that the

concept of “scripture” has a resonance across linguistic and confessional traditions,

though what is called “scripture” is often not written, but oral/aural traditions.37 He cites certain Vedas and the Zoroastrian Avesta as examples of the latter; and he further points to the Qurʾan’s linguistic root as “recitation” rather than writing as an example of scriptural orality. Rather than argue for a single definition of scripture, Smith demonstrates that it is a multifaceted phenomenon that both is a product of human activity as well as an agent in producing humans in certain ways:

Fundamental, we suggest, to a new understanding of scripture is the recognition that no text is a scripture in itself and as such. People—a given community—make a text into scripture, or keep it scripture: by treating it a certain way. I suggest: scripture is a human activity.38

In this way, humans participate in both the production and definition of scripture: it is not a given, neither as a category nor as a religious phenomenon.

In relation to Islam, this recognition of scripture as human activity necessitates an expansion beyond the categorization of the Qurʾan as the sole sacred text. One scholar,

Peter Awn, suggests that scripture within Islam can be treated more expansively:

Historians of religion often equate scripture in Islam solely with the Qurʾan. But if scripture is understood to include those texts for which a claim of divine inspiration is made by the Muslim community, other bodies of Islamic religious literature must be included.39

37 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, What is Scripture?, 7.

38 Ibid., 18.

39 Peter Awn, “Classical Sufi Approaches to Scripture” in Mysticism and Sacred Scripture, ed. Steven Katz, 141.

15 He further argues that in addition to the Qurʾan both hadith and the Shariah should be included within the category of Islamic scripture. He uses this re-categorization to then examine how Sufis interpret Islamic scriptures, missing, in my view, the opportunity to further examine how Sufis actually reconstitute Islamic scriptures of their own. Whether it be in reference to Sufi manuals like the Kashf al-mahjub or Sufi epics like the

Conference of the Birds, the definition of Sufis as exegetes of the existing Islamic scriptural tradition, while valid on many levels, overlooks the power of Sufi textual production to achieve scriptural status on its own. Since most, if not all, scriptures function in reference to some pre-existing scriptural tradition, why constrain the definition of Islamic scripture to the Qurʾan, or the Qurʾan, hadith, and Shariah? Why not expand our definition to include works that make those “claims of divine inspiration” and, especially, those that are then held up—even if it be by subsets of the community— as scriptures in their own right? Given Awn’s description of the hadith and Shariah as part of the scriptural tradition of Islam—to say nothing of the Qurʾan’s own inclusion of

“heavenly books” like the Zabur and Torah—why constrain further this definition of

Islamic scripture, when human activity shows something much more expansive?

Fundamentally, the constraint is discursive: it has been produced in reference to the claims to authority of both scholars and practitioners of Islam. According to Vincent

L. Wimbush, there is a fundamental question of power underneath our definitions of scriptures:

But it is important that it be recognized that what is basically always at stake is power as knowledge, knowledge as power; that is, the phenomena of scriptures have to do with claims or assumptions about the dynamics, translation, or performativity of power as knowledge. The scriptural is always necessarily about

16 the political, and the political in all phases and aspects of modernity is still about (various forms or) the scriptural.40

Scriptures are texts that perform power as knowledge and are thus political. In the

current study, this dynamic is clearly present in the narrative of the Sufi in front of the

king: the Masnavi, as with other Mevlevi writings like the Manaqeb al-Arifin, shows no

shyness with laying claim to power within the political sphere. The Masnavi further

demonstrates its authority within that sphere with the unique claims to knowledge that

it makes, utilizing (as I demonstrate in this dissertation) performative language

alongside allegories in order to communicate its status vis a vis power and knowledge. In

these ways, the Masnavi further conforms to a definition of scripture within the

discursive environment of Islam specifically and textual materials more broadly.

To return to the role of the scholar, it is also true that Wimbush’s expansion of

what is at stake for the scholar of scriptures is designed to enfold the scholar, self-

reflexively, as one of the “children of Gutenberg.”41 While previous approaches may have been attendant merely to the text-as-scripture, ultimately the written portions of scriptures are the synecdochic manifestation of the complex contexts from which they emerge. The actual scripture is, for Wimbush, something much vaster: “The point is that scriptures should always be understood as a larger complex phenomenon that is embedded within, and is also a product of and projection and sign of, society and culture.”42 Wimbush thus argues that the study of scripture should not be de-historicized

or depoliticized, nor treated with the reverence of a devotee, as “neither befits the

40 Vincent L. Wimbush, “Introduction” in Scripturalizing the Human: The Written as the Political, 10.

41 Ibid., 10.

42 Ibid., 11.

17 complexity of the phenomenon.”43 Despite his ambivalence to the devotees, it is worth noting that much of what is recognizable as scripture comes precisely as the result of the operations of devotees. To contextualize scripture necessitates their input and participation, as well as that of the text, to some extent. One need not agree or parrot the ultimate claims of the believers in order to acknowledge the power (be it political or spiritual) the believers gained through the deployment of scripture. These, in fact, form an intrinsic part of scripturalization. As I will show in the example of the Masnavi, it was the presence of the book that emboldened the followers of Rumi in establishing their own order, differentiating themselves from the culture in which they were embedded.

The book’s agency in its own scripturalization is often overlooked in theorizations about scripture. According to Wilfred Cantwell Smith’s ‘new’ definition, “The word

“scripture” has come to designate a text of special status, but a status that is now conferred upon it by men and women, not by God and the universe.” In my view, the

Masnavi certainly was conferred with a special status by men and women, yet those men and women took their cues from the text itself. The Masnavi demonstrates, throughout its six volumes, an awareness of the discourse about scripture as being the divine word and inserts itself into that discourse through a variety of methods. These methods include direct or explicit appeals to people’s recognition of it as scripture, as well as through other forms of self-authentication. Among these are the text’s usage of a divine narrative voice as well as the text’s copious quotation and reiteration of the Qurʾan.

Scripture, then, will be shown in the case of the Masnavi to be at once a socially situated text, a text that self-authenticates, and a text that is recognized and ritualized within a community of religious practitioners.

43 Ibid., 12.

18 ***

Scripture and Canon, Scripture versus Canon

A parallel, and at times overlapping, phenomena to the emergence and definition of scripture can be found in the formation of canon. Some have even offered “canon” as a substitute for “scripture” within discussions of these, as “scripture” is too laden with its

Protestant model to be useful analytically. For example, Kendall W. Folkert suggests:

…the Protestant view of the Bible is significantly restricted to only certain dimensions of the phenomenon represented by the several names applied to it; but the inapplicability of some of the names is not recognized by scholars. Hence, although many terms are in use, the terms are actually subservient to an a priori notion of scripture on the Protestant model.44

Folkert proposes using “canon” in its place to better designate the phenomena of

scripture, refining it into two categories (Canon 1 and Canon 2) that reflect actual usage

rather than the “Protestant model.”45 Yet “canon” carries with it its own history and complications that are left unacknowledged in Folkert’s approach. The term is not restrictive to confessional formats: there exists a Western canon, for example, as well as literary canons from any number of linguistic traditions.

It is as “canon,” in fact, that we most often see Islamic literary texts classified.

This is a recognition of the fame and import of these books within the tradition, while not elevating them to the status of the Qurʾan. Canon functions to classify a work as an important cultural product of a given context, while obfuscating how it may have been embedded in the ritual and broader religious life of the area in which it was produced. In the case of the Masnavi, it can be claimed as part of the Sufi, Islamic/Islamicate, and

Persian/Persianate canons.

44 Folkert, 172.

45 Ibid., 172-173.

19 Jonathan A. C. Brown has written extensively on the canonization of the hadith

traditions during the time of Nizam al-Mulk. As Brown notes, prior to the early medieval

period, a variety of hadith collections were in circulation and were used by legal scholars.

While some of these surely had more authority than others, the canonization of two

specific hadith collections was a result of a Seljuk political program: Nizam al-Mulk

developed this program to train scholars in madrassas as part of his mediation amongst

the Maliki and Hanafi madhabs in order to inculcate “Sunni communalism.”46 Canon, like

scripture, was thus embedded in the negotiation of power and knowledge in the

establishment of al-Bukhari and Muslim as the authoritative hadith collections. However,

following Awn’s argument, hadith also function as scripture for Muslims prior to the

interventions of Nizam al-Mulk: the scripture of the hadith actually became restricted by

its formalization into canon.

This restriction, or delimitation, explains why I argue that the Masnavi is not

merely a part of an Islamic canon, but is, in fact, a scripture in its own right. Canon

delimits at the same time that it authorizes: what the text’s ultimate claims are about

itself become subordinated within the broader category that includes texts that do not

make similar claims or do not function similarly for their respective religious

communities. There is a distinct set of claims made by the Masnavi, as well as a pattern of

usage in ritual practice, that demonstrates its attempt to be understood as not merely

another in a line of ‘secret writings,’ but in fact, “the roots of the roots of the roots of the

Religion.”47

46 Jonathan A.C. Brown, The Canonization of al-Bukhari and Muslim: The Formation and Function of the Sunni Hadith Canon, 4.

47 MI: Preface, 3.

20 The process of canonization and scripturalization do overlap. They both necessitate the participation of an audience, for example. As Brown describes it:

Canonization involves a community’s act of authorizing specific books in order to meet certain needs. It entails the transformation of texts, through use, study, and appreciation, from nondescript tomes to powerful symbols of divine, legal or artistic authority for a particular audience. 48

As I have shown above, the community is also an active participant in scripturalization.

Indeed, following Smith and Neuwirth,49 it appears that the scripture ‘makes’ the community. Reception, in this way, works hand in hand with community production.

Though the Masnavi could hardly be described as a “nondescript tome,” it follows a similar process of recognition and usage to the hadith collections. The context of use was surely different, though the time period and regions are not disparate. Instead, the context of the hadith collections’ usage and the Masnavi’s reception and deployment is indicative of another dynamic within medieval Muslim society: that is, the presence of unique and competing discourses around authority in Islam typified by the khanaqah and madrassa, by the Sufi and the jurist.

There appears to be little controversy in identifying the Masnavi as a participant in the Islamic canon—so long as that usage of canon refers to texts that have been important to Muslims and have been authorized as canonical by Muslims. However, in order to include it in the Islamic scriptural canon—not merely literary canon—some issues of normativity and authority emerge. Scriptural canons are generally more restrictive creatures, as, especially in the case of the New Testament, they have been bound up with the hierarchical structures of authority which then enforced their

48 Brown, The Canonization of al-Bukhari and Muslim, 6.

49 Cf. Neuwirth, Scripture, Poetry and the Making of a Community, 23-25 and 184-187.

21 boundaries upon their constituents. When the definition of scriptures expanded to

include the ‘Sacred Books of the East,’ scholars inevitably looked for such authorizing

structures and, consequently, echoed their claims. In a similar vein, as Kecia Ali has

observed, “Modern Islam is a profoundly Protestant tradition.”50 Hence, the Islamic scriptural canon was largely delimited to the Qurʾan, with the hadith forming a secondary scriptural text. Works like the Masnavi, or even Hafez’s Divan, have been relegated to tertiary status: not scriptures, per se, but canonical Islamic literary works. In my argument, such a relegation not only reflects certain normative Islamic claims about the status of the Qurʾan as the scripture par excellence, it also neglects the claims the

Masnavi makes about itself, its status as a palimpsest and exegesis of the Qurʾan, and its reception and use within the community of Mevlevi believers that it helped produce.

Thus, I insist that the Masnavi is a scripture, and not merely canon, through the stipulative definitions I have offered here. In the following section, I will describe how

Sufis authorized forms of scriptural discourse, especially in terms of divine eruption, sainthood and ongoing revelation.

***

Sufi Scripture-making: Revelation and Prophecy in Sufi Writing and Practice

The historiography around Sufis can at times be a confounding and self- contradicting enterprise. Sufis are portrayed as the transgressors of the Islamic tradition and its most sincere adherents. They exist at the liminal boundaries of Islamic spiritual life, yet permeate all forms of Islamic thought and practice. They are antinomian, while also central organizing societal figures. This often incoherent portrayal of Sufis resembles, in some ways, internal Sufi discourse: they have the humility of a dervish,

50 Kecia Ali, The Lives of Muhammad, 239.

22 with the eminence of the ‘Pole of the Age.’ Some Sufis, like al-Hallaj and Ayn al-Qadat,

were sacrificed on society’s altar; others became the ‘mirrors for kings’ described

previously.

The multiple societal and political responses to Sufis and their teachings, in which

Sufis were either incorporated into the power structures (under the Seljuks) or were

express opponents of certain authorities, can be seen in the composition of the

community of followers of Jalal al-din Rumi and their internal discourse. Rumi’s father

was famous for purportedly telling one ruler, “You are a sultan and I am a sultan”—and

that ruler’s inability to recognize Baha al-din’s status proved his downfall at the hands of

the Mongols.51 Yet Baha al-din had arrived in Konya ostensibly at the invitation of the

Seljuk authorities there, who apparently did recognize his eminence in some way.

Whatever their relationship to external political authorities, amongst Sufis, the

establishment and recognition of religious authority was no mean pursuit. This authority

has been frequently discussed in terms of “awliya,” a word that has been

(problematically) translated as “saints” but in fact encompasses a different set of

associations than its Christian corollary.52 This can be explained through its various senses in Arabic, as Vincent Cornell discusses in The Realm of the Saint. The term “wali” can refer to a “friend” of God, but the term is also closely related to acting as an authority

51 Manaqeb al-Arifin, 12-13. Baha al-din addressed the Khwarazmshah, the most powerful person in his vicinity at the time, further explaining: “They call you Sultan of the Commanders and they call me Sultan of the Religious Scholars, and you are my disciple.”

52 Cf. Carl Ernst, Sufism, 58-60. Ernst contrasts the intrinsic quality implied by “sainthood” with the relational quality contained in the Qurʾanic/Arabic sense of the term “wali.”

23 or intermediary: in this case, on behalf of God.53 Shia Muslims use this term to describe

ʿAlī ibn Abu Talib, and it appears in the Qurʾan as well.54 Sufis, as is their wont, further

expounded upon the ‘Friends of God’ discourse, positing that there are hierarchical levels

to this friendship. The highest status is reserved for the qutb, or “pole” who, as

Annemarie Schimmel describes it, “rests in perfect tranquility, grounded in God—that is

why all the “minor stars” revolve around him.”55 Sufis might claim or compete for

recognition of their status as the qutb, along with using other terminology to describe

their spiritual status.

The community of followers that grew around Jalal al-din Rumi in 13th century

Anatolia was no stranger to this “Friends of God” discourse and the discussion of the

qutb. This is discussed extensively in Jawid Mojaddedi’s Beyond Dogma. According to

Mojaddedi, Rumi frequently invokes the “awliya” in conjunction with the prophets:

Rumi usually mentions God’s Prophets and His Friends together as a pair of categories (anbiya wa-awliya) so as to distinguish them from other people, next to whom they are compared with “the heart in relation to the body.” Rumi makes the particular analogy work by stating that our hearts make any journey before our limbs do, and that Prophets and God’s Friends travel to the spiritual world, then come back to urge us to follow them there and to abandon this temporary ruin.56

Mojaddedi further observes that the anbiya and awliya pairing can be linked as either the

Friends succeeding the Prophets or as associates during the Prophets’ lifetime. He cites a

passage in the Masnavi that is particularly instructive in this regard, as it ‘quotes’ from

53 Vincent Cornell, The Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism, 3-10.

54 Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, 199-200. Schimmel cites Sura 10:63: “Verily, the friends of God, no fear is upon them nor are they sad.” 55 Ibid., 200. Schimmel further quotes from M2: 3325: “He who does not know the true sheikh—i.e., the Perfect Man and qutb of his time—is a kafir, an infidel.”

56 Jawid Mojaddedi, Beyond Dogma, 30-31.

24 Muhammad in order to show that Muhammad saw some of his own contemporaries

sharing in his “essence” and “aspiration”:

Remove then your own attributes to view Such a pure essence which belongs to you! Within your heart you’ll find the Prophet’s knowledge Without a book or teachers at a college. The Prophet said, “There are some in my nation Who share my essence and my aspiration; Their souls are viewing me by that same light With which I also keep them in my sight.”57

Despite the fact that the Masnavi tells its reader such knowledge can be found “without a book or teachers at a college,” it should be noted that this message is being imparted by a book within a teaching environment. In this way, the Masnavi mediates the very form of spiritual inquiry it is describing and further confirms its own authority on these matters for Rumi’s community.

In addition to the community’s incorporation of textual materials that include Sufi discourses about the friends of God and the pole of the age, the community also reflected their attitude towards their figurehead through his titles. Though largely known to contemporary audiences, especially in English, as “Rumi,” Jalal al-din Balkhi was also known as “Mawlana,” meaning “our teacher” or “master,” and another epithet,

“Khodavandgar.”58 This last term contains the Persian word for God, “khoda,” and has been translated as “Lordship” or “Lord,” drawing a parallel with medieval and monarchical titulature. However, the term appears to be a bit more loaded: according to

Dehkhoda, the title means something along the line of “divinized man,” synonymous with

57 Mojaddedi, 32, quoting his own translation of M1: 3474-3477. 58 Franklin Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 9-10.

25 “khaleq,” which itself means “fashioner of the world.”59 While it may be tempting to see this as typical Sufi boasting or exaggeration of the status of the teacher, it corresponds to a certain outlook elsewhere expressed in the Masnavi that understands God’s presence within the production of that book.

The perspective on Rumi’s spiritual eminence and connection to the divine, latent in the Friends of God discourse and evident in his disciples’ attitude towards him, was famously encapsulated in an adage attributed to Jami:

Mawlana’s Masnavi is the Qurʾan in the Persian tongue I am not saying he is a prophet, but he does have a book.60

Clearly, this is a case of the poet ‘protesting too much’: if the book is the Qurʾan (albeit in

Persian), then its messenger surely has some claim to similar status. The Friends of God discourse, found elsewhere in the Masnavi and other writings, authorizes this perspective on the Masnavi as a divinely sourced book. Put simply, the Masnavi understands itself as divinely revealed scripture, as I discuss in chapter two of this work.

Yet the notion of revelation is particularly thorny within Islam: how can anyone claim revelation (wahy)61 after the Prophet’s death, given that Muhammad is often

59 “Khodavandgar,” and “Khaleq”, Dehkhoda. The entry also describes the former term as being used in application to later Ottoman sultants, perhaps fashioning themselves after Rumi’s own authoritative claims. The term certainly could use more examination and theorization.

60 ‘Abd al-Rahman Jami, Nafahat al-ons men hazarat al-qods. (cf. Lewis, Franklin. Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, p. 467-469). The quotation, apparently, cannot be found within Jami’s writings. It has been attributed to Shaykh Bahai, as well. Its origins can be found in an attribution from India in the17th century, but cannot be found in any extant version of Jami’s writing prior to that.

61 “Wahy,” Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. II.

26 understood as the last Messenger?62 The Friends of God and qutb discourses offer a way of understanding God’s ongoing dialogue with the world, but revelation itself still demands some accounting. If, according to one theologically-oriented definition, scripture is “God’s words” written down by humans, then how does the Masnavi manage the question of revelation? It is clear from Sufi writings that the moment of revelation for

Muhammad is of huge import. Laying claim to the same or similar type of experience, however, pushes past a simple exegesis of that prophetic experience. In this way, the

Masnavi must negotiate the normative boundary of wahy while asserting its own supremacy in religious matters. In the following section, I will frame how the Masnavi’s usage of intertextuality contributes to its claims to spiritual—and thus scriptural— authority.

***

Intertextuality and Scripture

The Qurʾan is clearly a text that relies throughout on self-definition through intertextuality. Whether in reference to the “Kitab” traditions of Jewish and Christian scriptural writings, or the subtler intertextual relationship with pre-Islamic, Arabic odes,63 the Qurʾan clearly relies on the audience’s awareness of other books. It alludes to

62 Cf. Abdolkarim Soroush, The Expansion of Prophetic Experience for an extended discussion of this issue. Soroush famously argues that mystics can actually expand past what the prophets do in their missions. He is quoted as writing: “Hence, mystics’ experiences are complementary to and an expansion of the Prophet’s religious experience.” (306)

63 Cf. Neuwirth, Scripture, Poetry, and the Making of Community, 28. In analyzing the ‘early Meccan suras’, Neuwirth argues: “The instances of poetic intertextuality should not be ignored in these suras: not only do the early images of paradise display a reversed image of the atlal (deserted encampments), a common image found in the qasida, but the exemplification of divine justice through God’s destruction of the umam khaliya, the bygone communities, should be understood as a response to and an inversion of the pre- Islamic poet’s lament about the ruinous state of his familiar landscape.”

27 known stories, to various communities who received God’s message previously,

affectively establishing its own authority to interpret and arbitrate what had occurred

prior to its arrival. The conception of the Qurʾan as a composite text of existing Christian

and Jewish scriptural writings circulating within 7th century Arabia has largely been abandoned,64 but the Qurʾan’s relationship to existing scriptural writing is clearly part of

its own self-image (to borrow Daniel A. Madigan’s framing).65

The Qurʾan clearly is its own entity separate from the previous scriptural messages other prophets had received, whether they be “Kitab” or otherwise. It differentiates itself while at the same time invoking these other scriptures. This creative

“intertextuality,” in my view, provides a type of model for the Masnavi’s own intertextuality with the Qurʾan. The Masnavi affirms the Qurʾanic message: by my count, over 15 percent of the epic references or alludes to specific verses from the Qurʾan. Yet in so doing, the Masnavi also displays similar ‘supersessionist’ tendencies as the Qurʾan, as I argue further in the third chapter. How is it that we understand the Qurʾan’s statements about itself as a type of “self-scripturalization” yet still claim that the Masnavi, which makes plenty of its own bold claims, is merely Qurʾanic exegesis?

Wilfred Cantwell Smith, cited above, sees the Qurʾan as the endpoint of the scriptural tradition that emerged from the ‘Near East’ over the previous two millennia.66

That limit point was certainly a generous expansion from the view on scripture that

64 Cf. Neal Robinson, Discovering the Qurʾan, 56-57, and Ernst, How to Read the Qurʾan, 30-32.

65 Daniel A. Madigan, The Qurʾan’s Self-Image. Madigan extensively examines the Qurʾan’s deployment of the word “kitab” alongside other Qurʾanic references to existing/known scriptures, such as the Gospels and the Torah.

66 Smith, “Scripture as Form and Concept,” 31-32, cited also in Madigan (above) 22.

28 would have it end with the Gospels, yet it sets a certain limit on discussing how scripture

would have been understood amongst communities in the succeeding time after the

Qurʾan’s reception and codification. In my view, it is more productive to look at the

scripturalization process rather than specific products in order to understand the

phenomenon. As Miriam Levering argues:

Such an approach reflects a conviction that however the “scripturality” of scripture may originate in a community, what characterizes its scripturality for persons and communities is that the words or texts in question are understood to play special roles in religious life. Being able to play these special roles, scriptures come to be read and used differently from other texts. They remain scriptural as long as they are found to sustain those different ways of being read and used (which I will call modes of reception) in the context of religious life.67

Ultimately, these texts’ claims about themselves form only a portion of what makes them scriptures. They necessitate a community of followers to continue their use within ritual and other religious settings, as I demonstrate in chapter 4. Using the model of how these texts work internally as well as how they are received externally, I come to the conclusion that the Masnavi must be considered a scripture.

*** Structure of the Argument

In order to demonstrate how the Masnavi is a work of scripture, I have developed a strategy involving contextualization, textual analysis for performance and intertextuality, and reception within and production of religious community. Following

Miriam Levering, who observed that “...‘scripture’ is a relational term,” 68 I demonstrate the relationship the text has to elements of the context that produces it. The first chapter

67 Levering, “Scripture and Its Reception: A Buddhist Case,” in Rethinking Scripture, 59.

68 Ibid, 2. Levering further observes: “That is, it refers to kinds of relationships people enter into with these texts. It seems helpful to propose that scriptures are a special class of true and powerful words, as class formed by the ways in which these particular words are received by persons and communities in their common life.”

29 highlights various aspects of the medieval, Muslim, mystical, and Mediterranean context in which the Masnavi emerged. Among these, I identify how the Masnavi emerges during a period that some see as either the end or near the end of the “Islamic Golden Age” of high caliphal culture in Baghdad. The “Golden Age” paradigm, I argue, ignores the contributions medieval Muslims made in rearticulating and invigorating the received tradition. Along with that, the paradigm betrays a bias against Persian-language and

Persianate Islam, of which the Masnavi is among the most important cultural artifacts. I further situate the Masnavi within medieval and Mediterranean negotiations of religious identity, and show how Rumi and his followers navigated the shifting power centers that were the consequence of the transition of Seljuk rule to Ilkhanid vassalship in Konya.

Ultimately, I argue that the Masnavi is part of an emergent Sufi, Sunni, and Persian canon; one in which it articulates itself as the pinnacle text.

The second chapter examines precisely how the Masnavi articulates its own status. I analyze aspects of the work in terms of performative language; that is, how the text does things with words (following J.L. Austin). I argue that the Masnavi’s statements about itself follow a familiar scriptural trope of self-authentication. It does this in dialogue with its immediate audience and context, as discussed in the first chapter, as well as in dialogue with its scriptural interlocutors: the Qurʾan, hadith, and other Sufi writings. The third chapter examines the Qurʾan as its most important scriptural interlocutor, using a discussion of intertextuality in order to demonstrate the poly-form ways the Qurʾan influences the Masnavi. Ultimately, the Masnavi establishes its own authority in relation to and by means of the Qurʾanic model, in combination with its own self-authenticating claims and performative language.

30 In the fourth chapter, I return to the scriptural approach of Levering and Bell,69 who offer a modality of considering the production of scripture in relation to its audience. In the case of the Masnavi, that early audience was largely the group of followers who came to be known as the Mevlevi order in the years following Jalal al-din

Rumi’s death. In this chapter, I demonstrate how the Masnavi was implanted into ritual settings, how it was understood within hagiographical writings, and how it influenced the growth and spread of the Mevlevis within the competitive Sufi and Islamic religio- political climate of 13th and 14th century Konya.

Ultimately, I argue that the Masnavi was produced and received as a work of scriptural writing, encapsulating in its six volumes the religious attitudes and discourses of its period while also transforming those circumstances by its presence. The text’s success as scripture relied on its performative and self-authorizing statements, as well as its dynamic integration and redeployment of Qurʾanic quotations, themes, and imagery. I argue that the literary designation that the Masnavi achieved in European and American academic and popular circles is not indicative of the way the text was used and understood across a wide swath of the Islamicate world. The appellation of the text as

‘the Qurʾan in Persian’ is thus not merely indicative of the presence of the Qurʾan within its pages, but rather aptly describes the function that the book played within the Mevlevi and other religious communities—a function that was a direct product of the book’s discourses about the Islamic and Sufi traditions it inherited, as well as its own statements about itself and how it should be understood.

69 Cf. Catherine Bell, “Ritualization of Text and Textualization of Ritual in the Codification of Taoist Liturgy,” History of Religions, Vol. 27, No. 4 (May, 1988), pp. 366-392.

31

CHAPTER ONE: A SCRIPTURE FOR A NEW ERA: CONTEXTUALIZING THE PRODUCTION OF THE MASNAVI

*** Or are you thinking that when you recite the discourse of the Masnavi that you are hearing it free of charge? Or that words of wisdom and the hidden secret may enter your ears and mouth easily? It enters, but like tales and fables, it reveals the rind, not the kernel containing the seeds. Just as a heart-seizing beloved has concealed her face from your eyes by drawing a veil over her head and face. Because of your insolent pride, the books of fables and stories such as the Shah- Nameh or Khalilah have become like the Qurʾan to you.70

*** The conditions that give rise to a scripture can only be observed after the fact.

While the book is being produced and utilized within a religious community, its

importance is still being negotiated. The factors impacting the text’s use and popularity

would be largely invisible during the time of their production, as people either cannot

observe, or tend to take as given, the contours of their own environment. When studying

the context of scriptural production, scholars necessarily do so at some remove. As a

consequence, the factors that they identify as key within the context they examine may in

large part be driven by the concerns of their own—whether they are aware of it or not.

When attempting to reconstruct how a particular book or person came to be influential,

the remove of the scholar from the lived conditions, if not the entire epistemological

framework, from that of the subject matter, necessitates what de Certeau describes as a

70 M IV: 3459-63. Nicholson comments on this passage that “though he [Rumi] speaks on the Qurʾan, no one can miss the implication or doubt that his words are aimed just as much at critics of the Masnavi.” Cf. Nicholson, Commentary.

32 combination of “science” and “fiction.” He writes: “This combination may be what

constitutes the essence of the historical: a return of the past in the present discourse.”71

In order to contextualize the Masnavi and demonstrate its emergence as a scripture, then, inevitably requires isolating factors of contemporary scholarly interest for examining the past. Inevitably, the factors identified herein will inform as much about the scholar’s contemporary interests and the legibility of those interests as it may about the ‘real’ presence of these factors within the material examined.

Certain facts about the Masnavi must be taken as given, or actual facts, in order for any reasonable examination to proceed. It is a 13th century text, consisting of six volumes

of rhyming couplets written largely in Persian with some Arabic. Its first volume was

composed shortly after the Abbasid caliphate centered in Baghdad fell to the Mongols in

1258, and the whole text was completed prior to Rumi’s death in 1273.72 Its initial

audience was the community of followers that had aggregated around Rumi in Konya in

central Anatolia. These simple facts are not considered debatable in regards to the

Masnavi. Yet the account of how it came to be regarded as one of the most important

works of the Islamicate and Persianate traditions, however, is much more complex. As

will be examined in later chapters, the text plays its own role in conferring upon itself

importance. Its success at doing so is largely clear from the traditions that flow in its

wake. The factors that were in place that allowed the Masnavi to emerge as the new

scripture, have largely been left unexamined, despite the fact that, at least from the

distance of the present, such factors seem integral to the text’s scripturalization.

71 Michel de Certeau, Heterologies: Discourse on the Other, 214. Cf. Elizabeth A. Clark, History, Theory, Text, 119-122.

72 Cf. Lewis, “Towards a Chronology of the Poems in the Divan-i Shams,” in Philosophy of Ecstasy, 152-153.

33 In this chapter, I will isolate some of the key circumstances of the Masnavi’s

context in order to show how these allowed for this new scriptural text to be born and

thrive. I argue that the Masnavi’s scripturalization can be (partially) explained by

situating the Masnavi within the broader trends of Sufi production, Islamic authority and canonization, Persianate culture, and medieval Mediterranean confessional hybridity.

The text navigates these broader historical trends and responds in dynamic ways, rearticulating multiple traditions within a new paradigmatic—and material—scripture.

The text becomes a transformative agent within the world during and following its production, but that does not entail it was somehow transcends or is not a product of its circumstances. In the following section, I will discuss how circumstances of textual production have been analyzed within the study of Islam previously, in order to apply a similar methodology to the Masnavi and its contents.

***

Contextualization in the Study of Islam: The Qurʾanic Event as a Model

Scholars of Islam have long been interested in the connections between the production of scripture and the creation of community. Their focus, however, has largely been on the production and reception of the Qurʾan within the formative stages of Islam.

Wilfred Cantwell Smith, for example, argued that the relationship between scripture and community was a distinctive element of Islam: “Other communities have produced sacred books, as we know; in the Islamic case, it was the sacred book, rather, that produced the community.” In his argument, the Qurʾan produces the community of religious adherents that come to be known as Muslims. According to Smith, “the Qurʾan is to Muslims what Christ is to Christians,” and thus Muslims are a group that, “from the

34 beginning to now, has coalesced around the Qurʾan.”73 While that coalescence surely

takes different forms amongst different groups of Muslims across history, the centrality

of the Qurʾan for Muslims makes it—for Smith, at least—the preeminent example of

scripturalization within Near Eastern traditions. The stage is thus set, in many ways, by

the Qurʾan, for a book’s power amongst and in reference to Muslim adherents—though

Smith’s analysis focuses on the Quran as the exemplary culmination of scripture.

In a similar vein, Angelika Neuwirth has described the Qurʾan’s role in shaping the

early Muslim community. In Scripture, Poetry, and the Making of Community, Neuwirth

writes:

It is obvious, then, that the message of the Qurʾan was being shaped at the very same time that the Muslim community was becoming defined; indeed, it was instrumental in building the community. The Qurʾanic communication process thus resulted in two substantial achievements: the emergence of a scripture and the establishment of a community.74

The Qurʾan, for Neuwirth, should not be understood as merely a production of its time and space; it is also intimately related to the production of the community in which it was received. The Qurʾan’s response to its own context, that is, of the events transpiring while it was being recited, has long been a topic of exegetical interest, as contemporaneous events are thought to explain otherwise difficult sections. Within the traditions of Islamic scholarship, the reasons and conditions of revelation of the Qurʾan, asbab al-nuzul, classifies the Qurʾanic event in precise circumstances.75 While these conditions were not recorded and memorized in the same manner as the Qurʾan—like

73 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, What is Scripture? A Comparative Approach, 46-47.

74 Angelika Neuwirth, Scripture, Poetry, and the Making of a Community, xxiv-xxv.

75 “Asbab al nuzul,” EI. Cf. Andrew Rippin, “The Function of ‘Asbab al-nuzul’ in Qurʾanic Exegesis,” 1-20.

35 hadith, these traditions were recorded well after the Qurʾan’s recension—they do indicate that, even traditionally, the Qurʾan was seen as responding to the circumstances in which it appeared and transforming those circumstances.76 The scriptural paradigm set by the Qurʾan (and confirmed, or at least understood, in relation to asbab al-nuzul) thus describes a circumstance wherein scripture is both a product of its context as well as an agent within it.

The question remains: could other texts within the Islamic tradition have similar origins and affects for their readership, or is the Qurʾan the only such work that both responds to its environs while shaping them for Muslims? In the following sections, I demonstrate how the Masnavi responds to the particular circumstances of its production. I will argue in later chapters that it also transforms those circumstances through its self-authentication, deployment of the Qurʾan, and in its reception and performance. In my view, many of the methods used to study the origins and effects of the Qurʾan can and should be applied to the scripturalization of the Masnavi and its effects on the early Mevlevi community. In order to demonstrate this, the present chapter will establish the factors within the Masnavi’s context that I have determined were integral to its becoming a new scripture. First amongst these is the Sufi literary tradition.

*** Contextualizing the Written Works of the Sufi Tradition

One of the hallmarks of a successful work of writing is its ability to transcend the time and space in which it was produced. Works that have ‘lasting value’ are often those that seem to rise above their own circumstances, speaking to audiences far removed from those settings. This is one of the hallmarks of canon. When it comes to the

76 Cf. Neal Robinson, Discovering the Qurʾan, 35-44.

36 masterpieces of the Sufi tradition, these transcendent qualities are often all that remain:

scant independent historical information about major Sufi figures exist outside of their

own writings. Since their works are seen to speak trans-temporally, the context of

textual production tends to receive less attention than the literary and spiritual qualities

of Sufi works. This tendency occurs in both the public reception of Sufi works, as well as

in scholarship about the same. As an example, in describing the Masnavi, the translator

Reynold Nicholson asked, “Where else shall we find such a panorama of universal

existence unrolling itself through Time into Eternity?”77 The transcendent qualities tend

to overwhelm, an interest in the circumstances of textual production.

As Omid Safi argues, the lack of interest among some scholars in historical context

has been mirrored by the historian’s inattention to Sufi texts. “Most historians,” he

observes, “have neglected to fully integrate the role of Sufis into their construction of the

social landscape of premodern Islam.”78 This unfortunate disposition in Islamic studies continues despite the importance Sufis played (and continue to play) in the negotiation of Muslim identity and practice. The situation has been challenged, somewhat, by recent scholars who have drawn the attention of the field back to marginalized discourses from the medieval period.79 Shahab Ahmed, in his posthumously-published What is Islam,

diagnoses the situation in the following terms:

It would be a symptom of analytical good health were modern scholars of Islam reflexively to conceive of historical societies of Muslims as discursive fora in

77 R.A. Nicholson, “Introduction,” The Mathnawi of Jalalu’ddin Rumi: Vol. V and Vol. VI, ix. The quote appears in the context of Nicholson confirming his observation from the first volume, that Rumi is “the greatest mystical poet of any age.”

78 Omid Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam, 125.

79 In addition to Safi and Ahmed cited here, see also Sufism and Society: Arrangements of the mystical in the Muslim World, ed. John J. Curry and Eric Ohlander.

37 which, at the center of life, the epistemological authority of the law is continuingly “contested” and negotiated by the epistemologies of Sufism and philosophy in the thinking and consciousness of Muslims.80

Sufis, for Ahmed, are part of the contestation of epistemological authority—though that was certainly not the only form of authority that they contested. Within the Anatolian context, the importance of Sufis in the negotiation of Muslim life was very clearly a central and crucial part of the discursive fabric of Islam. Their importance was inscribed in the landscape through Sufi lodges and shrines patronized by first Seljuk and later

Ilkhanid and Ottoman authorities.81

Rumi’s own family arrived in Konya as a result of this patronage, with his father landing a preaching position in Konya (reportedly) at the invitation of the Seljuk sultan

Alā ad-Dīn Kayqubād. While they came from further afield, it was not atypical at the time for ruling parties to solicit the services of Sufi teachers. Sufis and their teachings formed integral parts of Islamic discourse and the construction of society within 13th century

Anatolia. According to Ahmet Ocak:

It would not be too much of an exaggeration to say that Sufism, which we have shown to have been entirely brought from outside into medieval Turkey with the migrations at the beginning of the thirteenth century, included nearly all the Muslim groups in that period and alone represented Islam. In other words, Islam in Anatolia meant Sufism.82

The conclusion, that ‘Islam meant Sufism,’ may seem foreign to modern and/or

monolithic conceptions of Islam; yet that does not entail that this description should be

rejected by scholars looking at the period. Rather, taking this notion seriously might

bridge the gap between ‘science’ and ‘fiction’, and instead lead to types of historical

80 Shahab Ahmed, What is Islam?, 97.

81 Ethel Sara Wolper, Cities and Saints, 10-13.

82 Ocak, Sufis and Sufism in Ottoman Society, xix.

38 description that would be recognizable to the subjects that we study, as Omid Safi has

advocated.83

The Masnavi, like any other cultural artifact, can be studied as a product of its

circumstances. The text brings together existing Sufi/Islamic teachings and responds

dynamically to the situation in which it is being produced. That this situation was largely

arbitrated by Sufi discourses within shifting external power structures only helps further

illustrate how important the Masnavi’s claims to ultimate authority—and its usage as a

scriptural authority—would have been. Yet the Masnavi must also be understood not as

an individual anomaly: it too participated in the competitiveness of Sufi authority within

the Anatolian milieu.

***

Intra-Sufi Negotiation: The Great Shaykh Debate

In describing the state of Sufis in Anatolia during the late Seljuk period, Ahmet

Karamustafa notes that its “main features…were fluidity and untidiness.”84 The Sufis of

Anatolia were faced with a changing political landscape in which they competed for

patronage and spiritual authority amongst urban and rural populations with a variety of

linguistic, ethnic, and religious backgrounds. Thus, Sufi negotiation of identity inevitably

involved competition. While some scholars have made the argument that certain Sufi

schools held sway over most of the main figures of the period, it was more likely that

these figures sought to distinguish themselves while laying claim to the mantle of some

83 Safi, “Bargaining with Baraka,” 280-281: “Even if pre-modern Sufis would not have said ‘Amen’ to everything we have to say about them, at least they deserve the opportunity to be able to recognize themselves as the subjects of the conversation,” 280- 281.

84 Ahmet Karamustafa, “Origins of Anatolian Sufism,” in Sufism and Sufis in Ottoman Society, ed. A.Y. Ocak (Ankara, 2005), 92.

39 prior authorities.85 Shaykhs who would claim to have ultimate knowledge, or to being the ‘pole of the age,’ competed for recognition of their status. The Masnavi describes the

‘pole of the age’ in its second volume:

Now as the grandeur of the Prophet has become established, None feels envy of him, since he is accepted by all the Faithful; Therefore in every epoch after Muhammad a saint [wali] arises: The probation of the people lasts until the Resurrection. Whosoever has a good disposition is saved; whosoever is of frail heart is broken. That saint, then, is the living Imam who arises in every age, Whether he be a descendant of ‘Umar or ‘Ali.86

The Masnavi goes on to describe this person as both Mahdi and Hadi, as Light and

Reason, with classes of saints in layers of light and veils beneath that ‘Imam’s’ light.

Clearly, the Masnavi indicates a hierarchy even within the realms of the saints, the

awliya, also known as ‘God’s friends.’87

One means by which saints/friends were able to demonstrate mastery over the

spiritual realm was to produce Sufi poems and treatises. These would, apparently, confer

upon their author(s) higher status within the competitive spiritual environment. The

status was not solely the result of poetic composition: it can also be traced to these Sufi

masters’ claims, within the poetry, to having achieved higher states, such as experiencing

85 Ibid, 70-73. Karamustafa deconstructs the arguments of Köprülü’s Turk Edebiyatinda Ilk Mutasavviflar, and presents a more complex picture of the dispersal of Sufism into Anatolia.

86 M II: 814-817. The passage segues into the description of this saint from a discussion about envy, indicating that Prophets are mediating figures. It concludes with a discussion of individual hearts in comparison to the ‘the heart of the man of heart, which is the original source.’ It breaks off so that the vulgar will not lead the poetic voice into error.

87 Cf. Mojaddedi, Beyond Dogma, 28-62, for a discussion of the discourse around the friends of God relative to prophecy.

40 the unity of God. As Resul Ay observes, these were the more important purposes of

poetry for some of the contemporaries of Rumi:

Adopting themes in their poetry intended to show that they had experienced the mystery of unity in their poems, Yunus Emre, Kaygusuz Abdal and other Sufis from the school of Khorasan were probably trying to argue a case for their own superiority and to legitimize their non-Sharia practices. At the same time, they criticized their opponents for being unaware of the mysteries and for giving more importance to the external aspect of the Sharia and even being too ostentatious in that regard.88

Not only were the Sufis demonstrating their own experience through their poetic

production, they also could use that same production to impugn the skills of their

competitors. While such internal squabbling might seem unbefitting of true masters, it

demonstrates the degree to which external recognition formed a key portion of Sufi

discourse.

For some Sufis, their texts, like the Manṭeq al-ṭayr and other writings of Farīd-al-

dīn ʿAṭṭār, make up most of what we know about the author’s life and context. Other

texts, like Ibn ʿArabī’s Futūḥāt, developed a reputation that coincided with the growing

fame of the sheikh. These works could confirm the reputation of their author—or be

used by haters as a means to impugn their beliefs. The Masnavi itself acknowledges one

such critic in its third volume:

A great booby popped his head out of an ass-stable, Like a railing woman, Saying that this discourse, namely, the Mathnawi, is low; That it is the story of the Prophet and consists of imitation…89

Fortunately for the critic, he is not named in the text, which goes on to explain (perhaps prophetically) that the same things had been said about the Qurʾan.90 As is evident, the

88 Ay, 18.

89 M III: 4232-4234. Lewis discusses this section in “Towards a Chronology of the Poems in the Divan-i Shams,” 155-157.

41 production of poetic materials and other types of Sufi treatises meant that the teachings

could spread, for better or worse, from one Sufi circle to another. This process was

driven by the itinerancy of Sufi practitioners, as disciples traveled during this period

from place to place. This offered the chance of spreading their own masters’ works while

encountering others.91

Despite Rumi’s present reputation as one of the great Sufi mystics of all time,

during his own life, he was evidently not immune to this competition. It is perhaps

evidence of his success that so few of his contemporaries’ works have had a similarly

lasting impact. (This is true even in scholarship about the age.)92 The Masnavi can be seen as a winning product of the competitive discursive environs amongst Sufis at that time. In addition to conferring authority upon Rumi himself, the text can also be viewed as an articulation of one community’s response to their environment: the text in both volume and subject matter sets itself up as an authority on a number of matters.

Although this is generally understood in terms of Rumi’s own establishment of his authority within the text, when looked at through the text’s affective properties, it becomes clear that the Masnavi also served to bestow authority upon the community in which it was produced. Belonging to the circle meant deriving the benefits of that circle.

Sufis negotiated authority through teaching, attracting and initiating disciples, performance and ritual practice, and in written and other forms of material production.

Sufis, especially within the futuhat environment, came to describe that authority’s

90 I return to this section and the implications of its comparison in the third chapter.

91 Cf. Ahmet T. Karamustafa, God’s Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the Islamic Later Middle Period, 1200-1550.

92 Cf. A.C.S. Peacock and Sara Nur Yildiz, “Introduction”, in Islamic Literature and Intellectual Life in Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century Anatolia, 22.

42 origins through their silsala, a chain of authority that connects one master to another

through their tradition.93 In Rumi’s case, later hagiographers traced his lineage back to

the Sufi saint Jonayd. The silsala also includes Abu Bakr Shebli, Ahmad al-Ghazālī, and

Rumi’s own father, Baha al-din Valad.94 The silsala both laid claim to a specific spiritual lineage while also excluding others from that lineage. It identifies with certain Sufi pasts in order to confer upon certain people authority within the present—confirming that historiography was just as implicated in the interests of its authors in Rumi’s time as in our own.

Rumi’s silsala appears more important to his later disciples, who could deploy it in order to demonstrate his and their status when comparing these to others with whom they interacted. During his own life, the poetry he produced, his ritual practice and performance, and the community that came to form around him would have been more important to his exercise of authority: Rumi apparently carried a significant amount of social capital. He deployed this capital, in turn, by securing employment for some of his followers.95 In this way, Sufi figures such as Rumi continued to insinuate themselves into

the social and political fabric of Anatolia—while at the same time their own spiritual

authority legitimized the ruling political parties. As Omid Safi observes, “This bargaining

93 “Silsala”, EI: Vol. 2.

94 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 33. The author finds this chain, found first in Aflaki, to be ‘extremely doubtful,’ suggesting that Rumi’s actual Sufi lineage remains a mystery.

95 A.C.S. Peacock, “Sufis and the Seljuk Court in Mongol Anatolia,” in The Seljuks of Anatolia: Court and Society in the Medieval Middle East, 206-221.

43 for Baraka for promises of justice and patronage is one of the more ubiquitous features

of Saljuq Islam.”96

The Masnavi, despite its reception as a trans-temporal work of nearly universal value, was implicated in and the product of its environment. Its assertions about itself, which will be discussed further in Chapter Two, are best understood within the complex milieu of “fluidity and untidiness”97 of Sufism and Islam found within 13th century Konya.

Textual production certainly fits into this larger atmosphere of spiritual competition.

One explanation that is given for the production of the Masnavi was so that Rumi’s

followers would have their own text to go along with, or even outstrip, similar works in

this genre. The Masnavi’s incorporation and reformulation of the stories, themes, and

even verses from these other works indicates that the texts were well known to its

audience. The text’s manipulation of their contents, however, prove another means to its

differentiation from, and perhaps supersession of, those works.98

Among these were the Chahar maqale (Four Discourses) of Nezami, ʿAṭṭār’s Ilahi-

Name, Mosibat name, and Asrar name, as well as the writings of Abu Hamid Ghazali,

Sanāʾi, and others. The Masnavi both embraces its textual sources and also,

preternaturally, ‘makes them new.’ Its ontological claims about itself, which will be

discussed further in chapter two, must be understood as occurring within the context of

the competitive Sufi environs of 13th century Anatolia.

96 Omid Safi, “Bargaining with Baraka: Persian Sufism, “Mysticism”, and Pre-Modern Politics,” 265.

97 Karamustafa, “Origins of Anatolian Sufism,” 92, also cited at the beginning of the section.

98 An examination of the Masnavi’s sources can be found in Foruzanfar’s Ahadith va Qisas-e Masnavi. See also: Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 287-291, for a discussion the Masnavi’s use of sources.

44 The period in which the text was produced was a time of a broad crisis of

authority that was being negotiated by Sufis and other Muslim actors. In the following

section, I will situate the Masnavi within the context of the decline of centralized Islamic

political authority and the emergence of canonical authority in relation to normative

Muslim practice.

***

Islamic Authority and Canonization in 13th Century Konya

The negotiation of authority within Islamic traditions has often revolved around debates over religious law, or shariah. In the prose introduction to the fifth book of the

Masnavi, the shariah gets analogized to a ‘candle showing the way,’ which is necessary for progress toward the ultimate goal of Truth :

Unless you gain possession of the candle, there is no wayfaring; and when you have come on to the way, your wayfaring is the Path; and when you have reached the journey’s end, that is the Truth [haqiqat]. Hence it has been said, “If the truths were manifest, the religious laws would be naught.”99

The passage simultaneously confirms the importance of the law while revealing its ultimate lack of utility. Scholarship on Sufis long held that they practiced a more free- spirited form of Islam not bound by Islamic legal strictures, yet the situation, at least in the 13th century, was much more nuanced.100 Sufis were implicated in the broader

discursive negotiations over Islamic legal authority that were ongoing at this time.

Within this environment, debates over normative conceptions of Islam, the

interpretation of the Qurʾan and the authority of hadith, the role of madhabs (legal

99 M V: Preface, 3.

100 Cf. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Sufism, 13-17.

45 schools), appropriate ritual practice, and the proper exercise of political and spiritual

authority were all being negotiated by Muslim practitioners.

The Seljuks held an important place in Anatolia as the main ruling authorities

during these debates. Originally converts to Islam, they brought Islamic scholars

(including Rumi’s father) into Anatolia, founded madrassas, and funded the construction

of shrines and lodges for Sufis.101 These projects were a means for the Seljuqs to legitimize their claims to leadership over the Muslim community. Yet their patronage also played favorites, and at times set them against other forms of authority, including the caliphs. As one strategy for ensuring their position, the Seljuks even used propaganda created by their subjects in order to further legitimize their own authority.102

The Masnavi does not appear, however, to be a work of Seljuk propaganda. It was

produced at the waning edge of Seljuk influence: the first volume dates to the period

from 1256-1260, when the Mongols had already captured the majority of Seljuk

territory, and nearly contemporaneous with the Mongols’ sacking the Seljuk-supported

Abbasid caliphate centered in Baghdad. During the Masnavi’s composition, one of Rumi’s

interlocutors amongst the Seljuk elite, the Sultan 'Izz al-Dīn Kaykā'ũs, lost his throne to

his Mongol-favored rival and later got put in prison for trying to take over the

Byzantines. The sultan’s vizier, another of Rumi’s patrons, died in an unsuccessful Seljuk

attack on the Mongols. The Masnavi was produced at a time when the patronage of the

Seljuk state was no longer a stabilizing force in Konya; rather, it appears association with

the Seljuk throne may have been a liability.

101 Wolper, Cities and Saints, 9.

102 Omid Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam, 3-5.

46 The text itself betrays little, in explicit terms, about the political atmosphere,

though it no doubt impacted its contents. One passage in the second volume discusses

some ‘blood-thirsty’ Oghuz Turks intent on killing and terrorizing a village’s residents.

The message of the story appears to be that, in the time of the Masnavi’s second volume,

the audience should count themselves lucky that they fear God and are in the end times:

See, then, the loving kindnesses of God, in that we have come into the world In the latter days, at the very end. The last epoch is in front of the other epochs, in the Traditions of the Prophet is: “We are the last in time, the foremost in excellence.” In order that the destruction of the people of Noah and the people of Hud Might display to our souls the proclaimer of Divine Mercy, He slew them, that we might fear Him; And if indeed he had done contrariwise, alas for thee!103

The text is unclear which particular group of Oghuz Turks prompted this reflection on the nature of time within the Masnavi. What it does seem to indicate is an understanding that, for all intents and purposes, the end is nigh. Given that the political situation in

Konya was highly tenuous at the time, there can be little doubt that the situation affected the Masnavi’s contents and its audience.

***

Madhab Authority during the Composition of the Masnavi

Despite the waning authority of the Seljuks, their actions in patronizing certain madrasas and legal schools had a lasting influence within the Islamicate milieu of 13th

century Anatolia. The Masnavi was produced during the early stages of Konya’s

vassalship to the Ilkhanids, other processes related to the negotiation of Islamic practice

103 M II: 3055-3058. It is not clear from the story which group of Oghuz Turks, or Turkomen, to which the text refers. Largely, such characterizations of ethnic groups have been glossed over as narrative devices rather than historical data points within studies of Rumi’s poetry. The passage is included here for its indication of an orientation towards time, leaving off the question of its referent for another one.

47 were ongoing. One such process was the negotiation of proper orientation toward

shariah as articulated within the Hanafi and Shafii madhabs. Although the Masnavi, in

Book V, described the shariah as a means to the path towards truth, and ultimately

dispensible, within daily life in Konya, the madhabs appear to have maintained

importance.

The Seljuks were long associated with the Hanafi madhab, as it was most

prevalent within the environs in which they originally converted.104 Rumi and his family

were members of this group, as were the majority of Muslims within Konya during this

period.105 The Hanafis did not have an exclusive claim to normative Islamic practice,

however. Amongst Sunnis, the Shafi’i madhab also held influence, especially after the

interventions of Nizam al-Mulk in the late 11th century.106 The Hanafis were also

challenged by Ismaili Shi’a. At times the conflicts ended violently as members of these

groups sought political and religious supremacy. This perhaps explains why Sufi groups

show an antipathy toward, or ambivalence for, constructions of Islam based on the

shariah and madhab system. As Omid Safi has argued, the madrasa systems, which

educated students in normative, madhab-based Islamic practice, existed alongside the

khanaqah systems which orientated their students into Sufi ideologies during the era of

Seljuk patronage of Islamic institutions:

Along with the madrasa, the khanaqah proved to be a crucial institution for the Saljuq state in patronizing certain Sufis—those who were open to legitimizing the Saljuqs in return. The boundary between the khanaqah and the madrasa was very fluid in this age. Many of the highest-ranking scholars were deeply immersed in

104 Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam, 93.

105 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 16.

106 Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam, 94-95.

48 Sufism, while many of the most notable Sufis were acknowledged religious scholars.107

Rumi was one such religious scholar: he had received his formal training in Islamic sciences as a young man in Damascus. This training included learning Arabic grammar, studying the Qurʾan and hadith, as well as the study of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence).108

According to Aflaki, Rumi taught within four madrasas in Konya, so his status as a scholar of Islam within Konya had been secured by the 1240s.109 While biographies of

Rumi tend to gloss over this aspect of his career, his training demonstrates that, even for

Sufis, an awareness of the law and the requirements of the madhabs would have been

requisite knowledge.

The Masnavi takes an ambivalent posture towards the law and the religious sciences. An oft-quoted verse from the first volume illustrates its attitude: Every prophet, every saint has his path [maslak-hast], but as they return to God, all are one.110

The atmosphere in Konya may have been one of sectarian conflict, or at least affiliation, the Masnavi downplays the significance of such identifications. The fifth book addresses the function of external practices associated with Islam:

This prayer and fasting and pilgrimage and holy war Are the attestation of internal belief. The giving of alms and presents and the abandonment of envy Are the attestation of one’s secret thoughts.111

107 Ibid, 97.

108 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 14.

109 Ibid, 18-19.

110 M I: 3086; I have used Lewis’ translation as it better captures the sense of the passage. Lewis translates “maslak” as “path,” Nicholson and Mojaddedi as “way,” though perhaps “method” would clarify better, given the other valences of “path” and “way” in Sufi writing.

111 M V: 183-184.

49

This is explicated further in subsequent verses in Book V:

Act and word are witnesses to the hidden mind: from these twain infer the inward state. When your thought does not penetrate within, Inspect the patient’s urine from without. Act and word are the urine of the sick, which is clear evidence for the physician of the body. But the spiritual physician enters into his patient’s soul and by the spiritual way penetrates into his inmost belief. He hath no need of fine acts and word: “beware of them, they are spies on hearts.” Demand the testimony of acts and words from him only who is not united with the Sea like a river.112

These two passages indicate that the emphasis on externalities was only important for its indication of inward states. The Masnavi does not negate the importance of ritual practice; instead, it can be indicative of the character or true nature of the practitioner.

Yet it also advances the notion that the “spiritual physician” needs not even look at exteriors, as that person can see directly into the “patient’s soul.”113

Despite this apparent ambivalence within the text, in the external world, the juristic interpretation of the shariah had taken on increasing importance within the educational systems as well as the bureaucratic structures of the Seljuk state. In a number of the hagiographical treatments, Rumi, Shams and others are shown in contentious circumstances with the shariah-minded religious authorities. The Sufis are generally shown to be the winners of these debates, but the very presence of these scholars as debate partners demonstrates the sway they must have held within the public sphere. Jawid Mojaddedi, perhaps counter-intuitively, sees this dynamic between

112 M V: 236-241.

113 Cf. William Chittick, The Sufi Path of Love, 19-23. The distinction between outward form and inward meaning is fundamental, for Chittick, to understanding Rumi’s poetry.

50 the mystics and jurists as indicative of the jurists’ strength within the society of their day.

He contrasts Rumi’s group to previous Sufis who lived before the firm establishment of

juridical power:

However, in Rumi’s time, after the secure consolidation of the jurist’s position, and the success of these earlier irenic scholars at harmonizing, there was a greater degree of accommodation of allowances and concessions to mystics thatn there could have been when juristic Islam’s supremacy had not yet been safely secured beyond any challenge. In any case, Rumi was not advocating the abolishment of any notion of the Shariah, but rather he wished to remove the hindrance that would be caused by prioritizing juristic formulations over a direct experience of God, which he considered the whole point of the mystic endeavor.114

Thus, for Mojaddedi, the Masnavi may have been emerging at a time where juridical

authority had been established, and thus the debates found in the Masnavi would not

have been controversial. The text itself makes no indication, however, of an inferior

position relative to Islamic authority.

As will be discussed in the third chapter, one of the means the text demonstrates

its authority is through its deployment of the Qurʾan. In addition to Qurʾanic deployment, the text also engages with a number of traditions, or hadith, associated with the Prophet

Muhammad. Its usage of certain hadith is indicative of where the text stands on the topic of hadith. During the 12th and 13th centuries, hadith collections were undergoing their own process of canonization. Within the Shafii madrasa system created by Nizam al-

Mulk, the hadith collections of al-Bukhari and Muslim were taught to aspiring Muslim scholars as the true and authentic versions of stories and sayings of Muhammad.

Eventually, the collections of al-Bukhari and Muslim came to be nearly universally

114 Mojaddedi, Beyond Dogma, 134. The author includes the efforts of previous Sufis (Qushayri, Hujwiri, Kalabadhi, and Sarraj) to distinguish their own attitudes toward shariah from the juridical authorities.

51 recognized—within Sunni circles, at least—as the ‘Authentic Collections,’ or Sahihayn.115

As such, these collections were integrated into the negotiation of normative Islam by legal authorities, and consequently, practitioners as well.

The Sufi texts of this period do not, however, seem committed to these two hadith collections—or even to the notion of sahih hadith at all. Instead, the hadith form a part of the Islamic imaginary, from which Sufis drew inspiration and around which they fashioned didactic narratives about the path of humans to union with God, of which

Muhammad was the exemplary model. As Annemarie Schimmel observes of Rumi: “

Rumi has firmly relied upon the Prophetic traditions in his work, which he either inserts overtly or to which he alludes hundreds of times. Reminiscences from Muhammad’s biography permeate his poetical language and his Mathnavi abounds in stories about his life…116

The Masnavi, then, fits the general pattern of Sufi usage of hadith that departs from

legalistic interpretation.117 The hadith were also a means for Sufis to confer upon

themselves spiritual authority: through the invocation of hadith, Sufis laid claim to the

mantle of prophetic authority.118 In so doing, the legalistic application of hadith would

certainly seem diminutive. How much better to share in, or attempt to emulate, the

experiences of the Prophet rather than simply apply his example to the banalities of

external living? The Masnavi articulates the difference between the two by referencing a

famous Asharite scholar:

If the intellect could discern the true way in this question,

115 Jonathan A. C. Brown, The Canonization of Al-Bukhari and Muslim, 7.

116 Annemarie Schimmel, The Triumphal Sun, 281.

117 Ernst, Shambala Guide to Sufism, 25.

118 Cf. Shahram Pazouki, “The Revival of the Spiritual Dimension of the Sunna in Rumi’s Mathnawi, in Philosophy of Ecstasy, 177.

52 Fakhr-i Razi would be an adept in religious mysteries; But since he was an example of the saying, “whoso has not tasted does not know,” His intelligence and imaginations only increased his perplexity.119

Sufis distinguished their own authority from that of the scholars through their experience, or “tasting.” Their rejection, or demotion, of legal authority did not mean that they lacked their own form of isnad (chain of transmission) for hadith. Rather, they trace their hadith through key sources like al-Junayd—in whose silsala later generations also placed Rumi.120 The hadith that Sufis used were a type of narrative vernacular, and

included famous sayings, including hadith qudsi, wherein God was understood to speak

through Muhammad. The Masnavi gives an explication of one such hadith qudsi, in a

section from Book One titled, “On the meaning of ‘But for thee, I would not have created

heaven’”:

A Shaykh like this bceame a beggar going from street to street. Love [eshq] is reckless: beware! Love makes the sea boil like a kettle; Love crumbles the mountain like sand; Love cleaves the sky with a hundred clefts; Love unconscionably makes the earth to tremble. The pure Love was united with Muhammad: For Love’s sake, God said to him, “But for thee.” Since he alone was the ultimate goal in Love, Therefore God singled him out from the other prophets, Saying, “Had it not been for pure Love’s sake, How should I have bestowed an existence on the heavens? I have raised up the lofty celestial sphere, That though mayst apprehend the sublimity of Love. Other benefits come from the celestial sphere: It is like the egg, while these benefits are consequential, like the chick. I have made the earth altogether lowly, That thou mayst gain some notion of the lowliness of lovers. We have given greenness and freshness to the earth,

119 M V: 4144-45, also cited in Pazouki, above.

120 Jonathan Brown, Muhammad’s Legacy in the Medieval and Modern World, 188-190.

53 That thou mayst become acquainted with the spiritual transmutation of the dervish.”121

The text uses the explication of the hadith qudsi as a means to understanding not only

Muhammad’s state as the object of divine love, but also connects it to the dervish’s state on earth. The dervish, along with the lovers, may appear lowly: this only analogizes that they too will bloom as the lowly earth has as a result of divine Love.

In its responses to the madhabs and in its invocation of certain hadith, the

Masnavi navigates the discursive environment of Islam during its period, and establishes its own authority in reference to those matters. It is perhaps indicative of the fluidity of authority during that time that it was able to establish its authority successfully, and without a high degree of institutional push-back for the text or its practitioners. Rather, as well be shown in the fourth chapter, the Masnavi comes to be embraced by the powerful, and the community around the text grows in influence substantially in subsequent decades and centuries. Scholars of the period are increasingly coming to echo the conclusions of Marshall Hodgson, who observed that “Sufism…became the framework within which all populat Muslim piety flowed together; its saints, dead and living became the guarantors of the gentle and co-operative sides of social life.”122 Far from a marginal discourse, Sufism—as articulated in emerging scriptural texts like the

Masnavi—formed a central part of the lived religion of Islam during the medieval period.

In the following section, I will demonstrate how the Masnavi further navigated the hybrid socio-linguistic aspect of its context, to the extent that it developed its nickname, ‘the

Qurʾan in Persian.’

121 M I: 2734-2743. I discuss further the text’s adoption of the divine voice in chapters 2 and 3.

122 Hodgson, Venture of Islam, Vol. II, 125.

54 ***

The Masnavi as (Exemplary) Product of the Persianate

The famous appellation of the Masnavi is ‘the Qurʾan in Persian.’ The title is

fraught due to the Qurʾan’s own self-identification as an Arabic text. The Qurʾan has thus

been thought to be both untranslatable and inimitable.123 The Masnavi, according to this

logic, could not be in any way a Qurʾan precisely because there is only one Qurʾan and it

is expressly not in Persian. Yet, as the case of the Masnavi demonstrates, the boundaries

drawn by theologians and echoed by later scholars of religion do not account for how

texts have actually been used and perceived historically. In this case, claims about

Arabic’s supremacy in the premodern period are themselves a reactionary argument that

emerges precisely over the denigration of that language’s status, and consequently, the

sociopolitical status of its primary practitioners.

One of the more (in)famous proponents of the supremacy of Arabic in normative

Islamic practice was the Hanbali theologian Ibn Taymiyyah. Writing from Damascus at

the tail end of the 13th century and beginning of the 14th, Ibn Taymiyyah advanced theories that placed Arabs and their language above non-Arabs:

That upon which the people of Prophetic norms and solidarity [agree] is the belief that the genus of Arabs is superior (afdal) to the genus of non-Arabs, whether Hebrew, Syrianic Greek, Persian, or any other. 124

Since the Prophet and his companions had used Arabic, and the Qurʾan had been first recited in Arabic, those like Ibn Taymiyyah who wished to go back to the beginnings of

123 Travis Zadeh, The Vernacular Qurʾan: Translation and the Rise of Persian Exegesis, 3- 10.

124 T.A. Ibn Taymiyyah, Kitab Iqtida’, quoted in A. Kevin Reinhart, “Fundamentalism and the Transparency of the Arabic Qurʾan”, in Rethinking Islamic Studies: From Orientalism to Cosmopolitanism,101. (The characterization of Ibn Taymiyyah’s remarks follows Reinhart’s description.)

55 Islamic practice for guidance saw Arabic and Arabs as ideal types. Yet, as A. Kevin

Reinhart observes, “Ibn Taymiyyah’s insistence on the primacy of Arabic reflects a

medieval decline in its importance, of course.”125 There is no need to assert the supremacy of something whose supremacy has not been questioned. As it was, in the medieval period, and especially in the Sultanate of Rum and other lands of Seljuk rule, it was Persian that was the ascendant language of bureaucracy and culture. It is this

‘linguistic turn’ to Persian and the Persianate that the present section will examine in order to contextualize the production of the Masnavi—the so-called Qurʾan in Persian.

The Masnavi was not nearly the first complete work written in predominantly

Persian, though it is obviously among the most famous. Persian’s (re)emergence began a couple of centuries earlier and followed a period where its previous relevance had all but been stamped out during the transition from Sassanid rule to Islamic and Arab rule under the Abbasid empire. The ‘new’ Persian utilized Arabic script and some vocabulary, as well as metrical forms for poetry. Scholars created interlinear translations of the

Qurʾan, which made the text more accessible to the increasingly Muslim Persian population in the eastern sphere of Abbasid rule as early as the 8th century. According to

Travis Zadeh, “The codicological record suggests that Persian exegetical literature developed in tandem with the emergence of New Persian as a literary vernacular.”126 The burgeoning usage of Persian in what we now call literature occurred alongside, and mixed with, the process of Persianizing the inherited corpus of Islamic knowledge.

125 A. Kevin Reinhart, “Fundamentalism and the Transparency of the Arabic Qurʾan”, 102.

126 Zadeh, The Vernacular Qurʾan, 11. Lewis, in the article cited below, identifies a more ‘secular’ strain to early Persian poetry, though he does concur that Islamic themes and vocabulary, along with Arabic poetic forms, eventually make there way into the New Persian poetic forms.

56 In terms of the Masnavi, the most important of the works that straddled the line

between the literary and religious would have been the writings of the poet Sanāʾī, or the

‘Sage of Ghazna.’ Sanāʾī wrote his poetry primarily in Persian from the eastern edge of

Islamic influence in the 11th and 12th centuries. Though he was not the first New Persian

poet, he developed some of the forms that would come to be characteristic of the

Persianate literary tradition.127 One of the hallmarks of his poetry was his combination of

mysticism with didacticism, an approach echoed within the Masnavi. Sanāʾī also

displayed antipathy for the legally-inclined jurists of his own day, calling them “two-

faced” and “full of nonsense.”128 Thus the ‘Sage of Ghazna’ set the stage, thematically and stylistically, for the mystical and didactic poetry of the Masnavi.

The text acknowledges its debt to Sanāʾī through direct quotation and through explication of his verses. In the first volume, the following verse is invoked as an occasion for commentary:

In the realm of the soul are skies lording over the sky of this world. In the Way of the spirit there are lowlands and highlands, there are lofty mountains and seas.129

This particularly imagistic verse itself follows after a story about the Prophet, and the section following it refers again to a hadith about taking advantage of springtime. Clearly, for the Masnavi, Sanāʾī’s didactic poetry held a special type of authority, as it could be deployed alongside hadith and the Qurʾan as a means of explaining the ‘nature’ of the

‘Unseen World’:

The Unseen World has other clouds and water,

127 Franklin Lewis, “Persian Literature and the Qurʾan,” in Encyclopedia of the Qurʾan.

128 From Sanāʾī’s Hadiqat al-haqiqat, quoted in Franklin Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 20.

129 M I: 2034-2035. The quote occurs within the heading for the section.

57 It has another sky and sun. That is not discerned save by the elect; the rest are in doubt as to a new creation.130

The passage from the Masnavi goes on to analogize the beneficial and harmful effects of

rain to the ‘breath of the saints [abdal]’ who can benefit the fortunate and harm the

defective. The Masnavi follows the model set by Sanāʾī in integrating the Arabic-sourced

Qurʾan and hadith into the ascendant, New Persian mystic and didactic tradition. In the

process, the Masnavi further canonizes the particular Persianate poetic tradition in

which it participates.

While Firdausi has been credited with “rescuing the Persian language from virtual

extinction”131 through his mythico-historical masnavi, the Shahnameh (Book of Kings), it

is in Sanāʾī’s writings that the incorporation of Sufism into the emergent Persian-

language poetic framework becomes prominent.132 This, then, served as the poetic model

for subsequent Sufi/Persian masnavi composers, including Farid ad-Din ‘ʿAṭṭār. The

genre developed, over subsequent decades and centuries, its own thematic and metrical

inventory. So, though Sanāʾī composed his own epic in the masnavi genre, and though his

incorporation of Sufism into the form was integral to later works in that genre, his

writing did not serve as the metrical model for the Masnavi. Instead, the text utilizes the

meter found previously within ʿAṭṭār’s Conference of the Birds.133

130 M I: 2035-2036. The passage quotes a section of the Qurʾan from verse 15 of Sura Qaf, which reads: “Did We fail in the first creation? But they are in confusion over a new creation.” (Cf. Qurʾan va Masnavi, 96.) The Qurʾan and the Masnavi’s use of self-reference is discussed in chapters two and three.

131 Franklin Lewis, “Persian Literature and the Qurʾan,” in Encyclopedia of the Qurʾan.

132 Cf. Hodgson, Venture of Islam, Vol. II, 304.

133 Mojaddedi, “Introduction”, The Masnavi: Book One, xx. The ramal meter was apparently one of the more popular forms, and thus Mojaddedi finds it well suited to

58 ʿAṭṭār, who lived in Nishapur, was purported to have bestowed a copy of his

Asrar-Name upon Rumi when the latter’s family had passed through on their way out of

Balkh.134 Regardless of the veracity of the narrative, there is clearly a sense that Rumi inherited the poetic mantle from ʿAṭṭār. One commentator even went so far as to claim that the Masnavi’s structure of six books was pulled from the frame narrative to ‘ʿAṭṭār’s

Ilahi-Name, in which six sons interact with their father, the king.135 The Masnavi

‘borrows’ stories from ʿAṭṭār’s writings, and expounds similarly on Sufi motifs within a

narrative, didactic structure. ʿAṭṭār’s writing, however, generally sticks to a frame tale

and his clearly demarcated chapters, whereas the Masnavi unfolds a bit more loosely.136

what he perceives as the text’s goals: “Rumi put his teaching into the masnavi verse form in order that, with the benefit of metre and rhyme, his disciples might enjoy reading them.” (xxvii) The political ramifications of using popular Persian poetic verse forms, discussed here, may have only become apparent through the passage of time.

134 Cf. Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 64-65. The story first appears in the hagiographies two centuries after Rumi’s death. While Lewis admits such a meeting may have been possible, he finds it unlikely earlier hagiographers would have left it out of their accounts had they known about it.

135 Julian Baldick, “Persian Ṣūfī Poetry up to the Fifteenth Century,” in History of Persian Literature From the Beginning of the Islamic Period to the Present Day, ed. G. Morrison, 124–6.

136 Cf. Jawid Mojaddedi, “The Ebb and Flow of ‘The Ocean inside a Jug’,” in Journal of Sufi Studies, 105-131, as well as Schimmel, Triumphal Sun, 51. The latter likens the structure of the book to a particular tile design within the Qaratay madrasa: “This decoration corresponds directly with the character of the Mathnavi: the same greater and smaller units of artistically connected stars and starlike motifs, rising from the foundation of Koranic words—as Rumi has always relied upon the Word of God—and leading, finally, to the heavenly stars which every literary work, or work of art, can only imitate in the hope of leading man to the original. If we regard the Mathnavi, and part of the lyrics, from this viewpoint we may understand it better.”

59 This may be indicative of the Masnavi’s mode of composition as contrasted with ʿAṭṭār’s

(though it remains unclear precisely what the context was for ʿAṭṭār’s writing).137

ʿAṭṭār himself had drawn inspiration from Ahmad Ghazālī’s Risālat al-ṭayr. This

younger brother of the more famous Abu Hamid Ghazālī features in Rumi’s silsala. He

wrote in both Persian and Arabic, incorporating Sufi traditions from both Khorasan and

Baghdad into verse and prose form. The writings of Ghazālī, ʿAṭṭār, and Sanāʾī form the

Persianate, Sufi reference points that anchored the Masnavi’s composition. Franklin

Lewis argues that the latter two of these came to Rumi through the influence of his father

and his father’s successor:

It seems clear from Rumi’s own writings that Baha al-din and Borhan al-din, along with the masters they recommended—ʿAṭṭār and Sanāʾī—constitute the principle spiritual, mystical and doctrinal heritage of Rumi.138

From this perspective, the writings associated with Rumi, including the Masnavi, would

have owed little to other Sufis, including Ibn ʿArabī or the elder Ghazali, whose work was

primarily in Arabic.

The audience for the Masnavi would have been multi-lingual, with Turkish in

some form or another being the vernacular, the Masnavi itself is thus a Persianate text. It

fits within both the genre expectations for poetry of its day as well as a text that

incorporates the Persianate heritage and canon, of which it soon became an integral

part.139 In so doing, the Masnavi became a new type of scripture within that emergent tradition—though the eventual importance of the text and the Persianate would not have

137 Cf. Austin O’Malley’s recent dissertation, “Poetry and Pedagogy: The Homiletic Verse of Farid al-Din `ʿAṭṭār”, University of Chicago, 2017.

138 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 120.

139 Lars Johanson, “Rumi and the Birth of Turkish Poetry,” Journal of Turkish Poetry Vol. 1, No. 1, 1993.

60 been immediately observable or known to its original audience. However, the text’s

importance within the Persianate cannot be denied—as its eventual appellation of ‘the

Qurʾan in Persian’ demonstrates. The text forms an integral part of the Persianate

tradition as well as the broader, Sufi and Islamic traditions in which Persian-language

production was enmeshed. Marshall Hodgson describes that situation as follows:

The rise of Persian had more than purely literary consequences: it served to carry a new overall cultural orientation within Islamdom. Henceforth, while Arabic held its own as the primary language of the religious disciplines and eve, largely, of natural science and philosophy, Persian became, in an increasingly large part of Islam, the language of polite culture; it even invaded the realm of scholarship with increasing effect.140

The Masnavi, then, was not purely a literary text: it helped to arbitrate Islam within both

culture and scholarship.

The Masnavi was not, however, delimited by the Islamic, Sufi, and Persianate

traditions which it incorporated and which it helped to transform. The text incorporated

a broad range of elements drawn from the cosmopolitan character of the 13th century in

Anatolia. Its teachings eventually came to be appreciated on an almost global scale, demonstrating the power of scriptural texts to burst past the boundaries of the traditions from which they emerge. In the next section, I will discuss how the Mediterranean context of the Masnavi contributed to its production and its scripturalization.

***

The Masnavi as a Medieval Mediterranean Text

The Masnavi has found favor, to greater or lesser extents, amongst audiences of

non-Muslims. This can partially be traced to the text’s (perceived) universality of

meaning. This ‘universality’ can be viewed, at least partially, as a product of the text’s

incorporation of plural identities and diverse sources. Although the text is

140 Hodgson, Venture of Islam, Vol. II, 293.

61 predominantly influenced by Islamic themes and tropes, it also incorporates stories

about Jews, Christians, as well as a variety of ethnicities. As such, the text can be

considered a ‘Mediterranean’ text, both in terms of its content as well as its context. The

medieval Mediterranean, according to Brian Catlos,

…was a zone of intense interaction and long-term cohabitation of members of various ethno-religious communities whose relations are usually conceived of as fundamentally adversarial. Yet Christians Muslims, and Jews lived amongst each other in both the Christian- and Muslim-ruled Mediterranean, even during the Crusades.141

In describing the Masnavi as a ‘Mediterranean’ text, I argue that it not only participated

in internal Islamic, Sufi, and Perso-Arabic discourses, it also trafficked in the blending

zone of cross-confessional and cultural interactions characteristic of that time period and

region.142

Konya itself, as we have seen, was a hybrid zone. During Rumi’s lifetime, a large proportion of the population were Christian Greeks.143 There are even reports of Rumi

and his sons visiting and debating Platonic/Christian monks that dwelled in the area.144

This engagement was not atypical, either. During the Seljuk era, there appeared to be an increasing adaptation of Christian ritual sites to Islamic usage.145 In addition to the

141 From Brian Catlos, “Accursed, Superior Men: Ethno-Religious Minorities and Politics in the Medieval Mediterranean,” in Comparative Studies in Society and History, 56(4), 844.

142 Cf. Dominique Valerian, “The Medieval Mediterranean,” in A Companion to Mediterranean History, 77-90.

143 Cf. F.W. Hasluck, Christianity and Islam Under the Sultans and Vryonis, The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century.

144 The narrative comes from Aflaki’s Manaqeb al-Arifin, 3: 117, and is discussed in Grierson, “One Shrine Alone: Christians, Sufis and the Vision of Mawlana” in the Philosophy of Ecstasy, 106-107.

145 See above, and other examples in Wolper, Cities and Saints, 97.

62 variety of Islamic affiliations that existed at the time, Konya and Anatolia was home to a

variety of Jewish, Christian, and other local religious traditions that had existed prior to

the Seljuk settlement. These groups were themselves affiliated with larger networks that

stretched from Anatolia to Constantinople and across the Mediterranean Sea. While the

Crusaders only briefly occupied the area, the larger network of contacts they ushered

into the region meant that Konya was connected to Europe as much as it was to the

central Asian lands from which the ruling parties had hailed.

Within the Masnavi, the presence of the multiple can be felt from the onset. The

first volume relates narratives about Christians living under Jewish kings. It further

discusses how Muhammad was described in the Gospel:

The name of Mustafa was in the Gospel— the chief of Prophets, the sea of purity. There was mention of his characteristics and appearance; there was mention of his warring and fasting and eating. A party among the Christians, for the sak of the Divine reward, whenever (in reading the Gospel) they came to that name and allocution, would bestow kisses on that noble name and stoop their faces towards that beauteous description. In this tribulations of which we have told, that party were secure from tribulation and dread, secure from the mischief of the amirs and vizier, seeking refuge in the protection of the name of Ahmed.146

The presence of Christians and Jews within the narrative of the Masnavi was

not exactly reportage: the poem makes no indication where or when the events it

describes happened, though the account of Muhammad’s presence in the Gospel had

some currency, apparently.147 However, the presence of Muslim-inclined (or disinclined)

146 MI: 727-734.

147 Cf. the entry under “Ahmad” in EI2, where it is suggested that Christian converts associated the reference to “the Paraclete” in the Gospel of John with a (corrupted) rendering as “periklutos”, which then becomes one of the meanings of Ahmad, “celebrated”, in Arabic. There are other examples from both the Gospels and the Hebrew

63 Christians and Jews does demonstrate that narratives about other confessional groups

circulated and were incorporated into the Masnavi’s imaginary. Taken together with the

presence of Christians and Jews in the area, the narratives reinforce the notion that the

society in which the Masnavi was produced was one of hybridization and cross-

confessional influence—despite the fact that the Masnavi ultimately aligns itself with

Islamic practices and teachings.148

The negotiation of identity is a hallmark of the Mediterranean society of its age, as

well as an indication of the cosmopolitanism of Islamic-ruled polities, especially within

Seljuk-ruled Anatolia. The Seljuks notoriously aligned, alternately, with Muslim and

Christian leaders as suited their own goals. The ‘Islamization’ of Anatolia, while perhaps

less doctrinaire and more inclusive than Byzantine rule, was nonetheless ongoing. Works

like the Masnavi indicate, through their incorporation of Christian and Jewish tropes and

myths, the degree to which even the elite and urban practitioners grappled with the

presence (and threat) of alternative confessional identities. The tendency amongst some

exegetes has been to view the Masnavi as above that discourse and its negotiation.149

That tendency, however, is only further evidence of the book’s successful scripturalization, which would have its readers understand that it transcends even the contexts in which it was produced. Though the Masnavi can be viewed, as I have argued here, as a product of the medieval Mediterranean, in addition to its Islamic, and Sufi, and

Scriptures that Muslims have claimed predict Muhammad, thus confirming Surah As-Saf, verse 6, in which Jesus references Muhammad’s future arrival as another messenger.

148 Cf. Roderick Grierson’s provocative essay, “’One Shrine Alone’: Christians, Sufis and the Vision of Mawlana”, in Philosophy of Ecstasy, 83-126. Grierson argues that the tendency to view Rumi as a syncretic/universalist poet is more of a contemporary fantasy than a historical reality, and that critics need to look deeper at their motives in ignoring that history in order to arrive at their conclusions.

149 Ibid, 83-85.

64 Persian contexts, these categories individually do not delimit its appeal and usage as scripture collectively and trans-temporally. It may be best viewed as an exemplary product of those contexts—as well as a text that comes to shape the subsequent environs within which it is received.

***

Summary

The present chapter isolated certain contextual factors as a means of examining the Masnavi within the context in which it was produced. There are no doubt other factors that could explain the text’s contents and its effects. For example, the prominence of masculinity in relation to the text’s composition, contents, and claims to authority is largely left unexamined, in part due to a focus on the book itself rather than its author.

Further, socio-economic factors might place the Masnavi within a circle of elite intellectual practice. My focus here on the Sufi, Islamic, Persian, and Mediterranean sphere is not meant to do so at the exclusion of other aspects of its context. Rather, these serve to inform the approach that will be advanced in later chapters, wherein the

Masnavi’s rhetoric about itself and its reception will relate directly back to the topics identified in this chapter. Ideally, this approach will generate further pursuit along other lines of inquiry by other scholars. Ultimately, a broader account of not only the Masnavi’s context, but that of many of the texts and figures of the era, will serve to enrich both our understanding of that era—as well as help to reveal the boundaries and unspoken interests of our own.

65

CHAPTER TWO: DOING THINGS WITH (GOD’S) WORDS: SELF-AUTHENTICATION IN THE MASNAVI

*** Comparison challenges uniqueness; it subsumes this book of books within a crowded category as one among many. It leads to the conjecture that there is no one scriptural phenomenon. Biblical studies clearly has its way of dealing with the text on the one hand, and its sacred revelation on the other. Comparison, however, brings to the fore not only the plethora of texts and “scriptures,” but also the extensive history of a wide variety of “revelations.” 150 ***

Scripture announces itself. Outside of the context in which it is produced, or the

actions of those who receive it, what a text says about itself internally features

prominently in how the book comes to be received. In some cases, the voicing or position

of the narrator reveals what the book is or what it is meant to be. Further, a text can self-

canonize, by explicitly declaring or otherwise implying the ontological status and

ultimate importance of the work itself.

I define self-authentication as the process of attempting to text into a given

tradition’s scriptural canon through the text’s statements about itself.151 In the case of

the Masnavi, the text participates simultaneously in the Persianate literary canon, as well

as within the sacred texts of Islam. However, self-authentication is not a phenomenon

limited to Persianate and/or Islamicate writings. It can be found in a variety of religious

150 Catherine Bell, “Scriptures—Text and Then Some”, in Theorizing Scriptures, 27.

151 Cf. F.F. Bruce, The Canon of Scripture, 17-18. Bruce writes: “When we speak of the canon of scripture, the word ‘canon’ has a simple meaning. It means the list of books contained in scripture, the list of books recognized as worthy to be included in the sacred writings of a worshipping community.” The degree of that recognition, and of what constitutes a ‘worshipping community’, will be revisited in the case of the Masnavi, in chapter 4.

66 tradition’s sacred texts. I deploy the term self-authentication in relation to the text rather

than the authorial intent because ascribing the process of authorial intent or design

within a sacred work might undermine the very claims made within the text.152

Scripturalization, as I will argue in later chapters, occurs in concert with the community

who receives the text: how they revere, utilize, and reproduce the text within their

community.153 After all, the announcement of a text or by a text as being part of the canon of scripture is not sufficient to make it so, it must be utilized as such by a community.

The initial impulses towards scripturalization, or the process of turning a given set of teachings or writings into a reified text with sacral status, begin, in the Masnavi’s case, with the statements the text makes about itself. The book describes itself at the onset in the Arabic-language, prose introduction to the first of its six volumes:

This is the Book of the Masnavi, which is the roots of the roots of the roots of the religion in respect of unveiling the mysteries of attainment and of certainty; and which is the greatest science of God and the most manifest evidence of God.154

In this chapter, I situate the Masnavi’s usage of self-authenticating and self-referential

speech in relation to other scriptural traditions wherein the idea of the text-as-scripture

has been more established by both scholars and practitioners. I will then discuss self-

authentication and performative speech within the context of the Qurʾan, as well as Sufi

writings. Finally, I will demonstrate the extent to which the Masnavi deploys self-

152 In the New Testament’s second Book of Peter, 1:20, states this explicitly: “Knowing this first of all, that no prophecy of Scripture comes from someone's own interpretation.” The Masnavi offers similar rebukes to its interpreters, as is shown later in this chapter.

153 Cf. Pierre Bourdieu, “Genesis and Structure of the Religious Field”, Comparative Social Research, 13, 1-44.

154 MI: Preface, trans. Reynold Nicholson, 3.

67 authenticating and performative speech throughout its six volumes by means of

illustrative, though not exhaustive, examples.

*** Framework for Analysis

The idea that language has performative elements was articulated within analytic

philosophy in the works of J.L. Austin. In How to Do Things with Words, Austin observes

that certain utterances, or sentences, are not descriptive, and are not true or false.

Rather, in saying the sentence, one is doing the action. He offered the examples of

marriage vows, where in the saying of “I do” the action is accomplished in the saying, and

of “I name this ship the Queen Elizabeth”, which one might say “when smashing the bottle

against the stern.”155 Language, then, does not just convey meaning or report information: it acts and performs.

While Austin did not himself apply these insights to religious studies, he did open up a field of analysis for thinking about religious usage of language.156 One might speculate that the secular philosopher’s disinclination may be seen as an attempt to avoid ascribing any actual performativity to religious examples, such as those in the next section: it is one thing to christen a boat, quite another to summon a God.

Yet the truth-value of the statement is not necessary for the performative to be performative. As Jacques Derrida observed:

Austin was obliged to free the analysis of the performative from the authority of the truth value, from the true/false opposition, at least in its classical form, and to

155 J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words, ed. J. O. Urmson and Marina Sbisá, 5-6.

156 John A. Hutchison, “Language Analysis and Theology: Present and Future”, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol 35, No. 4, (Dec. 1967), 330. Hutchison notes that despite Austin’s apparent indifference, religious language offers many further examples: “Simple indicative sentences may sometimes function performatively. Examples of such functioning from the field of religious discourse include such expressions as ‘Jesus is Lord’ and ‘There is one God Allah, and Mohammad is his prophet’.”

68 substitute for it at times the value of force, of difference of force (illocutionary or perlocutionary force).157

The language merely has to (have the intention of trying to) do something, instead of

mean something, to be performative.

Performativity in religious language can also be seen as a rhetorical strategy—a

means of ascribing authority to a given text in which it is written or in the context in

which it is (to be) read. The description of these performative elements as a strategy

could be seen as an undermining of that scriptural authority—this is the paradox of this

type of analysis. Yet I find it to be a necessary form of analysis in order to demonstrate, at

least in part, how texts do what they do, while leaving the issue of ‘innate’ sacrality of any

given scripture or scriptural tradition remaining an open question.

As I have discussed in the first chapter, and will return to again in the following

chapters, the performative elements are not the sole means of accomplishing scriptural

authority, whether it be in the Masnavi or elsewhere. Further, not all scriptures or sacred writings can be said to necessarily demonstrate performative features—though many, as

I will show, do. A wide range of factors go into the production of a text, and into the conferring of sacral status upon that text by a given community. As will be shown in the following section, when it does occur in a scripture, performative language is situated within or alongside other elements of scriptural writing, such as homiletics and intertextual reference. Its presence, however, confers authority upon those other elements within the text(s). The question of what a given audience—in our case, the audience of 13th century Konya—then does with all of these elements as part of a

scriptural whole, and the implications of their usage of the text in the ways that they do,

will be addressed in the final chapter.

157 Jacques Derrida, Limited Inc., 13.

69 In the following section, I utilize the term “self-authentication” to describe a

particular type of performative speech found within scriptural writing. Implicit in this is

that there is a “scriptural canon” that the text can insert itself into, or at the very least,

generate. Thus, self-authentication relies on an existing tradition of scriptural authority

to which a text either lays claim or aims to supplant. Self-authentication is reliant on a

type of intertextuality within its own scriptural canon, as well as its iterability amongst

and within its attendant tradition(s). I will return to the intertextual elements of the

Masnavi and the Qurʾan in the third chapter of this work, and will further demonstrate how that intertextuality itself becomes a performative element of the Masnavi’s self- authentication. In the following section, I will demonstrate how “scriptures” more readily recognized by scholars of religion utilize self-authenticating language. This will beg the question of why the Masnavi has not been considered as scriptural in the same, or at least similar, fashion as other forms of sacred writing.

***

Self-authentication and Performative Speech: Comparative Examples

The announcement of spiritual grandeur can be found in a variety of now- canonical texts within a variety of religious traditions.158 In the 15th verse of the 15th chapter of the Bhagavad Gita, the deity Krishna’s confers his authority upon not just that text, but the whole of the Vedanta:

158 This section follows the approaches of Catherine Bell, cited above, and Marilyn Robinson Waldman. The latter uses “comparison as heuristic” in her book, Prophecy and Power: Muhammad and the Qurʾan in the Light of Comparison. Waldman writes: “The scholar of prophecy is like the follower of prophecy in the sense that the ultimate judgment of similarity or difference depends on a perspective. The academic, however, need not be bound by the perspectives and taxonomies that structure confessional communities. Rather, she is free to test and stretch her culture’s conventional limits of classification through cross-cultural exploration in order to multiply the number of conceivable frameworks.” Cf. Waldman, 30-32.

70 I dwell in the heart of everyone, From me spring memory, knowledge, and reason; I am known through the knowledge of all the Vedas, I make the Vedanta, I know the Veda.159

The performative affect, then, is that the Vedanta is no less than the work of Krishna, and knowing this deity comes from knowing the scripture. The veracity of Krishna’s claims is outside the scope of this analysis. However, it is sufficient to state that the ongoing importance of the Bhagavad Gita for practitioners and scholars of Hinduism demonstrates that the text effectively became canon, and suggests that part of becoming canon comes through the text’s own words about itself.

The Book of Psalms appears in contemporary arrangements of the Hebrew

Scriptures in the books that follow the Torah. The origin stories of the Jewish people as well, as the commandments and decrees they were expected to follow, were contained within the Torah. One of the psalms confirms the value of these laws through the use performative, self-referential language:

The law of the Lord is perfect, reviving the soul; the decrees of the Lord are sure, making wise the simple; the precepts of the Lord are right, rejoicing the heart; the commandment of the Lord is clear, enlightening the eyes; the fear of the Lord is pure, enduring forever; the ordinances of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. More to be desired are they than gold, even much fine gold; sweeter also than honey, and drippings of the honeycomb. Moreover by them is your servant warned; in keeping them there is great reward.160

159 The Bhagavad Gita in the Mahabharata, trans. J. A. B. Buitenen, 131, 169. The translator notes that the “Vedanta” referred to here are “certainly the Upanisads.”

160 Psalm 19:7-11. Often attributed to David, the psalm begins with a cosmological setting and ends with a request for “the words of my mouth and the meditation of my heart” to be accepted by “the Lord” referred to within the psalm.

71 In this passage, the text confers other aspects of the scriptures having to do with

“decrees”, “precepts”, “commandments”, and “ordinances” with beneficent properties—

and thus, concomitant canonical value. Regardless of how we interpret the meaning or

intent of such passages, it is clear that they affect how other passages might be read

through the connection to these lines.

One of the more well-known examples of performative speech within the New

Testament comes in the opening lines of the Gospel of John. The first five verses of this

scripture imbue what is to come as being the account of no less than original, divine

authority:

In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God. All things came into being through him, and without him not one thing came into being. What has come into being in him was life, and the life was the light of all people. The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness did not overcome it.161

There is an intrinsic relationship, then, between the Word (logos) and the creation of the

world, which then continues when “the Word became flesh and lived among us,” that is,

in the person of Jesus. 162 The Gospel of John thus constructs a situation where everything which follows is an account of the ‘Word made flesh’, offering another layer to the words on the page.

The idea of an active “word of God” appears elsewhere within the New Testament.

In Hebrews 4:12, this “word” appears as follows:

161 John 1:1-4, NSRV. There is obvious overlap in the original Greek between “logos” as “the Word” and the actual ‘words’ found within these lines of the Gospel (starting from the first “word”). The text itself, then, can bes seen as an extension of that “logos.” My intention here, though, is to show the affective properties of these opening lines, not to do a philological or theological analysis of them. Cf. Paul Ricoeur, Essays on Biblical Interpretation, 75 (“Prophetic Discourse”) and 123-153 (“Hermeneutics of Testimony”).

162 John 1:14, NSRV.

72 Indeed, the word of God is living and active, sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing until it divides soul from spirit, joints from marrow; it is able to judge the thoughts and intentions of the heart.

Thus, if these (and other) scriptures exist within an epistemological framework as “the

word of God”, not only has the text been conferred with power as a scripture, it actually

has become an agent in the very process it is describing—by being that word’s vehicle.

Obviously, a work does not merely become scriptural solely by calling itself the

“word of God,” or by using what Paul Ricoeur describes as the idea of revelation within

prophetic discourse.163 The Gospel of John and Hebrews would eventually be

incorporated into the New Testament—though their ultimate inclusion in the canon was

the result of a certain set of historical circumstances extrinsic to the inner workings of

the text itself.164 All of the instances of performative speech cited above inevitably come with their own attendant concerns about context, language and translation, as well as with theological, epistemological, and ontological consequences for the readership with whom they interact. My dissertation cannot hope to give a full accounting of performative language in all the manifold forms and contexts of scriptural writings. This section thus does not seek to speculate upon the circumstances or function of these instances of performative language within these broader traditions. Rather, this section demonstrates the simple observation that self-authentication and performative speech feature, or at the very least appear, within a variety of scriptural writings—including within the well-established religious traditions of Judaism, Christianity and Hinduism.

Other examples from a variety of religious and literary traditions could be also be marshaled here. Performative language is also not the sole provenance of well-

163 Ricoeur, Essays, 74-76.

164 Cf. Bart Ehrman, The New Testament: A Historical Introduction to the Early Christian Writings.

73 established or acknowledged religious writings. Nor is it a relic of a distant past—as

more recent works like The Secret or The Prophet might demonstrate. The texts included

should be sufficient to show that self-authenticating and performative elements of texts

are present within known, non-Islamic scriptural traditions. Further, I argue that these

aspects of the texts constitute a type of claim to authority within the contexts in which

they were composed, and potentially within the current frameworks in which they are

analyzed, practiced, and otherwise consumed.165 Some texts further buttress this

authority through intertextual reference to existing scriptural writings, such as in the

Gospel of John’s echoing of language found within the Bible’s opening verses in Genesis.

For the Masnavi, the central intertextual reference was the Qurʾan, a topic I will return to

that in the following chapter.

In the next section of this chapter, I will show how the Qurʾan itself utilizes self-

authenticating language. I will also discuss other examples from Islamic and Sufi

scriptural traditions which predate the Masnavi. These texts are included as they more

directly figure into the religio-cultural atmosphere in which the Masnavi was produced

than the examples in the above section, and thus may have formed a type of model for

the Masnavi’s own deployment of self-authenticating, performative language. Ultimately,

the Masnavi’s own claims about authorship and about itself will be examined in the light

of this theme.

***

Self-authentication and Performative Speech in the Qurʾan

165 This is not to ignore, circumvent, or gloss over the role that other, sociopolitical factors play in the scripturalization and canonization of texts, especially as regards those of major religious traditions. I will return to precisely how such factors account for how Rumi’s Masnavi is situated in respect to the Islamic scriptural canon in later sections.

74 Muslims commonly understand the Qurʾan as being the word of God as recited by

Muhammad which was then transcribed by his followers. It is the primary canonical

writing that Muslims recognize. Although other scriptural traditions, such as those of the

ahl al-kitab (People of the Book), are recognized by both the Qurʾan and by Muslim

theologians, the arrival of the Qurʾan supplants, to a large extent, the authority of, and

thus the need for, those pre-existing scriptures. But how does the Qurʾan achieve this? I

argue in this section that, at least partially, the Qurʾan becomes the Islamic scripture par

excellence through the claims it makes about itself. Following Wilfred Cantwell Smith, we

can see that the performative elements of the Qurʾanic text were intrinsic to the creation

of the Muslim community. As Smith observed, “Other communities have produced sacred

books, as we know; in the Islamic case, it was the sacred book, rather, that produced the

community.”166 As will be shown, the Qurʾanic use of performative, self-authenticating language offers a model for how the Masnavi’s performative speech operated in the context of Jalal al-din Rumi’s own community of followers.

The Qurʾan repeatedly refers to itself as “an Arabic Qurʾan”, a doctrine that Fazlur

Rahman attributes to “the fact that pre-Islamic Arabs were already very proud of the

expressive quality of their language.”167 The particular expressive qualities of the Qurʾan necessitated it being in Arabic (as spelled out in Q 41:44) as a means of defending it against opponents.168 These opponents were presumably amongst the Quraysh, who

166 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, “Scripture as Form and Concept: Their Emergence for the Western World” in Rethinking Scripture: Essays from a Comparative Perspective, ed. Miriam Levering. (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1989), 30.

167 Fazlur Rahman, “Translating the Qurʾan”, 23-24.

168 Cf. Claude Gilliot, “Creation of a fixed text”, in Cambridge Companion to the Qurʾan, ed. Jane McAuliffe, 43. Gilliot writes: “In the quranic text, collocation of the term ‘Qurʾan’ with the adjective ʿarabi (Arabic, Q 12:2, 20:113, 39:28, etc.) as well as other elements,

75 purportedly looked down on non-Arab, ‘ajami’ language. Imitating the Qurʾan was an

impossibility, as was it arriving in another language—which raises issues when

translating the Qurʾan. As Rahman observes, “Inspired language can never be completely

satisfactorily translated into another language.”169 This is even more the case for the

Qurʾan, which commands itself to be described as an inimitable book:

Say: If the whole of humankind and Jinns were to gather together to produce the like of this Qurʾan they could not produce the like thereof, even if they backed up each other with help and support.170

This special status, as an Arabic and inimitable scripture, position the text as both a

scripture, whether the “opponents” recognize it or not. These types of self-referential

passages also confirm that the Qurʾan is the sole authority on what it is: it becomes the

inimitable, Arabic scripture in the very act of reciting those lines.

Being in Arabic as well as inimitable are just two of the ways the Qurʾan canonizes

itself. Its authority is established through other modes of self-description throughout a

this Often .172,(تحذير) ”“warning a 171,(هدي) ”“guidance a is It suras. the of number warning is said to be coming through the person of Muhammad, who through reciting the book becomes the warner of humankind:

O People of the Book! Now hath come unto you, making things clear unto you, Our Messenger, after the break in (the series of) our messengers, lest ye should say: ‘There come unto us no bringer of glad tidings and no warner (from evil)’; but

such as the inimitability of the Qurʾan involving a special interpretation of the ‘challenge verses’ (Q 2:23, 10:38, 11:13, etc.), have led to the Islamic conceptualization of a lingua sacra. 169 Ibid, 24.

170 Qurʾan 17:88 (Yusuf ʿAli translation).

171 Qurʾan 2:185 (Ibid.).

172 Qurʾan 7:2, 14:52.

76 now hath come unto you a bringer of glad tidings and a warner (from evil). And Allah hath power over all things.173

This performative act of reciting by Muhammad actually accomplishes what the book is saying about itself. Through his delivery of the message, Muhammad becomes the messenger—and the book becomes the Message, the quintessential scripture. Thus, there is a reflexive relationship set up in the language of the Qurʾan that confers upon both the

Qurʾan and Muhammad correlative authority as sacred scripture and Prophet, respectively.

This scripture and its messenger have an audience, of course. That audience has a role to play in scripturalization, one that the Qurʾan describes as immediate and visceral:

Allah has revealed (from time to time) the most beautiful Message in the form of a Book, consistent with itself, (yet) repeating (its teaching in various aspects): The skins of those who fear their Lord tremble thereat: then their skins and their hearts do soften to the celebration of Allah’s praises. Such is the guidance of Allah: He guides therewith whom He pleases, but such as Allah leaves to stray, can have none to guide.

This reaction is tantamount to ‘goosebumps’ upon hearing the Qurʾan. The process of hearing then ‘softens’ to a form of appreciation or recognition.174 This appreciation is

achieved through the visceral power of the Qurʾan’s words as recited by Muhammad to

an audience that seems at times ambivalent, or even hostile to, the message.

Part of that ambivalence or hostility was directed at the Prophet himself. He was

apparently criticized as a “poet”, which would undermine the claims the Qurʾan made

about him, and as a consequence, the scriptural authority of the text itself. Members of

other religious communities also apparently doubted the veracity of the quranic

message, accusing Muhammad of being a “false prophet”. The Qurʾan aggressively, and

173 Qurʾan 5:19.

174 Graham and Kermani, 124-125.

77 performatively, defends the Messenger against these allegations. As a consequence, the book also protects itself from ridicule or even from being considered an imitation of scripture in its own right.

The claims the Qurʾan made about itself, as delivered by Muhammad, are no less than a revolutionary attempt to self-scripturalize in a context that was seemingly hostile to such behavior—at least initially. But it can be inferred that such affective speech would build in authority as the Qurʾan and the ancillary teachings of Islam become increasingly accepted by and incorporated into the new Muslim community. For every new believer who has experienced ‘goosebumps’ at the hearing of the Qurʾan, more weight is added to the claims in the Qurʾan that it is what it says it is. Additionally, this dynamic helps to prove what the text is not, that is, the work of a poet:

We have not instructed the (Prophet) in Poetry, nor is it meet for him: this is no less than a Message and a Qurʾan making things clear: That it may give admonition to any (who are) alive, and that the charge may be proved against those who reject (Truth).

The Qurʾan thus provides several models for self-scripturalization. These provided the text with authority, and also served as inspiration for what authoritative speech might sound like within the inheritors of its teachings. Although the text claims for itself that it cannot be copied, this does not mean that aspects of the text could not be adopted, imitated, or otherwise reconstituted.

***

78 Ecstatic Utterances and Transgressive Words in Sufism

Taking influence from the transgressive quality of Qurʾanic speech as delivered by

Muhammad, later Muslim adherents also made bold claims about themselves and their

divine status in the centuries following the Qurʾan’s initial recitations. As Michael Sells

observes, “Sufis view their thought and way of life as Qurʾanic in every sense.”175 Thus

both Qurʾan quotation and allusion permeate Sufi writing. Additionally, the direct line to

divine speech found within the Qurʾan was emulated amongst a certain set of Sufis.

Famous “saints”, or “friends of God”, including Bistami, Hallaj, and others, established a

tradition of “ecstatic speech”, or shath, during what has been described as the “classical

period” of Sufism.

This classical period, when Sufism came into flower, lasted from around the ninth

century to the twelfth, and was largely centered in Iran and Iraq.176 An exact chronology

of Sufis at this stage is elusive, owing to the orality of these traditions and to the loss of

later, written copies of these Sufi’s sayings.177 However, if hagiographical sources are to

be trusted, Sufis in Abbasid-era Baghdad and nearby Khorasan were increasingly

articulating a mystical form of Islam that could find itself at odds with the emerging

‘orthodoxies’ of Sunni thought and practice, as well as Islamic law.

Some of the controversy around Sufis was due to their particular ascetic forms of

practice at this stage. Figures like Rabia and Hasan of Basra were noteworthy

participants in forms of “ascetic piety”, which could include fasting, intense periods of

prayer and meditation, and other forms of self-abnegation. These forms of practice could

175 Michael A. Sells, Early Islamic Mysticism: Sufi, Qurʾan, Miraj, Poetic and Theological Writings, 29.

176 Carl Ernst, Words of Ecstasy in Sufism, 4-6.

177 Sells, Early Islamic Mysticism, 25-26.

79 pose a challenge to normative claims of Islamic practice that discouraged asceticism.

Rabia, for example, refused to take a husband, and instead devoted herself to poverty

and devotion.178 The ascetic impulses of the early Sufis challenged the growing material

concerns of the wealthy Abbasid empire at this stage, and helped to distinguish Sufism as

a distinct form of Islamic practice.

The challenge to materialism and degraded spirituality featured prominently in

early Sufism, as did the subsequent availing onto Sufi teachers of their own forms of

spiritual authority. This could come through forms of mystic insight into the true, or

“real”, nature of the world. This insight could occur in a conversational setting with other

Islamic or Sufi teachers, wherein the Sufi provided the deeper meaning of a hadith or

Qurʾanic quotation. More problematically, Sufi authority might be established through

their ecstatic utterances, shathiyat.

These utterances often emerged out of the intense devotional practices in which

Sufis participated. The intensity of these experiences feature prominently in other Sufi

attempts to account for the (seemingly) transgressive qualities of the words uttered.

Thus, in reference to Hallaj’s utterance of “ana al-haqq”, or “I am the Real”, a later Sufi

author Ruzbihan could explain to a less ‘enlightened’ audience the position from which

Hallaj spoke:

The path to his [Hallaj’s] spiritual reality became incomprehensible in the sight of the imperfect. We are removing the murky doubts from the clear face of reality. Know that that dear one had fallen into “essential union” (‘ayn-i jam). He was drowned in the limitless ocean of eternity, pure ecstasy overcame him.179

Similar explanations could be given for al-Bistami’s famous exclamation of “Glory be to

me”: the Sufis in question were speaking from a place of union, and thus their words

178 Farid ad-Din ‘Attar, trans. Paul Losensky, Memorial of God’s Friends, 105.

179 Ernst, Words of Ecstasy, 17, quoting from Ruzbihan, Sharh, 12.

80 would not have made sense to those who were hearing it from a different place. This gave Sufis a type of authority through their proximity to God, as well as made them a target for authorities to whom this direct connection could pose a problem. Ecstatic utterances, along with other forms of mystical practice, could thus be seen as functioning within the field of forces of self-actualized authority, normative Islamic practice, and imperial authority from a very early stage.

There is a tendency amongst scholars to view these early instances of Sufi asceticism and ecstatic speech as formative, and later articulations of the same as being derivative. Certainly, later Sufis take their cue from the earliest practitioners, going back even further than Hallaj to the Sufi prototypes of Ali ibn Talib, Muhammad, or even

Moses. However, to view later Sufi usage of ecstatic speech as “tropes”, or “topoi”, might ignore the very real controversies present when later Sufis deliberately deploy ecstatic speech in their own materials, be it public teaching or textual (re)production. As a consequence, the vitality of Sufism, its dynamism that comes through a continuous unveiling of the divine from beyond time into human consciousness, becomes subordinated to a notion of the systematization of Sufi tropes through time. While this certainly fits the genealogical record of the development of shath, it inadvertently undermines the claims Sufis may be making through utilizing transgressive speech.

The models of Hallaj and Bistami have been “rationalized” by later Sufi writers

(such as Ruzbihan, above), or become evoked as literary topoi within Sufi writings (as in

Rumi or ʿAṭṭār’s writing). Yet these two forms of domestication of shath do not necessarily entail that the mode of divine union and ecstatic speech that Sufi saints are said to have displayed disappeared as a possibility in the eyes of later Sufi practitioners.

In fact, the legacies of Hallaj and Bistami might have precisely shown the possibility for

81 forms of mystic speech that reflected an authority above and beyond that of normative

Islamic claims, as well as political claims to divine right. Thus, we could consider later

authors deployment of divine speech as not substantively different than that of earlier

Sufi claims: it rather reflects an ongoing engagement with a level of discourse with the

divine that is a hallmark of Sufi claims to authority.

Sufi writings, and stories of Sufis in hagiographical writings, also formed a type of

canon for Rumi to refer back to in his teaching and writings. His predecessors in the

Persianate masnavi tradition, including Hakim Sanaʿi and Farid ad-din ʿAttar were, for

Rumi, highly influential. Rumi refers to Sanaʿi as “the sage of Ghazna” and quotes

extensively from his Divan within the first book of the Masnavi.180 According to some later hagiographers, ʿAttar himself gave Rumi a copy of his Asrar-Name (Book of Secrets)

when Rumi passed through Khorasan as a young man.181 In one poem, Rumi states the

importance of ʿAttar and Sanaʿi:

ʿAttar was the soul itself and Sanaʿi its two eyes, but we have come after Sanaʿi and ʿAṭṭār. The men of the Path of Salvation are all but one soul and one heart.182

Within the Masnavi, ʿAttar’s influence on the text was rarely explicitly stated, though one

scholar has found around 35 passages that can be traced to him.183 While Rumi’s Masnavi

180 A detailed examination of ʿAttar and Sanaʿi’s influence on Rumi can be found in Azfal Iqbal’s The Life and Work of Jalaluddin Rumi, 86-91.

181 The story may be more meaningful in terms of connecting Rumi to a certain poetic line, rather than for its facticity. Lewis discusses the issues with the story of their meeting in Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 65.

182 These lines, though often quoted, do not appear in every collection of Rumi’s poetry. The reference here is from the Kulliyat-i Shams-i Tabriz from Lakhnau (564), as quoted by Alexander de Kegl in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland, London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1900, 140-142. Additionally, there appears some variation in the lines.

82 eventually would surpass those of his progenitors in fame, their masnavis provided

textual models and a set of narrative resources for the later text’s composition.

Rumi was not the only Sufi mystic of his day to incorporate elements of previous

Sufi teachings as well as to inculcate Sufi impulses towards self-authenticating speech.184

Yet the deployment of these stories and modes cannot be considered mere participation in a genre, but rather represented an appeal to an existing canon and sphere of authority to which these latter Sufis were laying claim. In another famous example, roughly contemporary with Rumi’s time, Ibn al-Arabi describes his own work as a gift from celestial origins. In Ibn al-Arabi’s Fusus al-Hikham (“The Bezels of Wisdom”), the author begins the book by stating within the preface to have been given the book by

Muhammad:

I saw the Apostle of God in a visitation granted to me during the latter part of the month of Muharram in the year 627, in the city of Damascus. He had in his hand a book and he said to me, “This is the book of the Bezels of Wisdom; take it and bring it to men that they might benefit from it.” I said, “All obedience is due to God and His Apostle; it shall be as we are commanded.” I therefore carried out the wish, made pure my intention and devoted my purpose to the publishing of this book, even as the Apostle had laid down, without any addition or subtraction.”185

He follows this account by describing a request he made of God that Satan would have no authority over him and thus the readers of the book could know that its origin was from

“the station of Sanctification”—not the devil. While Ibn al-Arabi’s account can prompt the imagination to all sorts of places (is there a Divine library? What other books are there?),

183 Cf. Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 288. There appear to be very few rules for citation and borrowing within Sufi works. The audience likely would have been familiar, to some extent, with the source materials, rendering explicit reference unnecessary.

184 Cf. Mojaddedi, Beyond Dogma, 63-90. His chapter, “Divine Communication”, lays out other examples of Sufi invocation of divine speech, as well as Rumi’s observations on these Sufis and their modes of communication.

185 Ibn al-Arabi: The Bezels of Wisdom, Ibn al-Arabi, translated by R.W.J. Austin, 45-46.

83 it is sufficient to note here that self-authentication was operative within Sufi works of the medieval period. In both Rumi and Ibn al-Arabi’s cases, their writings achieved a type of fame that, in some ways, lent authority to the claims which their respective works made about themselves.

Despite its later composition, the Masnavi clearly wishes to place itself within— and perhaps supersede—the Sufi canon that was established in the preceding centuries.

It participates in the ongoing production of that canon through adapting stories, poetic structures, and modes of performative speech. The Masnavi, then, might be understood as participating in the formative stages of these Sufi and/or Persianate scriptures as one amongst many, though, as I argue here, it certainly became the most or amongst the most significant of these texts. In the following section, I discuss general approaches to how the Masnavi has been analyzed and understood by scholars. I will then return to analyze the claims the Masnavi makes about itself and how these claims performatively accomplish the poem’s self-authentication.

***

Textual Analysis and the Masnavi

Scholarly and exegetical literature on the Masnavi often focuses on its structure and meaning. This reflects the general tendency towards textual materials to view the written text as a repository of meaning to be understood and interpreted. Seyed

Ghahreman Safavi and Simon Weightman have argued that the Masnavi, while appearing to be a loosely organized collection of anecdotes and homilies, actually possesses a deeper structure. They see the Masnavi as utilizing “ring structure” to communicate

‘hidden’ meanings about the textual content to the more sophisticated reader. They correspond these with the three “roots” mentioned in the prose introduction to the work,

84 where it describes itself as the “roots of the roots of the religion”. These three roots are

the shariah, the tariqah, and the haqiqah. According to these authors, the design of the

Masnavi “reflects these three levels”, and thus shows Rumi’s intent, “to make it possible

for its readers and hearers to transform, to change inwardly in the direction of reality, a

task that he had conducted in person for many years as a spiritual director on the Sufi

path.”186

Not all scholars agree that this ‘synoptic’ reading is the primary modality with which to view the composition of the Masnavi. Annemarie Schimmel observes:

The book is not built according to a system; it lacks architectural structure; the verses lead one into the other, and the most heterogeneous thoughts are woven together by word associations and loose threads of stories.187

Clearly, for Schimmel, the book’s ‘protean’ imagery and its diverse range of influences are more important aspects of the text than a hidden or non-existent superstructure.

Even Safavi and Weightman themselves admit to some level of extemporaneous composition. Departing, by design, from the earlier analysis of Schimmel (amongst others), they argue that though the book appears to be free-flowing at times, its composition took place within a pre-planned structure:

There is no contradiction, then, between the preplanning of the Mathnawi, on the one hand, and the spontaneity of Mawlana’s creativity on the other; they are not mutually exclusive. Any constraint the plan placed on creative spontaneity must have been more than compensated for by the provision of subject, context and direction. The Mathnawi was preplanned down to the level of section headings, and spontaneous and extempore in the outpouring of the verses within each section. This suggested mode of composition is implicit in the discovery.188

186 Rumi’s Mystical Design, 4, 63-65.

187 Annemarie Schimmel, The Triumphal Sun: A Study of the Works of Jalaloddin Rumi, 34- 35.

188 Ibid, 220.

85 Thus, for Safavi and Weightman, the book is structured and extemporaneous

simultaneously. The structure becomes clear through the subject headings—which they

argue must have been put in place prior to the Masnavi’s composition. The only evidence

for this, unfortunately, is found within the text itself, so their reasoning proves circular

on this point. Authorial intent, for them, is derived from a pattern they found within the

work itself, and is by definition not explicit. There exists no evidence outside the text and

their analysis of its content to support their argument—which they readily admit.

Although they appear to be the first to attempt a systematic and synoptic study of

the work, the idea of a superstructure for the Masnavi was not new to Safavi and

Weightman. Both Reynold Nicholson, who translated the entire six volumes into stilted

(due to parenthetical insertions) English, and Julian Baldick, a scholar of Islamic

mysticism, saw within the Masnavi indications of an overall organizational structure.

While Nicholson saw the poem as tied together by “subtle links”, Baldick went further,

arguing that it corresponded to the framing device of Farid ad-din ʿAttar’s own epic

masnavi works, the Ilahi-Name.189 In this earlier epic, a king speaks to his six sons to try

to dissuade them from their worldly and magical desires. Similar to Rumi’s Masnavi, the

book layers narratives on top of commentaries—though ʿAttar more clearly demarcates

chapters, and the book is much shorter.190 While the king does have six sons, which is the same number of volumes as Rumi’s poem has, there is not much else to indicate within the text that this reference was operative in the way that Baldick describes.

189 Julian Baldick, “Persian Sufi Poetry up to the Fifteenth Century,” in History of Persian Literature from the Beginning of the Islamic Period to the Present Day, ed. G. Morrison (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981), 124-126.

190 My M.A. thesis examines this work at length. Cf. Matthew Lynch, “Unique Royalty: The Meaning and Metaphor of Kingship in ʿAttar’s Ilahi-Name”, University of Chicago, 2009.

86 As Franklin Lewis observes, another explanation for having six books can be

found within the text itself. 191 In the 4th line of the final volume, the text alludes to the six directions found within three-dimensional life:

O spiritual one, I bring to thee as an offering the Sixth Part to complete the Masnavi. From these Six Books give light to the Six Directions, in order that anyone who has not performed the circumambulation may perform it.192

These six directions correspond with the ways humans can move: up, down, left, right,

backwards, and forwards. The text immediately dispenses with these six in the next line,

“Love has naught to do with the five and the six.” This demonstrates that the structure of

the text around the number six, even were it to be preplanned,193 is subservient to what

is more important, that is, love.

To some scholars, the didactic communication of the teachings within the Masnavi

are its key feature, with Mawlana Rumi, the master teacher, speaking from his poetic

helm. According to Fatemah Keshavarz, “In the Masnavi, nothing distracts from the

homiletic purpose.”194 She reads in its lines the voice of the “master”, instructing from a

position of prominence. The lines of the book serve his “didactic goal”.195 This approach

would put the Masnavi squarely in the category of wisdom literature, as it has often been

191 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 219-220.

192 M VI: 3-4, trans. Nicholson, 258. Nicholson’s translation adds that the circumambulation in question, presumably originally meant to be around the Kaaba, can now be performed around the Masnavi.

193 As indicated in the verses quoted above, the sixth book notes its finality—though none of the previous books indicate this was the plan or overall structure in any explicit fashion.

194 Fatemeh Keshavarz, Reading Mystical Lyric: The Case of Jalal al-Din Rumi, 4.

195 Ibid, 38.

87 considered by later readers.196 When treating the Masnavi as a homiletic text, no deeper

or hidden structure is necessary to read these teachings; listening to Rumi’s poetic voice

coming through the narratives and homilies is sufficient. Indeed, throughout the work,

the meaning of many passages is explained quite clearly—if only to be revisited and

revised later.

These additional messages and revisions have brought others to see its

composition as a type of spontaneous overflowing. Rumi’s ghazal poetry is better known

for its seeming spontaneity; the formality and length of the couplet form would seem less

suited to extemporaneous composition. Yet the text does seem to unfold in a flowing,

often tangential fashion. Narratives are interrupted with other narratives, or with sharp

insights. The text often circles back upon itself, consciously returning to unfinished

business, only to leave off once more.

In a critique of the aforementioned authors’ structure-based analysis of the

Masnavi, Jawid Mojaddedi offers that unfolding as one of the text’s key features.197 If there was a design, the design was one that would allow for dynamic change as the text was delivered. He agrees with two other scholars, Ahmet Karamustafa and Alan

Williams, that the text had a deliberate strategy in its spontaneity, using the styles of interruption and interaction found within the work as support:

In this way, the reader would be unable to remain disengaged from the immediate discussion through a preoccupation with predicting the development of the poem in the broader context of any organizational plan. Since Rumi uses interactive strategies to draw the reader’s attention to the immediate discussion, he would

196 Though the question of whether the Islamic content of this wisdom literature was necessary to its overall use as wisdom literature has been a subject of some debate amongst translators, scholars, practitioners, and popular audiences alike. Cf. “The Erasure of Islam from the Poetry of Rumi” in The New Yorker, January 5, 2017.

197 Mojaddedi, “The Ebb and Flow of ‘The Ocean inside a Jug: The Structure of Book One of Rumi’s Mathnawi Reconsidered,” Journal of Sufi Studies 3 (2014), 105-131.

88 hardly have desired the readers to preserve an overall map of his poem in the back of their minds for reference.198

Mojaddedi’s view takes into account the circumstances of the text’s production, focusing on Rumi delivering this poem in his voice to Hosam al-din and his other disciples.

As discussed in the first chapter, Rumi’s work emerged within a ritual, pedagogic, and dialogic setting. He composed it with the help of one or more of his disciples, and it was purportedly utilized in funerary rituals as well as other performative settings. A complete structure would not have been apparent to its audience until the completion of its composition—if even then.199 As Mojaddedi has argued, such a structure would have

distracted from the mode in which the poem was delivered. So, what do we make, then,

of the time that the text was being communicated, disseminated, and used in ritual

settings—that is, the time when Rumi was actually alive and composing it?

Rumi’s audience would have been engaged with the performative aspects of the

Masnavi, as well as how the Masnavi reflected on the peculiarities of their own

circumstances, rather than (or perhaps in addition to) its universal or perennial import.

Though Rumi’s writing has found an enduring and wide audience if not “timeless”, there

is no need to project its endurance as anything but a goal for its early audience—not an

observable, stable, permanent reality within the work itself.

198 Ibid, 126. Cf. Ahmet Karamustafa, “Speaker, Voice and Audience in the Koran and the Mathnawi,” Sufi 79 (January–June 2010): 36–45, as well as Williams, “Narrative Structure and Polyphonic Discourse in the Mathnawī,” Mawlana Rumi Review 4 (2013): 50-82.

199 The parallels with the Qurʾan, for example, can clarify: as long as Muhammad was alive, there existed the possibility of further revelation. It was not until after Muhammad died, seemingly unexpectedly, that the Qurʾan came to be formalized as a complete text within the early community of his followers. I will return to the debate over the ending of the Masnavi in chapter 4. However, it is sufficient to note that as long as Rumi was alive the book need not be considered finished—as apparently even his death did not stop people from adding to it.

89 What is more of interest for the present study are the measures that both text and audience undertook to lay claim to a place alongside timeless, religious texts. In the following section, I will argue that these claims are made by the text itself, and indeed form an often-overlooked part of the text’s purpose and design. In order to do this, I will first refocus the question of the intent of the author away from Rumi himself, and back onto the Masnavi, by demonstrating that agency and authorship in composition feature prominently in the text’s claims about itself.

***

The Question of Authorship within the Text

The authorship of the Masnavi is not generally treated as an open question: its author is Jalaluddin Rumi, the 13th century Muslim mystic teacher. Its dates of composition correspond with the last 15 or so years of Rumi’s life, with the sixth book being completed just prior to his death. Manuscript versions appear shortly thereafter due to the actions of his son, Sultan Valad, and other followers. Yet ‘true’ authorship in relation to the Masnavi poses provocative issues, from a post-modern stance as well as from theosophical and spiritual perspectives. Further, the question of authorships reflects upon the book’s performativity, that is, what the text ‘says’ about its own authorship is part of what the text can be seen as doing.

The ascription of the book’s authorship to the agency of a divine author, whether through inspiration or some other means, appears frequently within the Masnavi. The ultimate lines of Book One, for example, explain why it stops where it does, while ultimately assuring the audience that more can be expected. While not the first example of divine agency in its authorship, it does feature prominently as the last statement the first book says about itself:

90 The words are coming very earth-soiled; the water has become turbid: stop up the mouth of the well, That God may again make it pure and sweet, that He who made it turbid may likewise make it pure. Patience brings the object of desire, not haste. Have patience—and God knoweth best what is right.200

This could be read as a type of etiquette, with Rumi humbly giving credit to God for the

words that once came and then stopped. But in the context of other claims of divine

speech within the work, humility does not seem to be the text’s operative mode.

With the benefit of hindsight, we know that patience that was requested in the

final lines of the first book of the Masnavi may have been more greatly needed than was

expected. The opening verses of second book note a delay in its production, presumably

due to Hosam al-din’s “ascension to realities”.201 The prose introduction of this same

work also ascribes divine agency as the reason for the book’s ‘postponement’ (though

what schedule might have been in place that it was postponed from is unclear). It begins:

Touching this Second Book, part of the reason of its postponement is set forth, namely, that if all the Divine Wisdom be made known to his slave, the slave [absorbed in contemplation of] the benefits of that act will be left without the power to perform it; and the infinite wisdom of God will destroy his understanding, [so that] he will not engage in that act.202

So, it is clear there is some relation between God’s purported actions and the

composition of these two books, according to the Masnavi itself. Rumi and Hosam al-din

are, in some sense, conduits for this ‘Divine Wisdom’ which is being meted out according

200 Nicholson, I/II, 217: verses 4001-4003.

201 Nicholson, I/II, 222: verses 1-6. The book provides its own date of composition in these lines as 662AH, or 1264CE. Apparently, the composition happened after Hosam al- din “returned from the Sea to the shore”, that is, after “he had gone in the ascension to realities.” Schimmel and Lewis both attribute this delay to a death in Hosam al-din’s family that kept him from being fully engaged with Rumi’s writing process. Cf. Triumphal Sun, 32-35.

202 Nicholson, I/II, 221.

91 to their ability to absorb it. Again, it is difficult to dismiss these claims as stylistic

flourishes, as they come right as the text is announcing itself to its audience.

This type of language appears in the introductory and closing portions of each

volume of the work. For example, Book Three further explains the role of the divine. In

the prose introduction, God’s role in composing the Masnavi is that of a ‘Helper’:

And to Him be the praise and the glory for the composition of the Divine, Lordly Book of the Masnavi, since He is the Helper to success and the giver of superiority, and to Him belongs the conferring of abundant benefits and favors, especially upon His servants, the gnostics, in despite of a party who desire to extinguish the Lights of God with their mouths—but God will bring His Light into completion, even if the unbelievers are loath.203

Clearly, the Masnavi wishes for its reader to understand that there is a high of coordination with the divine in the composition of the book. Immediately after this provocative passage, the text invokes the language of the Qurʾan, perhaps as a way of warning the ‘party’ of haters mentioned in the previous lines:

Verily, We have sent down the Warning and verily we will guard it. And whoever shall alter it after he hath heard it, surely the guilt thereof is upon those who alter it: verily, God is Hearing and Knowing. And praise be to God, the Lord of all created beings.204

I will refer back to this section in Chapter 3, where I discuss intertextuality with the

Qurʾan further. Sufficient here is to note that, to some extent, the agency behind

authorship of the Masnavi is described by the text itself as divine in origin, and

comparable—in some way—to the Qurʾan.

203 Nicholson, III/IV, 4. Note that “bounty” is changed to “superiority” within the appendix.

204 Ibid, 4. The first part of the quotation is from Qurʾan 15:9, the second from Qurʾan 2:181. As Mojaddedi explains in the notes to his translation, the ‘Warning’ refers to the Qurʾan itself, and the second portion of the verse about alteration refers to wills. In this context, it seems to take on a different aspect, which I will address in chapter 3.

92 These claims to authorship are not limited to the lines of poetry found within

books of the Masnavi itself. In the Masnavi’s third volume, it describes God’s role in

“writing the human.” Within the story of “The People of Sheba and the Prophets”, the act

of writing takes on a figurative sense:

The qualities are congruous in the good and evil: congruous are the letters that God hath written. The eye and the heart are between two fingers like a pen in the hand of the writer, O Husayn. These are the fingers of Grace and Wrath, and between them the pen, the heart, is in a state of distress or ease by these fingers. O pen, if thou art one that magnifies, consider whose two fingers thou art between.205

There is certainly some poetic play going on in this passage between the act of writing

and God’s usage of a person’s heart like a pen. Divine authorship, as these passages

indicate, could refer to the specific act of writing the Masnavi and/or God’s role as the

divine author of all that is.206 Regardless, the text itself does not appear to indicate that it is anything other than ‘Divine Wisdom’, and thus authored, at least in some way, by God.

Yet the immediate audience for that authorship, Hosam al-din, appears to play a role in the text’s actual composition as well. He does not merely transcribe the poem as

Rumi recites the verses, as the traditional narrative of the text’s composition might have us understand. According to the Masnavi, Hosam al-din is also driving the text’s creation.

As previously mentioned, the poetic portion of Book II begins with the text referencing itself and Hosam al-din:

205 Nicholson, 155-156. In the notes to his own translation, Mojaddedi adds that these “two fingers” allude to a hadith, where people’s hearts are between two of God’s Merciful fingers.

206 In Beyond Dogma, Mojaddedi discusses these and similar examples within the context of the “Friends of God’s Divine Communication.” I will return to his argument in a later section. Cf. Beyond Dogma, 64-74.

93 This Masnavi has been delayed for a while: an interval was needed in order that the blood might turn to milk. Blood does not become sweet milk until thy fortune gives birth to a new babe. Hearken well. When the Light of God, Hosam al-din, drew the reins back from the zenith of Heaven— After he had gone in the ascension to realities, without his springtide the buds were unburst— When he returned from the Sea towards the shore, the lyre of the poesy of the Masnavi became attuned. The Masnavi, which was the burnisher of spirits—his return was the day of seeking commencement. The date of beginning this gainful traffic was in the year six hundred and sixty- two. A nightingale went hence and returned: it became a falcon for hunting these spiritual truths.207

It is clear from this passage, as well as from the passage in Book One, that the presence of

Hosam al-din is necessary for the Masnavi to continue to manifest itself. This could be due to his necessary role as the transcriber of the lines being recited, and/or because he is somehow the conduit for or inspiration behind the text.

Either way, the text displays a high degree of dialogic activity in its lines. This dialogue can be conceived on three levels. The first is between the divine author and the human recipient/reciter, Rumi. The second is between Rumi and his immediate audience, Hosam al-din. In the 5th book, the text even announces to Hosam al-din that his role should not even be discussed due to his advanced station:

O Ziya ‘l-Haqq, noble Husamu’ddin, master of the masters of purity, If the people were not veiled and gross, and if their throats were not narrow and feeble, In my praise of thee I should have done justice to the reality and expressed myself in language other than this; But the falcon’s mouthful is not that of the wagtail: now recourse must be had to water and oil.

207 Nicholson, 222. Note that the book itself is described as “the burnisher of spirits”: the text understands itself to have its own agency, or affective properties, separate from the author(s).

94 Tis wrong to praise thee to the prisoners: I will tell in the assembly of the spiritual. Tis fraud to discourse of thee to the worldly: I will keep it hidden like the secret of love.208

This dialogue between the author and Hosam al-din explicitly states that Hosam al-din’s

status is beyond that of the “worldly”, and thus also occupies a privileged position within

the text’s dialogic structure.

The third dialogic engagement is between the text and its secondary audience. As

has been previously discussed, the Masnavi addresses its external critics on several occasions. Further, the voice of the text leaps out of narration to give exhortative and homiletic messages to its audience. In this way, author and audience are dynamically constructed in the work, such that just who is speaking and to whom can become layered, adding ambiguity and depth to the verses.

Occasionally, the text even invokes the words of God himself. While chapter 3 explicitly draws on the “word of God” in the text that is traced to the Qurʾan, God’s words are not limited to just Quranic reference in the Masnavi. In Book V, God calls out from the

Holy Court to a man condemned to hell, calling him a “ne’er-do-well destitute.”209 Other

passages feature God as some form of speaking character as well. The entire text, in

many ways, is a demonstration of what God is and who God is, and then what God wants

of human beings. In this way, under the confused and elevated modes of authorship and

dialogue, the book performs as a scriptural work. It is not merely exegetical, nor does it

208 Book V: 2-7. The praise of Hosam al-din continues in 23: “Thou art the Light of God and a mighty drawer of the soul to God. His creatures are in the darkness of vain imagination and opinion.”

209 M V: 1821.

95 claim to be the product of Rumi’s own poetic genius or that of a collaborative writing

process. It is a divinely-sourced scripture.

As Jawid Mojaddedi has observed, “The notion that divine communication is ubiquitous and not limited to the Qurʾan is a viewpoint Rumi expresses very frequently.”210 However, if Rumi had this conception, one should look at the work attributed to him not merely as an explication of this concept, but rather as an example of it. Rumi’s agency, however, may have been to keep this aspect of his teaching partially secret: “Rumi implies that fellow mystics alone need to understand that their divine communication is at the same level [as Muhammad’s], and that mystics were not interested in the allegiance of the masses,” writes Mojaddedi.211 So perhaps the nature of

the Masnavi as divine communication, and thus as sacred scripture, was meant to be

understood as a secret by its initial audience. If such is the case, that secret was not well-

guarded: the text itself participates in its own self-authentication, and its usage in ritual

and teaching settings insured that the truth would out.

This section outlined the key ways the Masnavi uses self-authenticating and

performative language in order to position itself as a sacred scripture. However, the

examples included here are by no means exhaustive. In the following chapter, I will

engage directly with the Masnavi’s usage of Qurʾanic citation as an element of its self-

authentication.

210 Beyond Dogma, 64-66.

211 Ibid., 66.

96

CHAPTER THREE: THE ESPOUSAL OF THE QURʾAN IN THE MASNAVI

*** I am the servant of the Qurʾan as long as I have life. I am the dust on the path of Muhammad, the Chosen one. If anyone quotes anything except this from my sayings, I am quit of him and outraged by these words. 212

***

Scriptures are seldom cut out of whole cloth. More often, they are pastiches of the diverse scriptural traditions that precede them. These other traditions can appear explicitly, by allusion, or otherwise in dialogue with the emergent scripture. The scriptural texts that belong to Abrahamic religious traditions, including the Hebrew

Scriptures, the New Testament, and the Qurʾan, demonstrate the relationality of successive scriptures that have shared histories and traditions. These connections can also be a source of tension between scriptures, as each can be seen as supplementing, correcting, or supplanting previous scriptural traditions. This corrective process can even apply to elements within a respective scripture. The successive scripture’s authority is produced through these claims. Yet the relationships articulated by each successive scripture with the tradition(s) of which they are the heir are necessary to any such claim.

Literary studies of scriptural traditions bring these relationships to the forefront.

Though some scriptural referents may seem obvious, others require interpretation by the exegete in order to reveal themselves. Further, what each scripture seeks to gain

212 The Quatrains of Rumi, trans. Ibrahim Gamard and Rawan Farhadi, 2.

97 through these types of references is often a matter of debate: does the usage of inherited

scriptural traditions strengthen the claims a given text makes to authoritativeness, or

might it also undermine itself in the process by showing itself to be a derivation?

Intertextual analysis aims to uncover these connections between scriptures in order to

reveal the meanings and functions of these scriptures in reference to their prior models.

Intertextuality describes the relationships that texts have with each other and

how they lend each other meaning. These relationships can be found in a variety of

literary techniques, including translation, allusion, and direct quotation. The theorist

Julia Kristeva first coined the term in reference to Bakhtin’s distinctions between

authorial subject-addressee and text-context. For Kristeva, the notion of intertextuality

reveals that “any text is constructed as a mosaic of quotations; any text is the absorption

and transformation of another.”213 Consequently, the author-addressee relationship is

only one element in the composition of texts, one that must be read alongside of the

attendant literary, cultural, and historical environments in which the text is composed.

Although the study of intertextuality comes out of literary theory, it has proven a

productive mode of analysis within religious studies as well. Scriptural traditions often

utilize a variety of literary techniques. As Carl Ernst observes of the Qurʾan, “Like other

sacred texts, the Qurʾan may be studied through its use of literary features, such as

hyperbole, metaphor, allegory, symbolism, personification, irony, wordplay, and

poetry.”214 The study of these elements aids in revealing the ways the text functions, and thus can reveal meanings and messages that might be otherwise unclear, especially in translation. While such approaches might seem to undermine the claims to divinity texts

213 Julia Kristeva, “Word, Dialogue and Novel” in The Kristeva Reader, trans. Sean Hand, 36-37. 214 Carl Ernst, How to Read the Qurʾan, 9.

98 make, or the reverence for them that adherents have, the techniques can also be a means of appreciating the levels of meaning a text has that were otherwise unclear. There is nothing inherently antithetical about the literary analysis of scripture; indeed, in the case of the Qurʾan and the Masnavi, it may unveil new dimensions to the claims these texts make about themselves. At the very least, literary analysis of the two texts in conversation with each other will demonstrate how those claims are constructed, performed, and otherwise deployed within them.

In the following sections, I will examine the relationship between the Qurʾan and the Masnavi. I will begin by examining intertextuality within the Qurʾan itself as a means of showing the model from which the Masnavi generates its own intertextuality. I will then analyze the ways in which the Masnavi incorporates a variety of literary elements, motifs, and styles that have led some scholars to see it as a Qurʾan-like text. With these two aspects established, I will show how the Qurʾan is quoted, alluded to, and otherwise used intertextually within the Qurʾan. Finally, I will analyze the explicit identifications made by the Masnavi with the Qurʾan, both in the text itself and in other writings.

Ultimately, I will argue in this section that the Masnavi goes beyond mere exegesis of the

Qurʾan in its text, it actually aims to become a scripture in its own right by means of performative and structural utilization of the Qurʾanic model.

***

Intertextuality in the Qurʾan

The Qurʾan is a highly complex scriptural text that functions on many levels of meaning and reference. It seems to invite, or even demand, interpretation. When one attempts to interpret the Qurʾan, a common response to the question of how to properly interpret it is to ask the Qurʾan itself for the answer. As Abdullah Saeed argues:

99 For Muslims, the Qurʾan is a coherent whole with a unified purpose. This means that often difficult sections or verses of the Qurʾan can be clarified in another part of the text. An ambiguous verse may have its explanation in another verse or verses. 215

Thus, to explain the role of intertextuality within the Qurʾan, a useful starting point can

be found in the explicit claims the Qurʾan makes about itself in reference to the “book” (

describes Qurʾan the passages, numerous in Further, previously. received was it as (ﮐﺘﺎب

both what it is and what it does. These claims distinguish it from other scriptures. In this

section, I will explore some examples of these in order to demonstrate how the Qurʾan

constructed itself in reference to the existing scriptural environment in which it was

received.

The Qurʾan’s claims to being a scripture were neither unique nor new. As Daniel

Madigan observes, “By the time of Islam’s emergence, it was common coinage among

Near Eastern religions that divine dealings with creation, and especially with humanity,

often involved writing.”216 So the Qurʾan should not be understood as attempting to be original in making such claims about its status. Rather, its approach appears to be to clarify, explain, or correct the other writings that were in circulation. Yet, for Madigan, these “writings” were not necessarily in circulation as writing for the Qurʾan and its initial audience. The presence of intertextual reference in the Qurʾan reveals “something about the life of those other texts that we did not know from their wording.”217 The

Qurʾan’s “kinship” with those other texts is the product of what Muslims gathered from

215 Abdullah Saeed, “Contextualizing” in The Blackwell Companion to the Qurʾan, 48.

216 Daniel Madigan, The Qurʾan’s Self-Image, 4-7. Madigan’s work offers an extensive explanation of the function of “kitab”, or “book”, both within the Qurʾan and in reference to other books that may have been in circulation in the Near East.

217 Ibid, 6.

100 “the scriptured people with whom they had contact,” not merely a retelling of other

scriptures in a new format. This approach grounds any discussion of intertextuality in

the Qurʾan within a historical environment of scriptural negotiation amongst varying

practitioners, rather than passive reception by believers.218 Through intertextuality,

then, the Qurʾan established itself as part of the scriptural negotiations, for Muslims and

non-Muslims alike, within that environment.219

The existing scriptures also serve as a warning directly to Muslims, as they

contain examples of people who have disobeyed God’s will. In a passage outlining dietary

proscriptions, Surah al-Nahl describes some unfortunate Jews who violated certain

instructions:

To the Jews We prohibited such things as We have mentioned to thee before: We did them no wrong, but they were used to doing wrong themselves. But verily thy Lord—to those who do wrong in ignorance, but who thereafter repent and make amends—Thy Lord, after all this, is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful.220

Though it is unclear from these lines of the text whether the Jews referenced in these lines were meant to be understood as contemporary with Muhammad’s recitation or not, it does seem clear that the Qurʾan is telling its audience that they should not disobey after their fashion, as it may bring a “most grievous penalty.”221 The community of Jews, which is implicitly a scriptural community, was found wanting; the Qurʾanic audience should take heed.

218 Madigan, The Qurʾan’s Self Image, 22-23.

219 Ernst, How to Read the Qurʾan, 12-13.

220 Q 16: 118-119.

221 Quran 16: 117.

101 Yet references to some aspects of these scriptural communities do not appear

solely in a negative light in the Qurʾan. In subsequent verses of Surah al-Nahl, an allusion

is made to one of the human prototypes of obedience to the divine, Abraham:

Abraham was indeed a model. Devoutly obedient to Allah, true in faith, and he joined not gods with Allah. He showed his gratitude for the favors of Allah, who chose him, and guided him to a straight way. And We gave him Good in this world, and he will be, in the Hereafter, in the ranks of the Righteous.222

The passage’s use of parallel construction thus juxtaposes certain disobedient Jews with

Abraham, establishing an intertextual dichotomy that is resolved by the Qurʾan’s

instructions. The audience, who apparently follow the Jewish scriptural community in

claiming Abraham as a prophet, are exhorted to follow the model of Abraham rather than

the examples of the disobedient Jews of the prior verses.

As Carl Ernst observes in How to Read the Qurʾan, the Qurʾan’s allusions to and

revisions of prior scriptures is the means by which it establishes itself “as their

fulfillment.”223 While the status and authority of those other writings might have some

issues that need to be redressed, the Qurʾan makes clear that its status is definitive in

reference to them. Ernst points to Sura 19, which is named for Jesus’ mother, Mary (or

Maryam), as an illustrative example for Qurʾanic intertextual reference. This sura

features a prolonged retelling of Mary’s impregnation. It also features other familiar

figures from these overlapping scriptural traditions, including Abraham, Moses, and

Ishmael. As Ernst observes: “A process of canonization is taking place here, in which the

oral revelation is calling upon the notion of a previous sacred text while it itself becomes

222 Qurʾan 16: 120-12.

223 Ernst, 13.

102 the new sacred text.”224 At the end of Sūrat Maryam, the Qurʾan references itself and its purpose, while indicating the status of those who ignored similar scriptural warnings in the past:

He does take an account of them (all), and hath numbered them (all) exactly. And every one of them will come to him singly on the Day of Judgment. On those who believe and work deeds of righteousness, will (Allah) Most Gracious bestow Love. So have We made the (Qurʾan) easy in thine own tongue, that with it thou mayest give Glad Tidings to the righteous and warnings to people given to contention. But how many (countless) generation before them have We destroyed? Canst thou find a single one of them (now) or hear (so much as) a whisper of them?225

Previous warnings have been ignored. The Qurʾan, as an Arabic scriptural text that is self-aware of those previous texts, establishes its purpose and status through its own self-authentication and in its supplanting of those previous scriptures.

Since, as I argue, the Masnavi follows the Qurʾanic model in many ways, it should not be surprising to find echoes of this particular style of self-authentication and intertextuality throughout the work. In one passage, the Masnavi makes a direct statement of how far off the path its critics are, alluding to the same types of critics that the Qurʾan once would answer:

Deriding dog! You’re barking. Sense you lack! You’re mocking the Qurʾan behind its back.226

Just as the Qurʾan was not initially accepted by its audience, so too has the Masnavi been misunderstood and unfairly characterized. In the following sections, I will show how the

Masnavi not only makes use of the Qurʾanic model, but actually deploys the Qurʾan in various ways to establish itself as a work of scripture.

224 Ernst, How to Read the Qurʾan, 55-56.

225 Qurʾan 19: 94-98: I have used the Pickthall translation here, as it renders the passage clearly.

226 Jalaluddin Rumi, The Masnavi, III: 4285-4286, trans. Jawid Mojadeddi, 260.

103 *** Stylistic Comparison of the Qurʾan and Masnavi

Imitation, it is often said, is the sincerest form of flattery. In the case of the

Masnavi and the Qurʾan, scholars have often pointed out that there are stylistic elements

that appear to follow the Qurʾanic model. Some differences are obvious: the Masnavi is a

Persian text that follows a somewhat strict and regular poetic meter, while the Qurʾan is

an Arabic text that, despite having poetic aspects, displays no apparent consistent

regularity in its verse form. The texts are also separated by over 600 years and appear in

different socio-political environments: the remote environs of Mecca and Medina

contrast greatly with the imperial urban capital of the Seljuks.227 Yet other aspects that draw the two works into comparison have proven hard to ignore.

One reason that is given for the similarity between the two texts is the level to which Rumi himself had internalized the Qurʾan. The son of an Islamic preacher, Rumi had memorized the Qurʾan at an early age. He proceeded to spent much of his life engaged in legal and mystical discourse related to understanding the message brought by Muhammad to humankind. Leonard Lewisohn describes this as Rumi being

“Quranized.” Such a characterization might strike the contemporary student of Islamic studies as problematic, given prevailing characterizations of Muslims behavior as mere functions of Qurʾanic instruction. Does agency exist for Muslims outside of the Qurʾanic

context—and should the historian make such claims about historical subjects whose

minds are unknown to them? In this case, for Lewisohn, the supposed ‘Qurʾanized

consciousness’ of Rumi seems an almost complimentary description:

227 Cf. Wolper, Cities and Saints, 7-13. Wolper describes the transformation that Sufi communities, including the Mevlevis, had on urban landscapes beginning in the mid-13th century, roughly contemporaneous with the Masnavi’s composition.

104 Rumi’s consciousness was highly Qurʾanized, being steeped in the prophetological and hagiographical history of Islamic Sufism. His poetry is so peppered with citations from the Muslim scripture that the Qurʾanocentric nature of his writings cannot be overemphasized; indeed, his Mathnawi has been called “the Qurʾan in Persian.”228

Thus, the Masnavi, for Lewisohn, relates to the Qurʾan primarily as a function of its

author’s consciousness.

Jawid Mojaddedi also notes the now-familiar ascription to the Masnavi as being

“the Qurʾan in Persian.” Despite the unclear origins of this subtitle, Mojaddedi notes that,

as far as he knows, “no one has questioned or challenged the appropriateness of this

description for Rumi’s magnum opus.”229 This is perhaps due to the fact that the Masnavi so pervasively uses the Qurʾanic model that it appears as such. But the implications of that epithet, “the Qurʾan in Persian,” go beyond surface-level observations about its style and features, or even exegetical elements. The Masnavi’s ‘textual embodiment’ of the

Qurʾan points to its self-authentication as a work of scripture in its own right. The fact that it was used and understood on such terms only gives further credence to the claims it makes about itself.

The stylistic components that draw the texts into comparison have been the subject of some study for decades amongst Rumi scholars. Gustav Richter, who wrote in

German, and Badi'ozzamān Foruzānfar, who wrote extensively about Rumi in Persian, found many stylistic overlaps between these two texts.230 Foruzanfar called the Masnavi

228 Lewisohn, “Principles of the Philosophy of Ecstasy in Rumi’s Poetry” in The Philosophy of Ecstasy, 59-60. The objection has been posed that Qurʾanic usage was merely a part of the lingua franca of the era. I demonstrate here a more complex engagement with the Qurʾan than it being simply a product of linguistic conventions in the Masnavi.

229 Mojaddedi, “Rumi,” in The Blackwell Companion to the Qurʾan, 363.

230 Cf. Gustav Richter, Persiens Mystiker Dschelalad-Din Rumi: eine Stildeutung in drei Vortagen. According to Franklin Lewis: “Richter shows how the Masnavi follows the

105 “a continuation of the heavenly books and divine truths.”231 He describes their stylistic comparisons as follows:

The Masnavi is not divided into chapters and sections like other books; it has a style similar to the noble Koran, in which spiritual insights, articles of belief, the laws and principles of faith, and exhortations are set forth and mixed together according to divine wisdom. Like the Book of Creation, it has no particular order.232

The stylistic overlap with the Qurʾan is not merely a function of Rumi’s consciousness for

Foruzanfar. It is evidence of the Masnavi’s place within the divine canon.

Abdolkarim Soroush observes that the Masnavi’s use of the Qurʾan reveals Rumi’s

attachment to the Qurʾan. It is impossible for anyone who reads Rumi’s poetry

extensively to fail to observe the importance of the Qurʾan to the author of these

poems—though this may be downplayed in some contemporary English translations.

Beyond observing the importance of the Qurʾan to Rumi, Soroush argues that the

Masnavi is a commentary on prophecy and revelation; that is, it communicates an aspect

of the process of the Qurʾan’s composition:

Rumi considers the Qurʾan to be both the word of God and the word of the Prophet. In fact, in many instances, he goes so far to suggest that the Prophet is no more than 'a cover' for God's action. In other words, God is both the speaker and the hearer and the Prophet is like someone who has been bewitched by fairies and has had words put into his mouth.233

paradigm of the Koran in integrating stories, parables, ethical exhortations and didactic philosophy, which may at first glance seem randomly digressive, but when regarded more deeply, resolve into an intricate pattern, like a Persian carpet.” (Rumi: Past and Present, 560) This patterning has echoes with Safavi’s approach discussed in Chapter Two, though it departs from Safavi by incorporating the Qurʾanic paradigm.

231 Foruzanfar, She`r-e Mowlavi, in Yadname-ye Mowlavi, ed. ‘Ali-Akbar Moshir Salimi, 151,152. (Quoted in Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, 563, 664.)

232 Ibid, as quoted in Lewis, 561.

233 Soroush, “The Relationship between the Mathnawi and the Qurʾan,” www.drsoroush.com: Accessed 2/19/2018.

106

While it is not controversial in this context to observe that the Qurʾan is the “word of

God,” Soroush draws attention to the fact that Prophet has no distance from God when he

is reciting. He then describes a more controversial view, though he leaves the conclusion

of it as a speculation:

More importantly, Rumi believes that the Qurʾan is a depiction and a mirror of prophets' states of being or dispositions (not a depiction of their stories). He says this much explicitly and leaves the rest to the intelligent reader. Is it not possible to conclude that, as far as Rumi is concerned, the Qurʾan is also a reflection of the Prophet of Islam's dispositions? In other words, that the Prophet's personality and his changing states/dispositions have also been reflected in the Qurʾan?234

The implication is that the Prophet was somehow conditioning the reception of God’s word. Revelation is, for Soroush, ongoing process that occurs in time and space, and is conditioned by the same. If what Soroush argues about Rumi’s interpretation of this process is correct, it would not be a far leap to speculate on what precisely Rumi thinks is happening in the composition of the Masnavi. If we admit that Rumi saw the Qurʾan as, in some way, a product of the prophetic context, how are we to understand the Masnavi’s own self-authenticating claims, not to mention its deployment of the Qurʾan within its pages? Soroush’s observations about the relationship between the two texts do not answer these questions. They do, however, leave the door open to speculating about their mutual implications.

Other scholars view the Masnavi’s relationship to the Qurʾan in a more circumscribed fashion, drawing attention to its exegetical attributes. Franklin Lewis, for example, places it within the genre of Qurʾanic commentary:

234 Ibid.

107 Rumi clearly intends the Masnavi as an elaborate though somewhat disguised commentary on the Koran and the theological discourse which Muslim thinkers and gnostics developed on that scriptural basis.235

The intertextual relationships that need to be uncovered, then, are the ones between

Rumi and these other scholars and gnostics to whom Rumi is replying. This does not

close off the aforementioned possibilities, though calling the Masnavi a commentary on

the Qurʾan might seem to downgrade its status. Given the nature of the Qurʾan’s

relationship to previous scriptures, as outlined above, the mere presence of explication

does not foreclose the possibility of scripturalization in the Masnavi. In fact, it may

actually buttress its claims by putting the Masnavi squarely in a broader scriptural

tradition of intertextual commentary on prior scriptures or prior scriptural negotiations.

That it does so in the context of its own contextualized debates over scripture and

hermeneutics is further evidence that it is following the Quranic model.

Regardless of its attempts to emulate the Qurʾan stylistically and/or as scripture,

there can be no doubt that, in some fashion, the Masnavi also comments on the Qurʾan. As

Lewis further observes:

The Masnavi is a kind of Koran commentary, but not in the conventional verse-by- verse manner; it concentrates on the spiritual message of scripture, as reflected through the discourses of theology, law and Sufism. It describes a path for the purification and sanctification of the soul that leads the soul back home to its heavenly abode.236

The Masnavi comments on the Qurʾan, but in doing so, it points to a different aspect of scripture, one that is oriented toward spiritual lessons about the soul’s sanctification.

While the Masnavi functions as a type of commentary on the Qurʾan, it is worth noting that an extensive commentary tradition about the Masnavi eventually emerges. As

235 Lewis, Rumi: East and West, 396.

236 Ibid.

108 I will discuss in the next chapter, this is related to the text’s reception and instrumentation within Sufi orders and other settings. It also indicates that the Masnavi was somehow indicating messages that were either not easily found or not clear in the

Qurʾan: otherwise, scholars could just go back to the source to generate a commentary on the Qurʾan rather than comment on the Masnavi. For Foruzanfar, amongst others, the book should be understood at the level of a divine text. Others see it as a type of exegetical commentary expounding upon spiritual secrets. But even were the Masnavi to be framed as a commentary, this does not negate its claims about itself. Given that the

Qurʾan itself was a type of commentary of previous scriptural traditions, the Masnavi’s exegetical qualities could be viewed as another means of emulating its scriptural model.

In the following section, I will discuss show how the Qurʾan is deployed performatively through the use of allusion, translation, and citation within the Masnavi.

Ultimately, these references lend credence to the authorial voice as a master of the

Qurʾan, as well as an authority on appropriate (esoteric) exegesis. In much a similar manner as the Qurʾan, the book confers upon itself those roles in relation to previous scriptures and their interpretations. The book, then, is not just a commentary: it is the commentary. Combined with other elements, discussed previously and below, the commentary aspect forms one element of the text’s Qurʾanic emulation as well as its self- authentication.

***

The Qurʾan in the Masnavi: Citation, Translation and Allusion

As with the notion of a person’s consciousness being fully “Quranized”, atomistic readings of the Qurʾan have developed some negative connotations in the contemporary study of Islam. This is due in large part to certain verses being “cherry-picked” to justify

109 violence in the name of Islam, or alternately by Islamophobes, who use certain passages as a means of impugning Muslim practitioners.237 This can manifest itself as abstracting individual verses from their context within the Qurʾan and their connection to other verses. Interpreters who deploys this technique take each verse on its own terms. The

Masnavi utilizes atomistic methods in some ways: verses, snippets of verses, or even single word-citations can invoke a message from the Qurʾan at key moments in the text’s many narratives which are then explicated by the narrator’s voice. Yet this invocation of the Qurʾan functions differently than traditional tafsir: verses are not taken in any formal sequence or method. The ayat are often ‘recontextualized’ in a new fashion that is neither recognizable as an atomistic nor as a holistic reading of the passage from which it came. This redeployment and creative integration of the Qurʾan’s verses can be viewed as a hallmark of certain types of Sufi exegesis: it can uncover the ‘hidden’ or mystical aspects of the Qurʾan as part of the ongoing process of ‘unveiling’ intrinsic to many Sufi teachings.

In this section, I will demonstrate the variety of ways in which the Qurʾan is deployed within the couplets of the Masnavi. What emerges is a more complex picture than simple exegesis: the Masnavi uses the Qurʾan in such manifold ways that it can be difficult to ascertain where one text ends and the other begins. This ‘textual embodiment,’ I argue, is fundamental to the Masnavi’s self-authentication and self- canonization: it gains its status from its incorporation of the Qurʾan, but also,

237 A contemporary critique of the atomistic method of Qurʾanic hermeneutics can be found in Amina Wadud’s Qurʾan and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective, 1-3.

110 paradoxically, by being a text separated from it—like a reed that has been separated

from the reed bed.238

*** Qurʾan and Masnavi: Overlaps in Indexical Scholarship

Several works of scholarship is dedicated to uncovering the use of the Qurʾan in the Masnavi. One especially comprehensive such work is that of Baha al-din

Khorramshahi and Siamak Mokhtari, who produced Qurʾan va Masnavi: Farhangvahre-ye ta’sir-e Ayat-e Qurʾan dar Ebyaht-e Masnavi (“Qurʾan and Masnavi: A Concordance of

Influences of Qurʾan Verses on the Couplets of the Masnavi”). It functions largely as an index of the occurrences of verses of the Qurʾan in the Masnavi based off the critical

editions of Abdulkarim Soroush and Khorramshahi (respectively), as well as

commentary traditions, including that of Anqaravi. The text starts at the beginning of

Book One of the Masnavi and proceeds catalogues every verse (that has a Qurʾanic

referent) and lists its Qurʾanic referent. The concordance classifies theses according to

four categories: “taken from the verse”, “citing from verse”, “citing from a rewording of

the Qurʾan”, and “allusion to a rewording of the Qurʾan.” 239 While previous scholars have

suggested upwards of 6,000 verses or as few as 2,000 verses of the Masnavi could be

traced back to the Qurʾan, Mokhtari and Khorramshahi catalogue 4,027 specific verses.240

238 The allusion references the opening lines of verse of the Masnavi, “The Song of the Reed.” This is perhaps Rumi’s most famous poetic passage as well as one of the more well-known pieces of classical Persian poetry. Cf. Masnavi, I: 1-34.

239 The short summary under each verse is introduced by: “bar gerefteh az Aya”, Eqtabahs az ‘ebarat qorahni-ye”, “Eqtabahst az aya”, “Eshahre beh ‘ebaahrat qorahni-ye” then followed by the Qurʾanic verse. Cf. Khorramshahi and Mokhtari, Qurʾan va Masnavi: Farhangvahre-ye ta’sir-e Ayat-e Qurʾan dar Ebyaht-e Masnavi, 11-14.

240 Cf. Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, 396. Lewis cites S.H. Nasr, who himself was citing another scholar, to arrive at the number of 6,000. Soroush estimated more than 2,000 in “The Relationship Between the Mathnawi and the Qurʾan.” As far as I have been able to

111 The breadth of these results demonstrate the staggering amount of Qurʾanic reference within the pages of the Masnavi: over I5 percent of the nearly 26,000 verses of the

Masnavi are found to have a direct reference to the Qurʾan.

In order to map the relationship between the two texts and to uncover patterns within the Masnavi, I created a database of each individual aya charted against its deployment in the Masnavi.241 The full contents of this database can be found in

Appendices D. The tables in Appendices A-C are extracted from the database to show the diffusion and suffusion of the Qurʾan into the verses and volumes of the Masnavi.

Appendix A displays the extent to which each individual sura appears within the

Masnavi. As one would expect, the longer suras, like Sura al-Bakara (whose citations are listed in Appendix B by Masnavi volume), appear much more often within the Masnavi than shorter suras, like the Fatiha. Appendix C shows the distribution by Sura of its number of citations in the Masnavi. It is interesting to see how non-uniform the distribution of some suras are: Sura al-A’raf, for example, appears 344 times, with the majority of those (74) appearing in Book One. Conversely, Sura Yusuf appears 96 times, with almost a third of those (30) appearing in Book Six.

***

ascertain, Mokhtari and Khorramshahi’s is the first comprehensive attempt to catalogue each instance. Their number of 4,027 could surely be revised upward or downward depending on how citation and allusion are defined. Further, the fact that so many referents appear in the first volume compared to the others might indicate a bit more attentive treatment to that volume—though it may just indicate that Book One was much more steeped in Qurʾanic language than the later volumes. Further analysis of this data is necessary in order to draw the necessary conclusions.

241 The full data set can be found in Appendix D.

112 As demonstrated through the data above, the Masnavi usage of the Qurʾan is

extensive and varied. In the following section, I analyze the styles in which the Qurʾan appear within the text. This will also allow for the exploration of the types of performative functions that these references may have within the Masnavi. In my view, the diversity and mellifluous nature of Qurʾanic citation should force us to reconsider the text as being more than a commentary or work of scriptural exegesis: the Masnavi’s use of the Qurʾan is another mode of its own self-authentication as scripture.

Following the methodology of Mokhtari and Khorramshahi, it is apparent that the text of the Masnavi deploys the Qurʾan with some regularity—albeit in diverse ways.

These include: inclusion of the Qurʾan in Arabic (in whole or partial verse, or rephrased in Arabic as below), translation into Persian (in whole or part), and allusion to the Qurʾan that is not otherwise a translation or paraphrasing. Although it can be difficult to make clear distinctions between these categories, as the Masnavi can deploy any of these next to each other or in short sequence, these are the primary ways the Masnavi interweaves the Qurʾan into its text. At times, it may even seem disruptive—a short eruption of Arabic into an otherwise Persian passage. In other sections, it operates below the surface as an allusion that only becomes clear from the lines that follow.

***

Stylistic Deployment of the Qurʾan in the Masnavi

Some salient examples of the intricacies of Qurʾanic deployment occur in a short passage that occurs within the context of a fable in the second volume.242 The Masnavi

frequently makes use of parables and vignettes whose characters are drawn from

242 M II: 504-513.

113 everyday life.243 In this particular anecdote, a certain peasant has tied his ox in a stable,

then leaves to go about his business. A lion comes along, eats the ox, and then sits down

where the ox had been. When the peasant returns, it is dark. He fumbles through the

dark back to where he left the ox and begins to pet it. Of course, the peasant was actually

rubbing the lion—thinking it was his ox. The lion then says to himself:

“If the light were to become greater, his gall-bladder would burst and his heart would turn to blood. He is stroking me like this so boldly because in this dark night he thinks I am the ox.”244

The story is rather humorous, like a Monty Python skit gone terribly wrong. But the story

takes on a more serious, exhortative aspect when the narratives and language of Quranic

scripture get invoked. The text even changes its voicing to quote from the divine:

ﺣق ھﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﯾﺪ ﮐﻪ ای ﻣﻐﺮورِ ﮐﻮر ﻧﻪ زﻧﺎﻣﻢ ﭘﺎره ﭘﺎره ﮔﺸﺖ ﻃﻮر؟

ﻛﻪ ﻟَﻮْ اَﻧْﺰَﻟْﻨﺎ ﻛِﺘﺎﺑﴼ ﻟِﻠْﺠَﺒَﻞْ ﻻﻧْﺼَﺪَعْ ﺛُﻢٌ◌َ اﻧْﻘَﻄَﻊْ ﺛَﻢ ارْﺗَﺤَﻞْ

از ﻣﻦ ار ﮐﻮه اُﺣُﺪ و اﻗﻒ ﺑﺪی ﭘﺎره ﮔﺸﺘﯽ و دﻟﺶ ﭘﺮﺧﻮن ﺷﺪی

God is saying, “O blind dupe, did not Tur (Sinai) fall in pieces at my name? For if we had sent down a Book to the mountain, it would have been riven asunder, then cut to pieces, and then it would have departed. If Mount Ohod had been acquainted with Me, blood would have gushed in jets from the mountain.”245

243 Cf. James W. Morris, “The Ascension of the Word: Rhetoric and Reader Engagement in Rumi’s Mathnawi” in Philosophy of Ecstasy, 229-258, and Farooq Hamid, “Storytelling Techniques in the “Masnavi-yi Ma‛navi” of Mowlana Jalal al-Din Rumi: Wayward Narrative or Logical Progression?”, Iranian Studies, Vol. 32, No. 1, Winter 2009, 27-49.

244 M II: 506-507. These verses are in Persian; the following three show the noteworthy alternation between Persian and Arabic.

245M II: 508-510. Nicholson includes punctuation to delineate the end of the “God- speech” and the return to the homiletic language of the Masnavi. Since Persian texts like this one do not have punctuation, it is not always clear from the lines of the text where God’s voice ends and the book’s voice returns. Both Nicholson and Mojaddedi end the quote here in their translation; thus the explication in the following two lines is the Masnavi’s own.

114

In this passage, God, or “haqq,”246 references a historical event found in the Qurʾan’s 7th

sura.247 But his speech is in Persian poetic form. Ever the polyglot, ‘God’ then quotes from

a part of a Qurʾanic verse in Arabic.248 Initially, two specific words from Qurʾan 59:21

appear. The rest of the line is paraphrased in Arabic, ostensibly to fit the meter and

rhyme scheme—or perhaps just to show off. The reference to Mount Ohod further

invokes the context of Medina, though the speaker has returned to Persian in this

subsequent line. Following these lines, the Masnavi—or God, depending on where one

puts the punctuation249—explains the moral of the story:

از ﭘﺪر و ز ﻣﺎدر اﯾﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﯿﺪه ای ﻻ ﺟﺮم ﻏﺎﻓﻞ درﯾﻦ ﭘﯿﭽﯿﺪه ای - - ﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺑﯽ ﺗﻘﻠﯿﺪ از ﯾﻦ واﻗﻒ ﺷﻮی ﺑﯿﻨﺸﺎن از ﻟﻄﻒ ﭼﻮن ﻫﺎﺗﻒ ﺷﻮی

You have heard this from your father and mother; in consequence you have embraced it thoughtlessly.

246 Literally, “truth,” haqq is one of God’s divine names and thus can used as a substitute for khoda and/or Allah in Persian and/or Arabic verse.

247 Q 7: 143: When Moses came to the place appointed by Us and his Lord addressed him, He said: "O my Lord! show (Thyself) to me, that I may look upon Thee." Allah said: "By no means canst thou see Me (direct); but look upon the mount; if it abide in its place, then shalt thou see Me." When his Lord manifested Himself to the Mount, He made it as dust, and Moses fell down in a swoon. When he recovered his senses he said: "Glory be to Thee! to Thee I turn in repentance, and I am the first to believe." (Trans. Yusuf Ali)

248 Q 59: 21: Had We sent down this Qurʾan on a mountain, verily, thou would have seen it humble itself and cleave asunder for fear of Allah, such are the similitudes which We propound to men, that they may reflect. (trans. Yusuf Ali)

249 One of the Masnavi’s earliest English-language translators, noted this as a key difficulty: “When our author gives no sign whether he is speaking in his own person or by the voice of one of his innumerable puppets—celestial, infernal, human, or animal— who talk just like himself; when he mingles his comments with their discourse and glides imperceptibly from the narrative into the exposition; when he leaves us in doubt as to whom he is addressing or what he is describing—the translator is driven to conjecture, and on occasion must leap in the dark.” The Mathnawi (Vol. I and II), “Introduction”, xvi.

115 If you become acquainted with Him without blind imitation, by grace you will become immaterial, like a voice from heaven.250

What has been heard from the parents are the words of the Qurʾan, but the listener has only learned how to say them, or how to “blindly imitate.” The text continues with a longer narrative to further explicate that “blind imitation” is not the proper mode of

Qurʾan-based knowledge and/or proper understanding.

The stringing together of divine voicing, invocation of a Qurʾanic quote within that voice, and then explication and admonishment generates a dynamic wherein the Masnavi is communicating the proper mode of becoming “acquainted” with God. The text inculcates its own authority through this dynamic. As Jawid Mojaddedi observes:

The appropriation of Qurʾanic passages in a text in this way is usually considered immediately with regard to its function as a weighty reinforcement of the author’s sentiments. It is very common in sermons, which, in view of Rumi’s own background as a preacher, may help explain why he makes use of this method of citation so frequently.251

However, it is not a far leap, in my view, to see the “reinforcement” of the messages of the

Masnavi by the Qurʾan as part of the process by which the Masnavi as a whole

accomplishes its own status. If a book can give voice to God in Persian, and then invoke

the Qurʾan within its lines, then it is clearly functioning on a scriptural level—both

stylistically and affectively.

Yet within this multi-lingual, intertextual relationship, there is also a level of play

involved. This linguistic and poetic play is indicative of both literary and religious

mastery. The literary aspect, has, for some reason, acquired the ability to distract from

250 Masnavi II: 504-513, Sobhani edition, trans. Nicholson. Cf. Sobhani, 181.

251 Mojaddedi, “Rumi”, 365.

116 the scriptural within many contemporary readings of Rumi’s writing.252 This perhaps

indicates aesthetic biases which view literary devices and ‘secular’ poetic writing as

diminished forms of composition. After all, how could a text that makes jokes (with

words!) be considered with the level of seriousness that scripture deserves?253 How can a peasant be petting a beast in one line, only to have divine words appear in the next?

Perhaps this mode of Qurʾanic deployment within otherwise non-religious stories is indicative of the tastes of that time, which may have reveled in the playful and transgressive.254 As Mahdi Tourage has argued, these types of passages actually have an esoteric dimension that ties directly to the Masnavi’s didactic goals. In this vein, literary elements actually indicate the deeper penetration of the Qurʾan in all its forms into every aspect of creation and language: nothing is safe from God’s purview or from in-depth examination in the Masnavi, not even a sense of humor.

The Qurʾan, as has been shown, is implicated on several levels within the

Masnavi’s overall rhetorical strategies. It appears in a variety of forms, from stylistic

252 Cf. Lewis, “Towards a Chronology of the Poems in the Divan-I Shams,” 165. Lewis observes that Rumi himself seemed to struggle with the influence of literary traditions within the Masnavi: “Well into the Mathnawi (M V:1204), Rumi is urging his audience to read Vis us Ramin and Khusraw u Shirin, though his attitude toward secular poetry is not unequivocal. In Book Four (M, IV: 3463), Rumi warns against a belief in the morally transformative power of the thical literary tradition. Indeed, the Sha-nama and Kalila va Dimna are mentioned as works that some, in their rebelliousness (‘utuvv), falsely suppose to teach morals like the Qurʾan. But this is an objection against secular poetry encroaching on the domain of spirituality—it is not an argument against secular poetry, per se.”

253 Cf. Nicholson, “Introduction”, xvii. He describes Rumi being “too outspoken for our taste” and observes of the Masnavi that “many pages are disfigured by anecdotes worthy of an Apuleius or Petronius but scarcely fit to be translated into the language of these writers.” I suppose there is no accounting for taste.

254 Cf. Tourage, The Hermeneutics of Eroticism, 9-11. Tourage notes the critiques of Nicholson, Soroush, amongst others, of the ‘profane’ or bawdy elements of the Masnavi. But he suggests they are missing the point: “There is no attempt to identify an esoteric dimension in the bawdy tales and in their explicit sexual imagery.”

117 imitation to partial invocation and translation to rephrasing and allusion. Qurʾanic deployment strengthens the messages and storytelling within the text. It infuses the

Masnavi with well-known, divinely-sourced material in over 15 percent of its 26,000 lines. The Masnavi, then, does not merely explain the Qurʾan, it wields it. The Qurʾan features into both the Masnavi’s religious and literary aspects—indeed, the two are at times difficult to extricate from each other. The underlying self-authentication of itself as scripture is thus buttressed by the inextricability of the Qurʾan from the Masnavi.

In the following section, I will analyze the explicit identification that the Masnavi makes between itself and the Qurʾan. Since, as I argue, there is an attempt at self- canonization by means of the Qurʾanic model in the Masnavi, the explicit identification will form the clearest statement yet on how the Masnavi expects to be understood and used by the scriptural community that forms around it.

***

The Masnavi is the Qurʾan: Identification Beyond Explication

The Masnavi is a highly complex text with its own unique patterns that depart from traditional works within its genre. It is also, as I have shown, suffused with the

Qurʾan, to the extent that one scholar describes Rumi as being “highly Quranized.”255 Like the Qurʾan, the Masnavi addresses its audience in its own time.256 Further, some verses in the text seem to instruct the audience on how it should be understood and what it should be understood as being. In the previous chapter, I discussed how the Masnavi’s statements about itself contributed to its self-scripturalization. In the following section, I

255 Lewisohn, “Principles,” 59.

256 Refer to Chapter Two for explication of the dialogic and performative aspects of the Masnavi.

118 will discuss how the Masnavi explicitly identifies itself with the Qurʾan and how Rumi

appears, in hagiographical treatments, to endorse the identification of his text with the

Qurʾan. These passages might more easily be glossed over as metaphorical, or as later

exaggerations and embellishments typical of Sufi rhetoric. However, in light of the

previous sections, it should now be clear that these statements represent the text’s own

views about its status and importance.

As with the Qurʾan, the Masnavi is a book that responds to its critics. The critics’

failure to understand meets with heavy rebuke in the third volume of the Masnavi,

demonstrating that the Masnavi had already by that point spread beyond Rumi’s circle to

broader audiences.257 Their critique of the work reflects, perhaps, just how difficult it

was for audiences to grapple with the text both stylistically and spiritually. As Kristeva

observes, “The poetic word, polyvalent and multi-determined, adheres to a logic

exceeding that of codified discourse and fully comes into being only in the margins of

recognized culture.”258 Although it clearly exceeds the ‘codified discourse’ of the time, the

Masnavi would not remain at the margins for long. Its coeval critics largely exist

posthumously as footnotes in the work itself.

The critics’ presence in the text has some value to this analysis, as it gives rise to

an occasion for the Masnavi to engage in some further self-canonization. This example

occurs within the context of a rejoinder to a critic who has made comments about the

style and substance of the book—criticisms that, perhaps auspiciously, echoed criticisms

once made about the Qurʾan. The Masnavi interrupts another story to respond:

257 Lewis, “Towards a Chronology,” 155-156.

258 Kristeva, “Word, Dialogue, and Novel,” 37.

119 Ere this tale reaches the conclusion, there comes from the envious a vapor of stench. I am not pained by it, but this kick may break the nerve of a simple-hearted man’s mind. Well did the Sage of Ghazna259 set forth the spiritual parable for the sake of those who are veiled, That if one sees in the Qurʾan naught but words, this is not surprising on the part of them that lost the way, Since the eye of the blind is sensible of naught but heat from the beams of the luminous sun.260

The text indicates a shift in tone due to a bad smell. Some lines of Sanāʾi about the Qurʾan

are invoked, providing a doubled form of intertextuality that will come to be useful in the

Masnavi’s subsequent defense of itself. The story continues with some colorful language:

Suddenly a great khar popped his head out of an ass-stable, like a railing woman,261 Saying that this discourse, namely, the Masnavi, is low; that it is the story of the Prophet and imitation; That there is no mention of investigation and the sublime mysteries towards which the saints make their steeds gallop; That from the stations of asceticism to the passing away, step by step up to union with God, The explanation and definition of every station and stage, so that by means of the wings thereof a man of heart should soar.

The critique seems to be that 1) the Masnavi is just retelling prophetic stories and

imitating and 2) that it is not a step-by-step guide to tasawuff. Apparently, this critic

prefers theoretical Sufi manuals to stories. In the process, however, the critic

inadvertently falls into the Masnavi’s trap by echoing critiques of the text’s model:

When the Book of God came, the unbelievers railed likewise at it too, Saying, “It is legends and paltry tales; there is no profound inquiry and lofty speculation;

259 Referring to the poet, Sanāʾi.

260 M III: 4227-4231.

261 “Khar” is a somewhat naughty word, sometimes rendered “donkey” or “ass”, though Nicholson translates it as “booby,” which had a different meaning in his day. I prefer khar over these choices. The latter insult, of “railing woman,” has also been translated as “foul- mouthed crone” (Mojaddedi) or “scolding hag” (Lewis).

120 The little children understand it; ‘tis naught but things approved and disapproved— The account of Joseph, the account of his curly locks, the account of Jacob and Zalikha and her passion. It is plain, and everyone finds the way: where is the exposition in which the intellect becomes lost?” He (God) said, “If this seems easy to thee, say one Sura so ‘easy’ as this. Let the Jinn and mankind and the skilled among you produce a single verse of this ‘easy’ style.”262

So much for a criticism of the Masnavi on those grounds. The text has become implicitly identified with the Qurʾan, and thus critique of the Masnavi will be answered by the

Qurʾan itself. The narrative continues with an explication of a hadith of Muhammad’s that discusses the Qurʾan’s exterior and interior senses. The Masnavi uses the critic’s words as an opportunity to give a lesson in hermeneutics—of both the Qurʾan and of itself.

After a further explanation of the role of prophets as well as of saints (or

“friends”) and their speech, the Masnavi explains the Qurʾan’s command for the mountains to repeat the words of God. This then leads to a delineation of those who can hear (the saints/friends) and those who cannot. The critic has not left the scene entirely, as the Masnavi returns to mock him further. Mojaddedi’s translation, quoted partially above, captures the sense of the text’s mockery quite well:

Deriding dog! You’re barking! Sense you lack! You’re mocking the Qurʾan behind its back. There is no lion from which you can flee And save your faith from its ferocity. Till Resurrection the Qurʾan declares: ‘You slaves of ignorance once had such airs, Reckoning me a fable none should heed, Sowing your disbelief and mocking’s seed— What you were scoffing at you now can view: The transient, worthless fairy tale is you!263

262 M III: 4236-4243. The text invokes Qurʾan 2:23: “And if ye are in doubt as to what We have revealed from time to time to Our servant, then produce a Surah like thereunto; and call your witnesses or helpers (if there are any) besides Allah, if your (doubts) are true.” Cf. Qurʾan va Masnavi, 322.

121

Thus, the critic of the Masnavi is dismissed through the invocation of the Qurʾan and the day of Judgment. Yet the Masnavi is not done explaining itself and forestalling any such further critique:

I am God’s speech, subsisting through His essence, The purest gem, food for the soul’s transcendence. I am the sun’s light shining on you now, Though I’ve not parted from it anyhow.’ The Water of Life’s spring is here, behold! I free the mystic lovers from death’s hold. If your vile greed had not caused such a smell, God would have poured drops on your grave as well. No, I’ll heed the advice from Sanāʾi – I won’t let critics comments bother me.264

The Masnavi identifies its own critics with those of its Qurʾanic model. This may be, as

Lewis calls it, simply a “grandiose remark.”265 However, in light of the intertextual

relationship between the two texts, it further indicates the Masnavi’s self-understanding

as a type of scripture.266 This is supported by the intervening stories’ explication of how

God’s friends’ speech is similar to that of prophecy.

263 MIII: 4285-4289, trans. Mojaddedi, 260. The use of single quotes to mark the speakers here again admits some uncertainty. It seems clear that this uncertainty has its functions: as one speaker bleeds into another, the authoritativeness of the narrator’s voice grows.

264 M III: 4290-4294, trans. Mojaddedi, 260. The reference to Sanāʾi comes from the previous passages invocation of the ‘Sage of Ghazna,’ who, along with Farid ad-din ‘Attar, was one of Rumi’s most important Persian poetic progenitors.

265 Lewis, “Towards a Chronology,” 156.

266 Cf. Mojaddedi, “Rumi,” 369. In analyzing this passage, Mojaddedi comes to a similar conclusion, though he shifts what I describe as the text’s self-understanding onto Rumi, who as the text’s ostensible author constructs these claims. Mojaddedi writes: “If we take Rumi, as the speaker, which I think is the most credible interpretation, then what this verse [the lines above] is suggesting in this specific context is that the reason why criticisng his Mathnawi should be considered to be criticizing the Qurʾan behind its back is because, as different forms of divine revelation, both share common origins. What seems to be clear is that Rumi is not suggesting that his Mathnawi is somehow based on the Qurʾan, but rather that it is the same in origin.”

122 There are myriad suggestions within the text, as well as the hagiographical tradition, that the Masnavi was understood by its audience to be a work of divine provenance comparable to the Qurʾan. This is accomplished through the statements the

Masnavi makes about itself, through its positioning relative to the Qurʾan, its usage of the

Qurʾanic model, and its deployment of the ‘Friends of God’ discourse. The latter discourse posits that divine communication is not the sole provenance of the Prophets. God, according to the Masnavi, makes hills sing; it should not seem strange that God’s Friends should share in this experience:

He [God] makes them singers who can sing so well; He makes these hills fall drunken in a spell, So you’ll know God can make a mere hill sing And God’s Friends too experience such a thing— Through God’s creation melodies each hears: Their sound each moment reaches God’s Friends’ ears, Unheard by men in the vicinity— He who has faith in him lives joyfully!267

The passage clearly shows that the Friend of God is capable of experiencing what the hills do The Friend can hear God’s voice coming through loud and clear; thus, they can sing these words too. That those around them do not recognize their words as being what they are shows their lack of faith in the Friend. Their reaction does not reflect the truth of the situation. Those who have faith, however, are happy—because they hear the sound for what it is.268 The Masnavi understands itself to be one such song, despite the fact that some critics cannot see it as such. Such critics may not even admit it is possible.

267 M III: 4279-4282.

268 Cf. Mojaddedi, Beyond Dogma, 64-74. In commenting on a larger passage from which the above is excerpted, Mojaddedi observes: “By pointing out that mere hills can be inspired by God to sing the Psalms, as the Qurʾan itself affirms, Rumi argues that there should be no surprise that our contemporaries who have reached proximity to God can also receive the same order of divine communication as Prophets,” 69.

123 These critics are answered by both exegesis and performance: the Masnavi both explains

how divine communication is possible for hill and Friend alike, while also being the

evidence of divine communication in and of itself.

These claims about the status of the Masnavi eventually migrate out of the text

itself and into the hagiographies of the scriptural community around it. While the epithet

of ‘the Qurʾan in Persian’ dates to much later, in the early writings by Mevlevis we can

find its antecedent. Within the Manaqeb al-Arifin, Rumi is depicted as reacting viscerally

to the idea that the Masnavi is merely a commentary on the Qurʾan. In a passage

reminiscent of the riposte to the critic in the third volume, Rumi is reported to have used

vulgar and abusive language to someone who was denying the import of the Masnavi:

It is also transmitted that one day Soltan Valad said: ‘One of the companions complained to my father: “The religious scholars were disputing with me, saying: ‘Why do they call The Mathnavi the Koran?’ I replied: ‘It is the commentary of the Koran.’” My father [Rumi] remained silent for a moment. Then he exclaimed: “Oh you dog! Why is it not the Koran? Oh you ass! Why is it not the Koran? Oh your sister’s a whore! Why is it not the Koran? Verily, contained in the words of the prophets and the Friends of God is nothing but lights of divine secrets. The speech of God has sprung up from their pure heart and has flowed forth upon the stream of their tongue. Indeed, speech resides within the heart And the tongue has been made a guide unto speech. Whether it be Syriac, the Fateha (sab al mathani), or whether it be Hebrew or Arabic. Soul of my soul, be like this or like that, you’re my soul’s soul. Speak in any tongue, oh Khosrow with Shirin’s lips!”269

Reportedly, upon hearing these lines, the aforementioned religious scholars apologized

for their ignorance and joined in with Rumi’s community.

While such accounts are not entirely historically reliable, they do reflect a

viewpoint amongst later Mevlevi practitioners that Rumi himself saw the Masnavi as the

Qurʾan and as ‘the speech of God.’ In this and other chapters, I rarely describe the

269 Manaqeb al-‘Arifin, 201-202. The reference to the Fatiha is Qurʾanic; Shirin and Khosrow are classical Persian literary figures.

124 Masnavi as the product of Rumi’s authorship, but rather describe the book on its own

terms and as having its own agency. I do this in part to mirror contemporary discussions

about the Qurʾan, in whose case the ascription of authorship to Muhammad is already

understood to be anathema. Rather, I allow the Masnavi to speak for itself, and separate

that out from what critic and commentator—and even supposed author-- might have to

say about it. It is clear, however, that it was composed within the context of the Friends

of God discourse of 13th century Anatolia which allowed for the possibility of divine

communication. Further, its usage and invocation of the Qurʾan suffuse it with the

authority of that scripture. Its self-understanding as a scripture, or even as “the Qurʾan,”

provides further evidence of the book’s attempts at self-canonization.

The Masnavi, as we have seen, negotiates its own status amongst the environment

of interpretation of the Qurʾan that exists in its time and place. Just as the Qurʾan once

negotiated 7th century scriptural debates, so too does the Masnavi intervene in the other scriptural and intellectual debates in its own epoch. It does not reconstitute the Qurʾan as a fixed message, or a translation or commentary. Rather, it instrumentalizes the

Qurʾan as a means and invocation to a correct way of using and understanding itself. In the process, the Masnavi becomes for Rumi and his followers what the Qurʾan had been for Muhammad and his followers in its time: a new sacred scripture.

In the following chapter, I will argue that the self-canonization feeds directly into the early Mevlevi usage of the text as a sacred scripture. I will show how the presence of the text produced the scriptural community. Consequently, the Masnavi’s usage by the early Mevlevi community will be shown to be both the continuation of the book’s scripturalization as well as the means by which the community came to be what it was.

The community does not produce the scripture; the scripture produces the community.

125 The Masnavi transforms its community by means of the foundational text of Islam, but in so doing, becomes a “supra-Islamic” text that can be appreciated in utilized in its own scriptural, aesthetic, social, political, and other trans-temporal ways.270

***

270 Husayn Ilahi-Ghomshei, “The Symphony of Rumi”, 7. He places the agency for this transformation upon Rumi and extends the influence out past Rumi’s followers even further in time and space: “By the power of his poetic genius, the “Islamic” scripture is transformed by Rumi into a “supra-Islamic” text of timelessly contemporary relevance, the ecumenical import of which concerns all humanity, and is not confined exclusively to the community of Muslim believers.”

126

CHAPTER FOUR: AN UNBROKEN CHAIN: THE MASNAVI AND THE GENERATION OF MEVLEVI MEMORY *** “After us, make the Masnavi a shaykh, and a guide to the students; let it be their motive and precedent.” –Jalal al-din Rumi271 *** The classification of a given work as ‘scripture’ depends, in large part, on its usage

as such within a religious community. Inversely, the recognition of a given ‘religious

community’ as such has often depended, for better or worse, on whether the group has a

scripture. These taxonomies are the legacies of theologians and scholars of religions

whose writings have shaped the foundational definitions of this field of inquiry over the

last two centuries.272 Thus, ‘major’ world religions can be identified by the relationship of their adherents to a work of scripture, in addition to other factors like their supposed

“universality.”273 The origins of each community can be tied to the development of these

scriptures, as these writings are often the product of or otherwise related to foundational

charismatic figures for these religious groups.

Taxonomies of this sort, while popular under colonial-era scholarship and still

present in large segments of academia, have come under some criticism within the

271 Sepahsalar, 181-182.

272 Tomoko Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions, 3-4.

273 J. Z. Smith, “A Matter of Class: Taxonomies of Religion,” Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 89, No. 4 (Oct., 1996), 394-395.

127 field.274 A number of issues arise when attempting to define a religion, and its adherents,

by means of their usage of a given scripture. One of the chief reasons among these is the

tendency towards essentialism: the scripture becomes the primary means of

understanding a given tradition and the behavior of its adherents. In this sense, it is de-

historicized. Reliance on scripture renders it, for scholars and practitioner alike, the

primary or even sole arbiter in determining what forms of religious practice are

authentic or inauthentic, pure or base—that is to say, scripture, or at least a certain

understanding of scripture, determines normativity. Forms of religious practice that

diverge from the perceived notion of what scripture is—or even what it is assumed to

mean—might thus become dubbed heterodox or heretical.

Furthermore, the identification of scripture with a religious community has

circumscribed what comes to be considered as a major religion or an important religious

community: Islam is thus identified with the Qurʾan, Christianity with the Gospels,

Judaism with the Torah, Hinduism with the Vedas. (In Max Muller’s foundational Sacred

Books of the East, the only Islamic text that appears in his list of 50 is the Qurʾan.)

Practitioners of religions who do not utilize these texts, or who use other works

alongside them, may be classified as outside of the fold. For example, Mormons, who

utilize their own scripture, The Book of Mormon, alongside the New Testament, have

faced the stigma of being called non-Christians within the United States.275 Practitioners of the Nation of Islam, which relied on the teachings of Master Fard and Elijah

274 Cf. Paul Gifford, “Religious authority: Scripture, tradition, charisma,” in The Routledge Companion to the Study of Religion, 397-405.

275 Cf. Jan Shipps, “Is Mormonism Christian? Reflections on a Complicated Question,” BYU Studies 33 (1993), 439.

128 Muhammad, have been perceived as inauthentic or ‘heterodox’ Muslims.276 In these two groups, and probably countless others, the usage of additional, supplemental scriptures, or even just sets of teachings, has an exclusionary function in reference to the groups’ identity—despite these groups’ own internal identifications as Christians and Muslims, respectively.

The irony, of course, is that subsequent scriptural traditions generally all seem to have fraught relations to their predecessors, whether it be the New Testament or the

Qurʾan or the Buddha’a responses to the Vedas. As I have shown in previous chapters, scriptural differentiation is a hallmark of scriptural language and one of its means to self- authentication.277 In their differentiation, scriptures have served to create space for the redefinition of identity amongst the adherents of a given religion—often before that religion is even recognizable as such, and as part of the religion becoming recognizable.

The adherents’ differentiation is not just a function of a new scriptural reordering: it responds dynamically to the socio-political contexts in which this occurs, just as the new scriptures are products of those contexts. Scriptural and community differentiation occur in concert as part of the process of legitimizing each other within their own settings. As Pierre Bourdieu observes, “The generic function of legitimation cannot by definition be accomplished without specifying itself in terms of the religious interests attached to various positions in the social structure.”278 In order to study the process of

scripturalization, social relations, individual actors, scriptural discourse and forms of

performance must all be analyzed in concert.

276 Cf. Edward Curtis, Black Muslim Religion in the Nation of Islam, 1960–1975, 10-14.

277 Cf. Angelika Neuwirth, Scripture, Poetry, and the Making of Community, 23.

278 Pierre Bourdieu, “The Genesis and Structure of the Religious Field,” Section 2.2, 17-18.

129 As noted previously, the prevailing taxonomies of the ‘major’ world religions have

been found to be essentialist, reductive, or otherwise inaccurate.279 Attention has turned to the material and performative, as well as emotive, modes of approaching religious phenomena. With some exceptions, scholars have followed Bruce Lincoln’s dictate,

“Reverence is a religious, and not a scholarly virtue,”280 and set aside normative concerns

of what ‘counts’ as ‘true’ religion and what does not. 281 The present study echoes those

approaches that take a descriptive mode of analysis, allowing ‘religious’ expression to

present itself in whichever ways it appears. As such, it participates in the more robust

and diverse field of religious studies and Islamic studies that better accords with the

immense range of human expression that has been generated around religious themes,

texts, and objects.

However, before we congratulate ourselves as more inclusive and open-minded

narrators of the religious field, some lingering questions about the absences in previous

scholarship remain. The consequences of those absences, in turn, deserve further

attention, in order to show what a different or more capacious approach might have

yielded. Specifically, it behooves us to find those instances within our subject materials

that engage in similar forms of debate around the very questions and issues that are

being negotiated within these fields of inquiry. In my argument, by looking at the

example of the Masnavi, it is apparent that the importance, use and recognition of

279 Cf. Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions, 5-7. Masuzawa cites Jonathan Z. Smith, Michel Despland, Talal Asad, Bruce Lincoln, Russell McCutcheon, and Daniel Dubuisson as examples of scholars whose work interrogates the existing category of “religion.”

280 Bruce Lincoln, Method and Theory in the Study of Religion, vol. 8 (1996): 225-27.

281 Cf. Russell McCutcheon, Critics Not Caretakers: Redescribing the Public Study of Religion, 137-140.

130 scripture as a category of classification was not solely the result of 19th and 20th century,

Christian and/or scientific-derived taxonomies of religion. The text as a repository for the sacred was, especially in the case of the Masnavi, a discourse that informed the book’s production (as shown in previous chapters) as well as its ritualization, performance, and dispersal. The Masnavi participated in scriptural discourse and forms of ritual performance which served to authenticate it as a scripture. That it has failed to be recognized as such within the field of religious studies indicates further the reductiveness and essentialism of the world religions approach, especially as it pertains to the study of Islam. In sum, we need not so quickly dispense of the notion of scripture, despite its origins in Protestant-defined, colonial era taxonomies, when it appears so important to texts and practitioners alike. (This is an anthropological objection.)282

Instead, we might look to see what texts have not been counted amongst that category

and what they might contribute to the understanding of the category and the discourses

that produce it.

In this chapter, I move from the internal examination of the language of the

Masnavi found in the prior two chapters to an external and diachronic examination of its

usage as scripture. I will demonstrate how key figures in the early Mevlevi order,

282 Cécile Laborde, “Three approaches to the study of religion,” The Immanent Frame, Feb. 5, 2014, accessed via [https://tif.ssrc.org/2014/02/05/three-approaches-to-the- study-of-religion/] on 8/8/18. Quoting Laborde: “The anthropological objection, baldly stated, claims that it is just not correct or helpful to say that religion only functions as a term associated with western imperialist and neo-colonialist projects. Like most abstract concepts, the concept of religion is a construction projected onto the world, but one consequence of this large-scale projection may well be that our world has genuinely come to exhibit it. Nor does the origin of a concept in itself discredit its uses: the concept may well have been forged in the crucible of missionary and colonial encounters, but its meanings and uses have further proliferated in non-colonial and post-colonial settings, in ways that escaped, distorted, and subverted the original discourse. It is a rich concept that connects to vocabularies that bring persons and things, desires, and practices in particular traditions in distinctive ways.”

131 including Rumi’s son, Sultan Valad, and Hosam al-din, participated in processes that

integrated the Masnavi as a sacred text within the nascent community. I will examine the

book’s reproduction, dissemination, and performance in the sociopolitical milieu of 13th century Anatolia. Finally, through examples from key Mevlevi hagiographical sources, I will argue that, at least by their time, the Masnavi was fully integrated into the ritual life of the community, and played a key role in Mevlevi collective memory and identity- formation.

***

Approaches to the Study of Early Mevlevi History

Much of the standard narrativization of the history of the Mevlevis occurs through the eyes of its early leaders and their interactions with competing shaykhs and with key political figures of the day.283 Less attention has been given to the spaces, objects, and experiences that would have been intrinsic parts of belonging to the Mevlevi community, with the exception of the samaʿ dance ceremony.284 Yet even descriptions of that

ceremony are telling: most likely a significant group of people would have been

participating in the ritual on a regular basis. These participants’ names and contributions

are largely lost, despite the vital roles that they played in the generation of the early

283 Cf. Resul Ay, “Sufi Shaykhs and Society in Thirteenth and Fifteenth Century Anatolia: Spiritual Influence and Rivalry,” Franklin Lewis, “Solṭân Valad and the Poetical Order: Framing the Ethos and Praxis of Poetry in the Mevlevi Tradition after Rumi,” and A.C.S. Peacock, “Sufis and the Seljuk Court in Mongol Anatolia: Politics and Patronage in the Works of Jalal al-din Rumi and Sultan Valad” (in Seljuks of Anatolia).

284 The entry on “Mawlawiyya” in the Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 2 provides an excellent description of the features of the ceremony and the occasions and buildings in which it took place from an early stage. See also: Kenneth S. Avery, A Psychology of Early Sufi samā‘: Listening and Altered States, for a psychology-focused reading of the ‘ceremony.’ Unfortunately, the latter does not offer much analysis specific to Mevlevi practices.

132 Mevlevi community.285 Even when it comes to key figures like Siraj al-din, the masnavi-

reciter, scant details survive about his biography. Further, the place and participation of

women is almost entirely ignored within historiography about this period.286 Historians attempting to examine this period are of course limited by the amount of information available about such activities: sources are largely hagiographic, wherein the fantastic is often intermingled with fact. The hagiographies further tend to focus on the more famous and recognizable members of the community and their actions, and thus narrations about this history tend to follow suit.

In order to recover information about the material objects, including textual materials, that were present in ritual practices, or to examine aspects of the sociopolitical composition of the community, I take here the approach of ‘reading against the grain’ of these source materials. This is, perhaps, a reflexive move: it is difficult for the contemporary reader to take some of the direct claims hagiographies make about their subjects without a grain of salt. Yet there remains some concern that claims made about scripturalization, for example, are anything but conjecture if based solely upon these sources. Yet the Masnavi’s subsequent importance alone obviates some of that concern,

285 Victoria Holbrook, “Diverse Tastes in the Spiritual Life: Textual Play in the Diffusion of Rumi’s Order,” in Leonard Lewisohn (ed.), The Heritage of Sufism, Vol. 2, 105. Holbook notes that while some Mevlevi houses and representatives are mentioned in the first two hagiographies, “persons are often referred to in ways implying the reader’s familiarity with them.” She further explains that the lack of detail is largely related to the genre, as it “could not easily be revised to allow for systematic description.”

286 Franklin Lewis made a recent foray into this area in his article, “Mawlana Rumi, the Early Mevlevis, and the Gendered Gaze: Prolegomenon to an Analysis of Rumi’s View of Women,” in Mawlana Rumi Review, Vol. 8, 2017, 43-71. Lewis notes that within the sources, women like Kimya Khatoon, Shams’ wife, and Fatima, Rumi’s daughter, appear only briefly in the accounts, and largely serve to illustrate some point about their interlocutor. Reconstructing their actual influence would require circumventing the all- encompassing male gaze of that time and place, as our sources concerns only rarely dovetail with our own concerns.

133 as its importance must have started somewhere—and all but the most critical readings

would assume scripturalization was going on while Rumi was still alive. So, through a

careful reading of the available source materials, including both hagiographies and early

manuscripts, this chapter demonstrates how the Masnavi was increasingly utilized as a

scriptural text within the late 13th and early 14th century Anatolian milieu. These early processes are necessary precursors for the level of fame to which the Masnavi would eventually ascend. While, as stated, that fame may be prima facie evidence that the text had the qualities of a scripture and was used as such, the processes that drove it from the earliest stages bear further examination.

As discussed in the opening chapter, the book was an imperative part of premodern Persianate and Islamicate society. Not every Mevlevi practitioner would have had consistent access to its leading shaykhs, especially as the group grew and spread from its roots in Konya. More likely, early Mevlevis would have more frequent access to the textual materials, either via in-person teaching sessions or in manuscript form for study. Thus, the focus on the top level of the Mevlevi orders obscures, to an extent, the importance of textual materials. The early adherents would have also been familiar with the other disciples that they encountered in ritual settings as they progressed from initiate to full members of the order; the experience of which was certainly different as the order began to become more institutionalized and its practices routinized. The assumption that only a few certain historical actors shape events through conscious and unconscious decisions neglects the role of general and popular practice plays in community development. Further, it places the responsibility for the continuation of orders upon the genius of certain individuals while neglecting the role that objects, including texts, and spaces, including those wherein the texts were integrated with ritual,

134 play in perpetuating a given community’s sense of group identity. By refocusing a

description of the early order alongside the Masnavi’s scripturalization, I will draw out a

more complete picture of how the order developed its collective identity in relation to

the book—and not solely in relation to its leadership. As Catherine Bell has argued, it is

necessary to view scriptural writings “…not simply as expressions or reflections of

changing social situations but as dynamic agents of change.”287 As previous chapters have shown, the status of the Masnavi as a work of scripture was intrinsic to the text’s self- understanding. In this chapter, I will analyze how the scripture was a “dynamic agent of change” within the formation of Mevlevi institutional memory.

Paradoxically, the role of scripturalization and community formation is necessarily examined by looking at the legacies of key figures like Hosam al-din and

Sultan Valad. The latter’s writings and the hagiographical sources that focus on his family are the primary, if not only, resources available to analyze just what the Masnavi was doing within the generative early period of the Mevlevi order. Admittedly, his accounts

(and the subsequent hagiographical accounts) merely provide a window on the formulation of the order, and could not provide the complete dynamics of what was surely a complex sphere of human interaction amongst objects, spaces, people, and performance. That was not the aim of their books, nor is the aim of their books the topic of this study. In this chapter, I will utilize their writings to demonstrate how the Masnavi was understood and used at this early stage, as well as how their efforts serve to further canonize the text.

By viewing the book as a material object that influences cultural history, I will analyze the text’s presence both materially and ideologically within the early

287 Catherine Bell, “Ritualization of Texts and Textualization of Ritual in the Codification of Taoist Liturgy”, 369.

135 community.288 Further, my examination shows how the Masnavi acquires increasing influence beyond the original community of readers in Mevlevi and Anatolian circles. In attempting to understand the scripturalization of the Masnavi, attention must be paid to the efforts of Rumi’s progeny and ‘inner circle’ to spread the book as well as establish the community. But that does not mean neglecting the role the book itself plays in its own scripturalization: without the book existing, such a process would be impossible. That it became a phenomenon across a wide swath of Asia and was republished for centuries ultimately demonstrates that the book had a power separate from its original author(s) and editors.

In the following section, I will examine early steps taken by Sultan Valad in reference to the text of the Masnavi. This includes his appended ‘apology’ to Book VI, which explains, to some extent, the abrupt ending of the work. Further, I will discuss the growing use and dispersion of the text. The Masnavi manuscripts come to exist alongside

Sultan Valad’s own writing in the masnavi genre, which served to further memorialize his father while also securing Sultan Valad’s own status as the head of the community. In this way, his writings could be seen as following the model of self-authentication set by the Masnavi.

In later sections, I will show that there is a parallel development during this period of a professional member of the community whose role it was to recite the

288 Attention to scripture as a generative process can be found in Bell’s work, above, as well as in Michel de Certeau: “Before the ‘modern’ period, that is, until the sixteenth or seventeenth century, this writing (Holy Scripture) speaks. The sacred text is a voice, it teaches (in the original sense of documentum), it is the advent of a ‘meaning’ on the part of God who expects the reader (in reality, the listener) to have a ‘desire to hear and understand on which access to truth depends,” The Practice of Everyday Life, 134. While de Certeau theorizes about the Christian and European situation, the application of it to a different, yet still actively engaged audience and dynamically teaching text, owes much to his approach.

136 Masnavi, ostensibly in ritual and/or performative settings, known as the ‘masnavi-

khwan,’ or reciter of the Masnavi. Using examples derived from Sepahsalar’s Resale and

Aflaki’s Manaqeb al-Arifin, I will demonstrate that the process of scripturalization that

began in Rumi’s lifetime had developed into a fully routinized component of ritual life

amongst the Mevlevis in subsequent decades—with the aforementioned caveat that

what these sources share cannot be verified by other texts. The ritualization,

dissemination, and routinization of the Masnavi demonstrate that this text was more

than a teaching text for the Qurʾan. It functioned as its own form of scripture for this

community—a process that would culminate in the book receiving its famous epithet:

‘the Qurʾan in Persian.’

***

Sultan Valad and the Masnavi after Rumi’s Passing

The completion of the Masnavi appears to have occurred near the ending of

Rumi’s life.289 While copies of the earliest volumes of the book were already in circulation during Rumi’s lifetime, the earliest extant complete manuscript from Konya dates to 1278, which was 5 years after his urs. The Masnavi’s enshrinement and dissemination as a sacred text temporally parallels the memorialization of Rumi amongst the nascent Mevlevis. However, as was shown previously, the earlier volumes of the text circulated beyond Mevlevi circles even during Rumi’s lifetime, a process that would have continued in the years that followed his passing.290

The sixth volume, according to its own opening, was always intended to be the

final volume. The ending of this book, however, comes abruptly, as it does not appear to

289 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 222-223 and 308-309.

290 This is discussed in Chapter Three, referencing Rumi’s retort to his critics.

137 finish the narrative cycle begun in its final stages.291 While narrative disruption is a key feature of the work as a whole, the lack of resolution to the final volume’s last narrative cycle seems a bit odd—to both modern and premodern readers. Sultan Valad, who, alongside Hosam al-din, appears to be key to the leadership of the community following

Rumi’s exit from the world stage, participated in the finalization of the Masnavi by adding a 54-line poem, in which he appears to converse with his father about the lack of completion of Book VI.292 In so doing, he implants himself into the Masnavi’s narrative— as yet another of its interlocutors—by reporting his father’s final commentary:

After my father had remained silent for a while from the Masnavi, the son said to him: “May you long inspire us! Why do you not continue to speak? Why have you closed the door of mystic knowledge? The story of the princes is incomplete. The pearl of the third son is not bored.” He said: “My speech, like a camel, has lain down and will not speak with anyone until the resurrection. There is more explanation to give, but within. It’s closed; nothing else is coming forth. Just like a camel, the power of speech lay down right here. It is this power that speaks, I have stopped my tongue from speech. It is time for to journey hence. All things perish but the face of God. The rest of these words will be spoken without sound in the heart of those who are alive in soul.”293

291 Lewis, “Towards a Chronology of the Poems in the Divan-i Shams,” 157-158. While offering a few explanations for “the tapering text,” Lewis comes to no firm conclusion on the ending of the poem either.

292 Cf. Franklin Lewis, “Soltan Valad and the poetical order” in Persian Language, Literature and Culture: New Leaves, Fresh Looks, 36. Lewis observes that the tatemme (epilogue) does not appear in the earliest Konya manuscript of 1278, “but does appear in most of the premodern manuscripts of this work, from which we may surmise that it was added after Rumi’s death, but likely during the lifetime of Soltan Valad, who acted as the literary executor of his father and promoter of the Mevlevi order, and in whose name the tatemme is voiced.

293 Ibid, 37. Lewis’ translation is from the Sobhani edition, which contains all 55 lines as well as notes about the variations in the manuscript tradition around these. Cf. Sobhani, Masnavi, 1003-1005.

138 Clearly, it was important to Sultan Valad that the integrity of the book would not be

undermined by its seeming incompleteness. Sultan Valad’s ‘apology’ for the book’s

ending undermines the grand design theory of the text, and instead signals that the book

was, to some extent, reliant on Rumi’s ongoing narration in order to reach its ultimate

coherence.294 The apology undermines the idea that the work was divinely delivered, as its continuation was dependent on the physical state of its human author (Qurʾanic parallel notwithstanding). However, as this section will show, this does not appear to be

Sultan Valad’s attitude towards the import of these teachings: in large part, Sultan

Valad’s claims about the Masnavi and his father’s exalted status echo and even amplify the claims made within the original texts.

Rather than complete the story cycle, Sultan Valad instead explains the cessation of the text as a result of the waning spirits of his father. His tatemme thus serves two functions. First, it rationalizes the end of the book’s text, which might otherwise seem either cryptic or disruptive. Second, it positions Sultan Valad as a key interpreter of the book’s message. This occurs despite the fact that Hosam al-din was still alive at the time of Rumi’s passing and had been left in charge by Rumi to lead the community.295

Sultan Valad’s role in the continuation and dispersal of the Masnavi is not limited to this commentary. Rather, his participation in the text’s scripturalization was supported by Sultan Valad’s increased integration within the socio-political situation of his time. It is apparent that for Sultan Valad, his leadership of the nascent community

294 As suggested by Safavi and Weightman in The Structure of Rumi’s Mathnawi and Rumi’s Mystical Design. If the text itself suggests that the conclusion comes not by design but by the collapse of the author’s speech, it would seem to obviate the synopticists’ claim—that is, unless the missing ‘ending’ can be assumed by the structure—in which case, one wonders why Sultan Valad himself would not have been aware of this, and thus would have seen fit to include it himself.

295 Lewis, Rumi, 225-228.

139 relied both on the reproduction of the Masnavi and other poetic writings, the

continuance and expansion of patronage for the order. As demonstrated in the opening

chapter, Rumi was not entirely opposed to patronage. Though his poetry is expressly free

from the taint of patronage, in his prose teachings we see a slightly more ambivalent

attitude towards the Seljuk princes and administrators. He also wrote letters in support

of his disciples’ prospects to persons of influence, and, by his own accounts, regularly

interacted personally with the Parvana in Konya.296

The necessity to procure favor amongst his community of followers would have only increased after his death: the fame of Rumi, his poetry, and teachings had already begun to spread during his lifetime. Competition for patronage was a necessary component in the order’s continued expansion. Recognition of the claims that the order was making about its own teachings by key authorities further confirmed the Mevlevi’s position in Konya and affiliated areas.297 Sultan Valad may have departed from his

father’s example by writing panegyric poetry for key sultans, viziers, as well as royal

Seljuk women. However, as Franklin Lewis notes, his poems were addressed to those

who “were seen to be receptive to the spiritual teachings of that community.”298 Thus,

they served the purposes of the spiritual community and were not mere “pandering” like

other forms of panegyric.

296 Andrew Peacock, “Sufis and the Seljuk Court in Mongol Anatolia,” in The Seljuks of Anatolia, 206-223.

297 Ay, 21-22.

298 Lewis, “Soltan Valad and the poetical order,” 24-25. Lewis sees in this relationship between Sultan Valad and the transitional power structure a prototype for later relationships between Ottomans and Mevlevis.

140 Patronage allowed for the expansion of the Mevlevis’ entire sphere of religious

activity. The shrine built over Rumi’s grave was funded by Gürcü Hatun, the wife of the

Parvana (in addition to his disciples’ contributions).299 Further, the expansion of samaʿ apparently required the blessing of authorities—often in the hagiographies there appears to be controversy around the practice. This dance, as well as Mevlevi teaching activities, necessitated the favor of the power structure in Konya to succeed. Given the tenuousness of Seljuk leadership following the ascension of the Mongols in Anatolia in the mid-13th century, one might also see here a mutually beneficial arrangement, wherein the political authorities band together with a popular, growing movement with a potent message.300 The ongoing scripturalization of the text by Sultan Valad and the

early Mevlevis interacted with both the internal dynamics of the group as well as the

power structure to whom they were increasingly becoming attached. The legitimization

provided by patronage would have further allowed the text to expand its reach outside of

the structures of Konya and the Mevlevi circles.

In the following section, I will demonstrate how Sultan Valad’s own writing about

the Masnavi and his father served to further legitimate the scriptural qualities of the

work as well as to establish his own role as the leader of the community.

***

Sultan Valad’s Writing on the Masnavi

Sultan Valad’s writing never achieved the acclaim of his father’s, though it was

not, apparently, from lack of effort on his part. He composed three of his own epic works

in the masnavi genre in addition to ghazals and other poetry. He wrote in a variety of

299 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 400-401.

300 Cf. Omid Safi, “Bargaining with Baraka,” 264-265.

141 languages, including Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and Greek. Although some scant lines of the latter two appear in Rumi’s verse, Sultan Valad’s poems show a more sustained engagement with these languages. His Turkish poems are among his most famous, though not necessarily due to their intrinsic value but rather as they are some of the earliest examples of Turkish poetry from the region.301 Largely, his poems seem to have served his purpose, which was to be a means of remembering his father.

In his Ebteda-Nameh, also known simply as Valad-nameh, Sultan Valad relates, in masnavi verse form, stories about his father and his father’s interactions with different figures in his life. The stories serve as teaching tools for the audience of disciples as they engaged in the ritual and intellectual life of the nascent order. Thus, Sultan Valad’s writing could be seen as a type of commentary or exegesis of the teachings found within the Masnavi and in Rumi’s example. A complete accounting of the intertextual relationships between the Masnavi and the Ebteda-name would no doubt reveal extensive connections between the two, though that is not the aim of this section. Rather,

I seek to show how Sultan Valad’s writing participates in the Masnavi’s ongoing scripturalization as it ties directly into Rumi’s memorialization. Together, these attempts help to coalesce the early Mevlevis around a set of teachings while also establishing a collective memory for the group.

Despite their utility to this argument, I do not mean to suggest that Sultan Valad’s writing stands without distinction from the process of scripturalization and memorialization. He took several measures to render his verse unique. The Ebteda-name is in an entirely different meter than the Masnavi. The differences between the two books do not stop there. Lewis notes: “As Sultan Valad also points out in the introduction to the

301 Lewis, “Soltan Valad and the poetical order,” 26-27.

142 Ebteda-name, his father’s Masnavi-ye manavi tells stories of people of bygone ages (qesse-

ha-ye aslaf), whereas Sultan Valad aims to tell in his first masnavi the stories that have

happened in his own day.”302 As such, Sultan Valad’s writings offer the closest first-hand accounts to the activities of Rumi and his companions that we have, albeit in a selective, poetic form.

If we accept the text’s claims about itself, Sultan Valad wrote the Ebteda-Name over the course of four months in 1291, about 18 years after his father’s passing.303

There was obviously some desire amongst his disciples for both more writing in the masnavi genre as well as more information about the order’s titular founder. It may also have served to demonstrate Sultan Valad’s status as the heir to his father’s talents and insights. He furthered these pursuits in the Rabab-Name, which was composed in the same meter as his father’s Masnavi, apparently at the request of a patron. Sultan Valad completed his masnavi trilogy with the Enteha-Name, composed near the end of his own life. In this final work, Sultan Valad lays claim to a type of ‘divine inspiration’ that should, by now, seem familiar:

Once I had versified two volumes of mystic exposition They were entitled the Masnavi Whatever could be told of meanings and clear mysteries Was told in that After that I turned inward And closed the doors to outward states of spirituality Then suddenly divine inspiration came to me Both my ears and mind heard this call: “…Keep pouring my counsels in the ears of people So that they can accept it and proceed apace in the right direction…” So I busied myself with the third book So that the people would be freed from veils and fetters.304

302 Lewis, “Soltan Valad,” 32.

303 Ibid. 304 Lewis, “Soltan Valad,” 34-35.

143

Although the first-person narration is humbler in its tone than the openings of the

volumes of the Masnavi, the appeal to ‘divine inspiration’ resonates with the Masnavi’s

own claims. Clearly, although departing in both tone and meter from the Masnavi, Sultan

Valad is laying claim to the same source for the generation of his poetry. While his own

texts may not have achieved the same status as the Masnavi, they do seem to be

instrumental in enshrining that work as the prototype for spiritual teachings as,

according to Sultan Valad, it is no less than the product of his father’s communication

with the divine. In his Rabab-Name, he makes the connection explicit:

This is the banquet of Mowlana; famished for it, We drink wine from the steward of divine reality… These couplets [this Masnavi] was composed in love of him That it might gain some his mystical “true meaning” [Ma‛navi]305

Taken together, these verses express that Sultan Valad saw his poetry as participating in

an unbroken chain with the Masnavi, while he also has expressed that it shares a similar

source in divine inspiration.306 Sultan Valad’s own writing, then, provides evidence of the scriptural processes underway in the early Mevlevi community—as mediated by a central authority within the community and in reference to its figurehead. In the next section, I discuss how the Masnavi relates to the standardization of ritual practice, including recitation and the samaʿ, within the early Mevlevi community.

***

The Samaʿ and the Masnavi

305 Ibid, 26.

306 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 174. According to Lewis, “Sultan Valad argues that the poetry of saints in nothing other than a gloss on the mysteries of the Koran, for the saints have effaced themselves and act only through God’s inspiration, moving across the page like pens held in the hand of God.”

144 The practice of samaʿ by Rumi and his followers predates the composition of the

Masnavi. It correlates, according to the sources, with the period after Rumi met Shams al-

din Tabrizi. Their meeting and subsequent interactions led to Rumi’s poetic

efflorescence. Thus the samaʿ, at least in in its early stages, would have been identified

with Rumi’s ghazal and rubayyat poetry.307 As the ceremony became formalized,

however, it was increasingly framed or followed by the presence of the community’s new

scripture.

By the time of the Masnavi’s writing, the samaʿ ceremony had been a part of

Rumi’s spiritual practice for at least a decade. It apparently drew some condemnation

and controversy within Konya during this period. The Masnavi addresses the role of the

ritual directly:

And so, like food, samaʿ sustains God’s lovers Within its harmonies the mind’s composed Imagination draws its inspiration Takes its shape within this hue and cry.308

The text puts its stamp of approval upon the ritual practice, ostensibly prior to or at the same time as its own integration within that practice. At this stage, both the Masnavi and the samaʿ were works in progress. According to some accounts, much of the Masnavi was composed during the night-time sessions of samaʿ.309 Just as Rumi’s poetic composition could transpire extemporaneously, so too could samaʿ ceremonies break out on different occasions, in a variety of spaces and settings, and involving a diverse range of

307 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 172.

308 Ibid, 312, translating M IV: 742-744.

309 Cf. Lewisohn, “Principles of the Philosophy of Ecstasy in Rumi’s Poetry,” 53. He cites Abd al-Husayn Zarrinkub’s Arzish-i mirath-i sufiyya in support of this claim, though I have not seen it made extensively elsewhere.

145 participants. Rumi performed the ritual at times by himself, with Shams, with his

disciples, with women that were in his orbit, or even with the ruling authorities of Konya.

The ritual practice is now closely tied to the Mevlevis to the extent that they are

commonly referred to as the “Whirling Dervishes.” Yet the practice existed amongst

other Sufi groups in Central Asia prior to being used by Shams and Rumi. The

identification of the samaʿ with Rumi and his followers can be traced to their unique

deployment of Rumi’s own poetry within this spiritual practice. The poetry was added to

other existing elements of recitation during the samaʿ, including the usage of zhikr

formulations and/or Qurʾanic phrasing. At a certain point, the Masnavi was added to or

integrated within as part of a larger liturgical event.310 This apparently occurred in one of two ways: either Masnavi recitation and explication would occur before the samaʿ ceremony, or it would occur following the ceremony. (The former appears in the earlier literature, the latter appears to have been more common in later stages, when Turkish- language audiences may have desired more time for explication.)311 Aflaki describes one

such ceremony occurring during the life of Chalabi Amir ʿAref that displays both the

integration of the Masnavi within the liturgical setting and the importance of a proper

appreciation for the Masnavi within that liturgy:

It is also transmitted that during those days Chalabi Mohammad Beg, the son of Turmta’i—God Have Mercy on him—who was the city’s commander and a unique man of the age, arranged a great gathering and held a samaʿ-session on behalf of Chalabi. Mowlana ʿAla’ al-Din and his disciples, without having previously resolved their estrangement [with Chalabi], were also present. But due to Chalabi’s awesomeness, it was impossible for any creature to utter a word. After they had recited the Qurʾan, and the recitation of the Masnavi and ghazals came to an end, Mowlana ʿAla’ al-Din said by way of supplication: ‘May Chalabi utter some higher meanings on this subject [our falling out] so that the prominent men profit from it. For the spring of higher meanings

310 Cf. “Mawlawiyya,” Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 2.

311 Ibid., 458-459.

146 bubbles up from your blessed family and the fountain-head of divine wisdom is your existence filled with generosity.’ Chalabi replied: ‘Under these circumstances whence shall I take my utterance of higher meaning and divine insight? From my own halting-stations and spiritual states or from your own spiritual state and halting station?’

Chalabi continues to rebuke his interlocutor, claiming that he lacks the ability to

understand the insights he could share and calling his spiritual states “extremely base

and inferior.” Apparently, there was some room for this type of discussion between the

recitation of the Qurʾan, Masnavi, and ghazals and the beginning of the samaʿ ceremony.

Following his rebuke, Chalabi invokes the Masnavi as evidence of his foe’s lowly state:

After that he said: ‘What a great man! You recite our Masnavi and you have no access (seyr-i) whatsoever to the secret of its proceeding and you are uninformed about the purpose of the book. Would that you had not recited this book (nami- khvandi) before it had called (mi-khvandi) you and you had known me in the midst of your ignorance.

For Chalabi, the recitation of the Masnavi by Mowlana ʿAla’ al-Din compounded his situation: not only was he already of a lower state, he then deigned to participate in the recitation when he had no ‘access’ to the ‘purpose of the book.’ Chalabi goes on to recite the following verses from the Masnavi:

Call yourself ignorant and a sinner—fear not— So this teacher doesn’t steal the lesson from you. Say like the angels: We have no knowledge, So you may be helped by: You have taught us.312

The latter two lines quote, as now should be expected, from the Qurʾan. There is thus a double scriptural rebuke, in the midst of a liturgical ceremony, wherein the Masnavi is recited, discussed, and invoked. Immediately following this rebuke, Chalabi stands up, begins the samaʿ, and recites a quatrain. In this narrative, the Masnavi functions as both

312 Aflaki, 614-615. The passage quotes from the fourth book of the Masnavi, which itself quotes from the second sura of the Qurʾan (2:32). While elements of the story may be apocryphal, there is little reason to doubt the order of proceedings as related here.

147 ritual accompaniment and scriptural authority. This type of practice was central to

Mevlevi ritual activity; the Masnavi’s presence within it reinforced the power of that text

and confirmed the authority of those who could properly deploy it.

According to Catherine Bell, the integration of text into ritual can be a key part of

the construction of a religious community. Bell argued, in reference to Taoist practices:

[T]exts and rites are more than passive representations or formulations of their milieu, they are also the strategic means by which persons or groups act upon their environment.313

The Masnavi and the samaʿ were integral and unique components of Mevlevi communal

activity from an early stage. The usage of the two, in concert, provided the new

community with distinctive forms of practice as well as material components that

shaped the community. Perhaps inevitably, text and ritual also generated a new type of

liturgical authority.314 The shaykh (Rumi) had once been at the center of the samaʿ as

well as the primary exponent of poetry. The continued presence of the recitation of the

Masnavi in the shaykh’s absence created a new type of religious authority within the

Mevlevi community. This new role was the “Masnavi-khwan,” the reciter of the Masnavi.

In the next section, I will show how the Masnavi-khwan furthered the process of

scripturalization for the Masnavi, and, in so doing, further legitimized Mevlevi practices.

***

Seraj al-Din and the Role of the Masnavi-khwan

From its opening word, “Beshnu,” the Masnavi announces itself as a performative

text. As discussed in previous chapters, the work has dialogic elements that reveal the

313 Bell, 390.

314 Ibid., 388. Bell cites a similar process: in the case of the Taoist Lu manuals, the usage of the texts within rituals generated the need for a new form of authority, “the Ling-Pao liturgical master.”

148 text being used as a scriptural teaching tool within Rumi’s community of followers. While

the main interlocutor was Hosam al-din, whose name is mentioned throughout the text,

there existed other recipients of the Masnavi who would prove important to its

continued usage in Rumi’s absence. One such figure was Seraj al-din, the first Masnavi-

khwan, or official Masnavi reciter. The presence of this position shows the ongoing

formalization of ritual and performative practices that included the Masnavi among the

early Mevlevis.

Given Sultan Valad’s instrumental role in many elements of this formalization, it is

not surprising that the first recorded mention of the Masnavi-khwan comes in the

Ebteda-Nameh.315 Sultan Valad describes how he saw, in a dream, Hosam al-din on

Rumi’s grave. Hosam al-din was reciting the Masnavi and instructing his disciple, Seraj al- din, in its proper voicing. In this passage, Sultan Valad describes Seraj al-din in glowing terms:

In a dream, I saw that chosen disciple, Seraj al-din, our Masnavi-reciter, who has been, since his youth, upright and devout, pious, monotheistic, and reverent.

Sultan Valad goes on to describe how Seraj al-din was among the Friends of God and had his own “portion of mystic knowledge.” Hosam al-din confers upon him the proper mode of reciting the Masnavi in order to communicate both its “manifest and secret” senses.

Ultimately, he imparts, through the dream, the following verse:

If a truly pious person should read the Masnavi, he will acknowledge that no poetry can surpass this.316

315 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 432. Cf. Valad-Name, 23, 54, 392-393.

316 Valad-nameh, 393 (my translation). Cf. Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 432-434.

149 Hosam al-din, then, confirms both the great authority of the text as well as the authority

of Seraj al-din to recite it. Seraj al-din’s position as Masnavi-khwan is established through

that of the then-deceased Hosam al-din, in no less a sacred place than Rumi’s tomb. The

account is probably retroactive: as a long-standing disciple, Seraj al-din was most likely

already an authority on the main teaching text of the Mevlevis. Even retroactively, such

dream narratives can function as ways for Sufis to confer otherworldly authority upon

their messages. This dream tradition can be traced among Sufis going back to al-Bistami,

or even the Prophet Muhammad.317 Regarding another famed Sufi, Suhrawardi, Nile

Green remarks on the ‘a¯lam al-mitha¯l , or ‘world of likeness’, where dreams and visions

take place:

As a proper realm of existence that mediated between different kinds of and levels of being, the ‘a¯lam al-mitha¯l thus played an important part in the cosmological model which underpinned Suhrawardi-’s wider mystical epistemology. For the first time in Islamic thought, visions and dreams were here enrobed with a special sphere of existence of their own. No longer regarded as simple messages from on high they were seen as in some way actual events existentially undergone at a different level of our being.318

Within Sultan Valad’s writing, dreams no doubt functioned on a similar level, as

confirming a real experience of deceased figures imparting another message to help

guide the community’s actions. Thus Seraj al-din’s role took on extra significance within

Sultan Valad’s writing, and, by extension, within the community that he was leading at

the time. Seraj al-din, who had been with the community for decades, achieved a special

status as the key reciter of the main scriptural text of the early Mevlevis.319

317 Nile Green, “The Religious and Cultural Role of Dreams and Vision in Islam,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 13 (3), 292-295.

318 Ibid., 295.

319 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 433.

150 The position of Masnavi reciter would have existed alongside the more well-

known traditional Islamic liturgical profession, that of Qurʾan reciter. Sultan Valad’s

enshrinement of the masnavi-khwan, with its blessing from the liminal world of sacred

dreams, was perhaps meant to insulate criticism of these two practices occurring in

sequence: the samaʿ ceremony was already controversial, so adding a component of

recitation following the invocation of the Qurʾan may have been another point of

objection for its critics. While Sultan Valad’s motives in confirming the role of the

Masnavi-khwan may be multiple, the occurrence of the dream results in a desirable

outcome for Sultan Valad, Seraj al-din, and the Mevlevis. Even under some modern

conceptions of dreams, that is, that they are wish-fulfillment, Sultan Valad’s dream makes

some measure of sense. In order to formalize existing performative practices related to

the Masnavi, Sultan Valad may have desired some external authority outside of his own

statements on the matter. The dream of Hosam al-din serves that purpose.

For Seraj al-din himself, the dream, along with Sultan Valad’s blessing, would have

been key factors in enshrining his role within the community. His apparent talent in

reciting the Masnavi further confirmed his status in a performative sense: through the

very act of reciting the scripture in a ritual setting, he achieved the authority associated

with his position. In the eyes of the later hagiographer, Shams al-din Aflaki, Seraj al-din formed an important connection between the Mevlevi community of the early 14th century with the time that Rumi had been alive. As such, Seraj al-din’s reports take on added significance for Aflaki within the Manaqeb al-Arifin. In the following section, I will examine how Rumi’s hagiographers use the narratives of Sultan Valad and Seraj al-din

(amongst others) to confer scriptural authority upon the Masnavi. It appears that the authority of these figures is both confirmed by their status in relation to the Masnavi

151 concurrently with these figures’ confirmation of the status of the Masnavi. The

hagiographers later utilize the memories of Rumi, Hosam al-din, Sultan Valad and Seraj

al-din, amongst others, in the ongoing process of scripturalization of the Masnavi.

***

Aflaki, Sepahsalar, and the Role of the Hagiographer in Scripturalization

The earliest sources for information about the early Mevlevi community, other

than the writings of Sultan Valad, comes from two hagiographers, Faridun Sepahsalar

and Shams al-din Aflaki. Sepahsalar’s hagiography comes first; as a more contemporary

report, some consider it to be more trustworthy. Aflaki’s contains significantly more

material, though it is often colored by a reliance on fantastical or miraculous stories that

undermine its value as a historical resource. The two texts appeared not long after the

events they describe: Sepahsalar’s Resale-ye Sepahsalar was completed between 1312-

1338, with Aflaki’s Manaqeb al-Arifin was composed over a period from 1318-1354.320

Regardless of their tendency to sanctify their subject matter, or to include otherworldly narrations that do not quite fit the historical mode, the two texts are useful in two senses.

First, they can offer up some details about the lives of Rumi and his contemporaries, even if not all of those details can be trusted. Second, they provide a window into the nature of discourse around these figures in the time of their writing.

In the following quote from Sepahsalar, he quotes Rumi’s own hopes for what the

Masnavi would become in his absence:

Hazrat Khodavandgar, in blessed language, stated: “After us, make the Masnavi a shaykh, and a guide to the students; let it be their motive and precedent.”321

320 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 243, 249.

321 Sepahsalar, Resalah, 181-182.

152 While it is tempting to take this direct statement at face value, especially as it confirms

the entire thesis of this dissertation, it can also be viewed as indicative of the discourse at

the time of Sepahsalar’s writing. This is not to argue he fabricated the quote: rather, it

confirms that by Sepahsalar’s writing, the scriptural status of the Masnavi was already

being discussed and emphasized. That he uses no less than Rumi’s own voice to

communicate the status of the text further shows the tie between scripturalization and

memorialization at the time of Sepahsalar’s writing.

Although best known now for his Resale, Sepahsalar must have held a

considerable reputation among the early Mevlevis. He was a member of Rumi’s circle, by

his own telling, for 40 years. His burial place is also in an honored location within Rumi’s

shrine, near to Baha al-din Valad. He wrote primarily in prose, though his Resalah also

contains quotations in verse from Rumi, Sultan Valad, and others. Apparently, Sepahsalar

also had knowledge about Rumi’s relationships with other members of his inner circle,

such as in the following description of Hosam al-din:

During the life of the shaykh [Rumi], he was with the shaykh. He was a companion and confidant within the shaykh’s dwelling place. Likewise, he was the shaykh’s match in purity and fidelity, possessing all happiness with no grief. Together they contained all munificence, from both came all skill and learning.322

Sepahsalar memorializes Hosam al-din in the context of his intimate relationship with

Rumi. He includes citations from the Masnavi as evidence.323 Sepahsalar, in large part,

fills in the gaps between what the Masnavi states about the writing process between

Hosam al-din and Rumi and what their lives were like together outside of that process.

The Masnavi, then, is a sort of proof text for Sepahsalar’s memorialization of both Rumi

and Hosam al-din. Yet in this memorialization, he shows the status that the Masnavi had

322 Ibid., 275-281. My translation. 323 Ibid. The role of Hosam al-din in the Masnavi is addressed in the second chapter.

153 amongst the disciples in both the time of his writing and at the time that Rumi was alive.

Even if it was to be considered a type of “back-formation,” wherein the writer inflates the

significance in order to justify present practice, the scripturalization of the Masnavi

occurs in the same context as the sanctification and memorialization of Rumi.

Sepahsalar’s writing, then, demonstrates that, in at least some circles, the text had taken

on a significance rivaling or even exceeding its author. Given that the text was able to

endure even in the author’s absence, its authority continues in a way that the deceased

Rumi cannot.

The Masnavi also forms a communicative bridge for Aflaki, who had never met

Rumi. Instead, Aflaki relies upon reports about Rumi that come down through his

disciples. The process mirrors, in many ways, hadith collection: Aflaki does not seem to

filter or attempt to adjudicate which stories are true or false, leaving that task instead to

future critics. For example, unlike the recollections of Sultan Valad or Sepahsalar, Aflaki

includes the rumored murder of Shams by Rumi’s son Ala’ ad-din in his collection.324 He

further includes stories of miracles, like telekinesis, that do not feature in the other

accounts. Yet, as with hadith collections, his writings are not merely of interest for their

facticity or lack thereof—instead, they show some of the operative modes of practice

reported by key figures within the early Mevlevi community.

One of his key sources for these reports is none other than Seraj al-din, the

masnavi-khwan. Seraj al-din’s presence in the work further demonstrates his authority

within the early Mevlevi community. He was a performer of the main sacred text as well

324 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 185-193. While some scholars like Annemarie Schimmel (in Triumphal Sun) had accepted Aflaki’s account, Lewis finds little reason to believe that Shams had been killed given that other accounts indicate Rumi continued to look for him following his last disappearance. Yet minority reports can have their own value, at times.

154 as a repository for knowledge about the particularities of Rumi’s life, teachings and circle

of followers. As may be expected, he demonstrates particular knowledge about the

relationship between Rumi and Hosam al-din. Aflaki writes, “The hidden Friend of God

and everlasting knower of God, Seraj al-Din-e Masnavi-Khwan—God make his earth

light—was one of the prominent companions and he had received favors and instruction

from Chalabi Hosam al-din.”325 I have already discussed Seraj al-din’s importance to

Sultan Valad and his role of masnavi reciter, as established by Sultan Valad’s dreams. In this quote, Aflaki communicates that Seraj al-din was closely tied to Hosam al-din. In so doing, he establishes—or confirms—Seraj al-din’s authority to share the narratives that follow, such as the following interaction between Seraj al-din and Rumi:

Mowlana Seraj al-Din-e Masnavi-Khwan—God have mercy on him—also related: ‘One day I had gone to the garden of Chalabi Hosam al-din. For the sake of blessings I brought a kerchief full of red roses into the house. It happened that Mowlana was in Chalabi’s house and I was unaware of this. I suddenly entered and lowered my head. I beheld eminent disciples who were seated everywhere high and low, and Mowlana was walking in the courtyard. Whatever he said in the way of divine insights and subtle points, the companions were writing down. In my extreme fear and bewilderment I forgot about the kerchief. I sat myself down far away in the place where one takes off one’s shoes. Mowlana looked over in my direction and said: “Whoever comes from the garden brings roses for the sake of blessings and whoever comes from the halva-seller’s shop brings a batch of halva. Placing my head on his blessed feet, I poured out the roses. The companions let out shouts and they carried off the roses as plunder. That moment the sama started up.’

The story is of interest for more than just Seraj al-din’s interaction with Rumi. Rather,

within the report, it is apparent that Rumi is actively engaged in teaching and his

companions are recording his words. The occasion ends with the seemingly spontaneous

eruption of the sama ceremony: Seraj al-din, despite his humility at the beginning,

becomes the linchpin in the action that follows. Not all of his reports have the same level

325 Aflaki, 113.

155 of narrative detail, such as when his report merely serves to deliver a quote attributed to

Rumi.

Seraj al-din serves, for Aflaki, as a trusted reporter of Rumi’s teaching and the

ritual practices of his followers. He further establishes the authority of Aflaki’s report

through the reputation he had accumulated in the period between Rumi’s death and

Aflaki’s writing, which was over 40 years. Aflaki also showed an anxiety with some

changes that were apparently being made to the Masnavi. He relates, without much

context, that these changes are a bad idea, using the Qurʾan as his model for comparison:

Now those changes to the Masnavi are inauspicious, and altering the words: We are the only ones who put things right—but verily, they are workers of corruption is as if they planted their claws in it, scratched its limbs and stomach with their nails, and tore apart its flesh. That turban must be this way, it must be this way, it must be on this side! The one who set it in this position is capable of making it into the moon, and making that moon into the sun, and that sun into something more lovely and beneficial. But God knows best!326

It is telling that Aflaki deploys the Qurʾan in defense: at this point, as I have established elsewhere, the two texts appear inextricable. In another passage, Aflaki quotes Rumi describing the Qurʾan and the Masnavi as brides possessing amazing beautiful features that are “concealed under a chador of jealousy and a veil of dust.”327 The two are thus intimately tied to each other through their shared qualities and intimately tied to those who have managed to lift the veil.

Those who would question the Masnavi’s status in comparison to the Qurʾan can find themselves on the wrong end of Rumi’s temper in Aflaki’s account. Even Sultan

Valad is not spared from this temper. Sultan Valad intervened in a dispute among religious scholars who were wondering why the Mevlevis referred to the Masnavi as the

326 Aflaki, 165-166. The Qurʾan passage is 2:11-12.

327 Aflaki, 535.

156 Qurʾan. When he replied that it was a commentary, Rumi rebuked him in the harshest possible terms: “Oh you dog! Why is it not the Qurʾan? Oh you ass! Why is it not the

Qurʾan? Oh your sister’s a whore! Why is it not the Qurʾan?”328 The words are particularly striking, as any sister Sultan Valad would have would be Rumi’s own daughter. Rumi’s persona in Aflaki contrasts with what he says about the Masnavi and the Qurʾan:

Verily, contained in the words of the prophets and the Friends of God is nothing but lights of divine secrets. The speech of God has sprung up from their pure heart and has flowed forth upon the stream of their tongue.

While the initial rebuke of Sultan Valad seems unusual, the description of the Masnavi that follows does not stray too far from the self-description of the Masnavi and its relationship to the Qurʾan that has been examined elsewhere.

Following the intertextual modes of its predecessors, Aflaki’s Manaqeb al-Arifin utilizes references and quotes from the Qurʾan and the Masnavi as proof of the points raised within the narratives. The stories can serve an exegetical function, explaining the context in which certain verses of the Masnavi were composed or situations that they might reference. In an illustrative narrative that Aflaki traces to Seraj al-din, Aflaki deploys a reference to the Masnavi, explaining that it refers to the narrative he is describing. The Masnavi continues to be an agent in its own scripturalization. In the passage, the consequences for improper appreciation of the text are quite dire:

Likewise, Mowlana Seraj al-Din-e Masnavi-Khwan—God be pleased with him—related: ‘One day Chalabi Hosam al-Din lowered his head before Mowlana and said: “When the disciples recite Khodavandger’s Masnavi and the people of spiritual concentration (hodur) became immersed in its light, I see that a group from the invisible world are present and they hold clubs and swords in their hands. Whoever does not hark to these words in loyal devotion and does not

328 Aflaki, 201. The section continues with a short couplet and explanation: “Indeed speech resides within the heart/And the tongue has been made a guide unto speech. Whether it be Syriac, the Fateha (sab al-mathani), or whether it be Hebrew or Arabic.”

157 listen with inward sincerity, they sever the root of his faith and the branches of his religion, and they drag him off to the place of Hell-fire.” Mowlana replied: “It is just as you have seen.” This thought has been given in explanation of the beginning of Book Four of the Masnavi. And Mowlana revealed the final state of the deniers and recited: “This very moment the enemy of these words Has been visualized upside down in Hell-fire. Oh Diya’ al-Haqq, you beheld his state. God showed you His answer to the enemy’s deeds.” Thus he saw clearly and with real sight how a person was caught and thrown head first into Hell-fire.’329

In the narrative, Seraj al-din confirms, for Aflaki, the existential consequence of not

properly appreciating the Masnavi, relying on other-worldly presences, Rumi, Hosam al- din, and the Masnavi itself to accomplish this point. If viewed as a rhetorical strategy, it is clear that, for Aflaki at least, the Masnavi had existential implications as well as a relationship to the Qurʾan that could not be minimized. When viewed as a collection of narratives in circulation at Aflaki’s time, the Masnavi’s status as scripture, while possibly being questioned by outsiders, was, for Mevlevi adherents, a given.

In reading Aflaki’s accounts of the Masnavi, the attitudes the Rumi and his companions have to the text come to the fore. Despite Aflaki’s not having access to Rumi, he relies on narratives in circulation that demonstrate the text’s status. The Manaqeb al-

Arifin further explains that the Masnavi’s status was not delimited to Rumi’s own time, or to that of Aflaki’s. The text was meant to increase in significance as time passed, in much the same manner other scriptural texts had done. Though the Masnavi itself had plenty to say about its own status, it rarely ventures to explicitly explain its own value to posterity in the manner that appears in the hagiographies.330 The Manaqeb al-Arifin, which existed

329 Aflaki, 520.

330 Husayn Ilahi-Ghomshei, “The Symphony of Rumi,”in Philosophy of Ecstasy, 5-7. The author takes the text’s comparison to the Qurʾan as a type of prophecy; in my view, the hagiographers are more direct in this respect than the sections he cites from the Masnavi.

158 several decades after the final volume’s completion, is in a better position to evaluate the

text’s significance. Thus its teleological claims make more sense: the passage of time had

revealed the Masnavi’s scriptural claims to be enduring. Portions of Aflaki’s text show an

awareness of the Masnavi’s increasing significance:

There is also a true report that one day Mowlana said: ‘They will rebuild our tomb seven times. The final time a rich Turk will come forth and build my tomb with alternating bricks of gold and pure silver, and around my tomb a very big city will grow up and our tomb will remain in the middle of the city. At that time our Masnavi will take on the role of a shaykh.’331

The passage echoes Sepahsalar’s earlier quote attributed to Rumi, where he indicated

that the Masnavi should become a shaykh after he is gone. The awareness of the

significance of Rumi’s tomb most likely demonstrates this story as apocryphal. It does,

however, indicate that, for Aflaki, both tomb and text would come to be significant—a

prophecy, however apocryphal, that did to some extent come to be fulfilled. Another

prediction found within the Manaqeb al-Arifin has not quite accomplished itself:

It is also transmitted that one day Shams al-Din, the son of Modarres, was asleep in his room and out of thoughtlessness and negligence he had placed the Masnavi behind his back. Suddenly Mowlana came in and saw the book like that. He said: ‘So these words of mine came for this purpose, to fall into obscurity? By God, by God, from the place where the sun rises to the place where is sets, this meaning will establish itself, and it will go forth to the different climes and there will be no gathering and assembly where these words are not recited—to the point where it will be recited in temples and on stone benches, and all the nations will be dressed in the robes of this speech and will have their share in it.’332

Despite this prophecy’s ambitious claims, it demonstrates the reverence for the Masnavi found among Rumi’s community of followers. As has been shown, the Masnavi was understood to be a text with great significance in the present and future. It was a shaykh in Rumi’s absence, as well as a possible source for testing the mettle of members of the

331 Aflaki, 281.

332 Ibid., 299.

159 religious community. It features in communications with beings from other realms, including the deceased as well as with prophetic figures like Muhammad and Abraham.

Far from a simply collection of stories, or a commentary on the Qurʾan, the

Masnavi was beginning to be used as a scripture in its own right. Alongside other activities, including the formulization of the sama ritual and the construction of Rumi’s shrine, the scripturalization of the Masnavi featured as part of the early Mevlevis formation as a religious community. Through the further textual production of

Sepahsalar, Aflaki, and Sultan Valad, the Masnavi’s status was confirmed. Its performance in liturgical settings alongside the Qurʾan and prior to the sama further ensured its enshrinement as scripture within the group, with the Masnavi-khwan’s role taking on a special status. The activities of the early Mevlevis, in many ways, confirmed the claims that the text had made about itself: they were fulfilling the text’s status in the midst of their own identity-formation as a Sufi order.

Yet the Masnavi’s status as scripture was not limited to the Mevlevis. According to

Aflaki’s accounts, external political authorities and religious scholars had begun to recognize the book’s status. While these accounts may be inflated, they do in some way anticipate the text’s spread outside of the Mevlevi community of Konya to other regions and to other Sufi groups. In the following sections, I will discuss two such phenomena that emerged, that of the masnavi-khane and the commentary tradition on the Masnavi among other Sufi orders.

***

160

Reception and Institutional Scripturalization

For a text that came to be as important as the Masnavi, an entire reception history would be nearly impossible to reconstruct.333 The broad strokes involve the spread of the influence of the Mevlevis within the Ottoman empire and the distribution of the text across the Persianate sphere of influence. The former enshrined the book within an institutional setting that found favor with the ruling elite; the latter demonstrated that the Masnavi’s teachings could be readily applied to situations outside of the Mevlevi sphere of influence. In this section, I will explore a couple aspects of the Masnavi’s usage as scripture within Ottoman lands and within Sufi circles external to the Mevlevis.

The Mevlevi community spread into greater Anatolia in the decades following

Rumi’s death. Mevlevi khanaqas eventually emerged in Istanbul, Syria, Jerusalem,

Cyprus, and elsewhere.334 These were the primary locations for disciples to become

initiated into the order and for Mevlevis to practice the sama ceremony as well as teach

and recite the Masnavi, amongst other poetry and teachings, including that of Sultan

Valad and Aflaki. Mevlevi disciples, then, inherited the attitudes toward the Masnavi that

had been established by the book itself and by the early Mevlevi community. They went

on to create their own hagiographic and literary traditions that form part of the larger

legacy of the Mevlevi order.335

333 Gölpınarlı’s Mevlana’dan sonar Mevlevik traces the history of the Mevlevi order; a larger reception history of the Masnavi remains a needed addition to existing scholarship.

334 Lewisohn, “Editor’s Introduction,” Philosophy of Ecstasy, xiii.

335 Victoria Holbrook, “Diverse Tastes in the Spiritual Life: Textual Play in the Diffusion of Rumi’s Order,” in Leonard Lewisohn (ed.), The Heritage of Sufism, Vol. 2, 100.

161 The earliest reproductions of the Masnavi occurred during Rumi’s lifetime, with a complete edited version appearing about five years after his passing. In the decades that followed, the book became one of the more, if not most, popular Persian-language texts ever to be reproduced. According to Abdulbaki Gölpınarlı, a key historian of the Mevlevi order, the book was exceeded only by the sacred texts of the major religions in the amount it was written about and discussed.336 Along with its popularity came the desire for its messages to be explained to Mevlevi initiates as well as the general populace within the Ottoman Empire. These latter folks would not necessarily have been able to join a Sufi order, yet still wished to learn about the new scriptural production in their midst. As a result, ‘lay’ institutions, masnavi-khane, appeared.337 Inside the masnavi- khane, audiences—who were most likely primarily Turkish-speaking—could gather to hear the Masnavi recited properly, then translated and explained by an expert on the text. Students could even receive an ijaza, or diploma, in the study of the Masnavi—much as one would from studying any of the religious sciences in the Islamic tradition.

The Mevlevi lodges functioned as an outlet for those interested in the Masnavi. As

Lewis describes:

The Mevlevi lodges came to function as a kind of art academy or cultural center, as well as places for the practice of Mevlevi rituals. Once the study of Persian had been forbidden in the schools in Turkey, the Mevlevi lodges, which maintained this tradition in their Dar al-Masnavis, or Masnavi Halls, became centers of literary study.338

336 Gölpınarlı, Mevlana Celaleddin, cited in Holbrook, above, 99.

337 Lewisohn, Philosophy of Ecstasy, 37.

338 Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 426.

162 The popularity of the text had spread beyond Mevlevi circles, though they remained, in

many senses, instrumental for those who wished to learn about this work up until at

least the 19th century.

Outside of Ottoman lands, the Masnavi was utilized by other Sufi groups, including the Naqshbandi order. Within the Timurid empire of the 15th century, the poet Jami wrote extensively about the work, imitated and adapted it in his “Salaman and Absal,” and perhaps even further memorialized Rumi—he is the one purported to have called the Masnavi the “Qurʾan in Persian.”339 It also, perhaps inevitably, made its way into Shi’a circles, most likely due to branches of Mevlevis’ interest—and in spite of the general anti-

Shi’i rhetoric found within much of Rumi’s teachings.340 Eventually, some manuscripts of the Masnavi became prized possessions, along with other notable works like the

Shahnameh and illustrated versions of the Manaqeb al-Arifin, in Moghul courts like that of Akbar.341 The emperor even went so far as to direct his employees to read the Masnavi in their off-hours. A whole class of professional poetry reciters would participate in the

Masnavi’s recitation within courtly settings—again, despite the ambivalence that Rumi had shown toward such spaces. These reciters, in turn, produced their own renditions and imitations of the poems.342 Nor was the Masnavi limited to Sufi and courtly audiences: according to one author, Bengalese Brahmins recited the work in Sufi

339 Ibid, 467-469. Lewis notes that a variation of the phrase is also attributied to Shaykh Baha’i, though in neither case has it been found in their primary works.

340 Ibid, 13, 426.

341 Ibid, 640-642. There was also apparently a workshop for producing miniatures in Ottoman-era Baghdad that made copies of the Masnavi and Manaqeb al-Arifin.

342 Ibid, 468-475.

163 costume.343 The book burst past any bounds that context, language or confessional commitments might have seemed to set.

The diverse range of reactions to the Masnavi demonstrates that this work rivaled in importance any of the scriptures that we commonly identify with the major world religious traditions. Its use in liturgical, ritual, didactic, and popular settings all show a text that is becoming integrated within the very fabric of the societies it encounters.

While the claims that the text makes about itself may be impossible to verify, its enduring status as a scripture for a wide variety of audiences across numerous timespans and continents cannot be denied. Ultimately, the legacy of the Masnavi demands us to reconsider how we define what counts as scripture, how we evaluate claims to scripture, and how scriptures are generated by religious communities and, reflexively, generate those communities.

343 Hafiz Md. Tahir Ali, “Importance of Persian Sufi Literature in Modern India,” Indo- Iranica, XLVII/1-4 (1994), p. 41, cited in Lewisohn, “Editor’s Introduction,” xiii.

164

Conclusion: Implication of Findings and Directions for Future Research *** I say it to you now, knowing full well that you will agree with me (that is, understand) only if you already agree with me. 344 *** To write about scripture is itself a reinscription. Authoritative claims, supported by synthetic invocations, the inevitable disclosure of a secret (if not the secret): these prove necessary for discussing scripture. Reinscription is, in some sense, the consequence of this description. To the extent that this description (or reinscription) demystifies and desacralizes an otherwise mystified and sacralized phenomenon, my aim is true. The extent to which my reinscription reifies, or even realizes, the text’s own claims about itself and the attitudes of its audience shows how even describing scripture captures one within the discursive process of scripturalization.

I cannot help but be enchanted by my own disenchantment—it is a mystery, to me, that I could maintain a descriptive strategy in the face of such a formidable text as the Masnavi. Early advice I received on the project was to not try to cover the entire

Masnavi. In that sense, I have been successful. At the same time, I have not been comprehensive: numerous further examples that could support and/or nuance my claims here. The work itself is of staggering length and breadth: over 26,000 lines of verse stretched over 6 volumes, covering philosophy, ethics, folklore, humor, eroticism,

344 Stanley Fish, Is There a Text in this Class? The Authority of Interpretive Communities, 173.

165 psychology, social relations, history—to say nothing of its articulation of the Sufi path in all of its ‘glory.’

My strategy, which aimed to keep me from being seduced and overwhelmed by the epic, involved focusing on a particular set of discourses that I found within the text.

To an extent, I used the strategy of “reading against the grain.” In particular, I was interested in the text’s understanding of itself, which required taking informative and performative statements out of their particular textual position and context and putting them into a larger framework of understanding as a group. In the second chapter, I assembled a number of these textual “statements” and showed them as part of a program of “self-scripturalization” and “self-authentication.” The text demanded to be taken seriously as a work of great import from its outset in the preface of the first volume and in many of the prefaces to later volumes.

Further, my strategy involved going against the primary modes that most scholars use when discussing the Masnavi. It is largely read as the product of Rumi’s mystical genius. This allows for the text to be considered alongside other writings attributed to

Rumi, as well as to use his biography and hagiography as a means to understanding the text’s contents. Largely, I wished to move away from these approaches345—excepting the

“Friends of God” discourse within Sufism that allows for the observance of the potential for revelation and/or inspiration from the divine within human affairs. The book itself, as

I have discussed in the second and third chapters, does not shy from ascribing divine

345 In addition to trying to move away from the focus on Rumi’s ‘genius’ found in much of the writing on Rumi, my approach also fits within contemporary theorizations about authorship. For example, Pierre Bourdieu argues that the focus on the “apparent producer” neglects to account for how authors are themselves ‘authorized’, and how they are implicated within broader cultural processes and agents which can be seen as more accurately and actively determining the ‘value’ of a given work. Cf. Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production, 76-77.

166 agency to its composition. The introduction to the third volume explicitly addresses

God’s role in the text’s composition:

And to Him be the praise and the glory for the composition of the Divine, Lordly Book of the Masnavi, since He is the Helper to success and the giver of superiority, and to Him belongs the conferring of abundant benefits and favors, especially upon His servants, the gnostics, in despite of a party who desire to extinguish the Lights of God with their mouths—but God will bring His Light into completion, even if the unbelievers are loath.346

While this could be explained away as indicative of Rumi’s supposed fatalism and/or his conception of God’s agency in all matters,347 in my view an analysis of the text should allow for its own discourses around authorship and agency to “speak” for itself. This is the methodology generally used in addressing authorship of other scriptures, including the Qurʾan. In my analysis, I wanted to see what the consequences of taking the book’s claims about itself seriously might be. In so doing, I was able to demonstrate how the text itself self-authenticates.

The text’s performativity comes through both in its self-authentication and by means of its infusion of the Qurʾan—in all its diverse ways. In the third chapter, I argue against the notion that the Masnavi simply does Qurʾanic exegesis. Nor is it, in my view, simply a consequence of what has been described as Rumi’s “fully Qurʾanized” worldview. As I demonstrate by means of a few examples of the over 4000 references to the Qurʾan found within the work, the Masnavi utilizes the Qurʾan for both exegetical as well as narrative, performative, and aesthetic functions. Ultimately, its various usages of the Qurʾan are instrumental in its reception as scripture. This is further adduced through

346 Nicholson, III/IV, 4. Note that “bounty” is changed to “superiority” within the appendix.

347 Cf. Husayn Ilahi-Ghomshei, “The Symphony of Rumi,” in Philosophy of Ecstasy, 28: Ilahi-Ghomshei largely rejects this supposed fatalism in application to Rumi, citing M V: 3077-3086, and other examples.

167 the text’s own explicit identification with the Qurʾan as well as through hagiographical accounts about how Rumi and Sultan Valad understood the status of the Masnavi, in addition to later ascriptions of the text as “the Qurʾan in Persian.”

The reception history proves to be the culmination of the processes, internal and external, that made the Masnavi into a scripture. In the first chapter, I argue that the text is produced by and responds to its context. This context includes the emergent

Persianate cultural traditions, the political disruptions of the Abbasids, Seljuks and

Mongols, the ongoing debates on Islamic authority between the legal traditions and Sufis, the internal debates on authority amongst Sufis, as well as the broader network of religious negotiation within the medieval Mediterranean sphere of influence. The text successfully navigates all of those fields while also achieving a transcendent quality that allows it to speak past its own cultural setting. In large part, it achieves its scriptural status—in which it is made to speak across a variety of contexts—as a result of how it was used and understood, first by the Mevlevis and also amongst other Sufi groups and popular audiences. The text’s performative elements combine with the efforts of early

Mevlevi interpreters and hagiographers, including Sultan Valad, Sepahsaler, and Aflaki, in order to bring this new scripture to a broader audience and achieve its status as an exemplary text of the Persianate, Islamicate, and Sufi traditions.

***

Out Here in the Field

In making the argument that the Masnavi should be viewed as a scripture, I aligned myself with scholarship that views Sufi knowledge and aesthetic production not as marginal, non-normative expressions of Islam. Instead, this approach brings the discussion of Sufi back from the margins and into the center of the frame. Building off the

168 efforts of Omid Safi, Shahab Ahmed, and others, I demonstrate the importance of the

Masnavi—and thus Sufism more generally—in understanding the religious and cultural

environments of thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in Anatolia. In What is Islam, Ahmed

argues:

The development in modern scholarship of Sufism as a compartmentalized or specialized “field” of scholarly study, and its relative neglect by non-specialists, has led to the tendency toward a compartmentalized and specialized view of the history of societies of Muslims in which Sufism is treated as a compartmentalized or specialized activity by Muslims—rather than as an integral and integrated element in the lives of Muslims.348

For Ahmed, the consequence of this scholarship is that it becomes necessarily

constrained by the normative claims of the legal scholars over and against the claims

made by Sufis.

The normative claims of legal scholars in the Seljuk era have been reinscribed

within the discipline of Islamic studies in reference to those periods. The tendency of

scholars to accept the claims of Sunni ‘orthodoxies,’ then and now, as constitutive of the

tradition necessarily subordinates the claims of Sufis. Thus, a claim such as the one I

make about the Masnavi as scripture could be perceived as ‘heresy,’ despite the fact that

such a claim would merely be echoing one side of the debate of seven hundred years ago.

In The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam, Omid Safi criticizes this tendency

amongst scholars:

I wish to return to the disturbing ease with which charges of heresy continue to be handed out—this time by contemporary Western scholars of Islamic thought. One expects the charge of heresy as part of premodern intra-Islamic polemics. More unexpected, perhaps, is the ease with which contemporary scholars accuse their premodern counterparts of heresy. How ironic that many Sufis of the Saljuq era are facing another inquisition of sorts, this time from Western scholars writing from the comfort of our/their privileged situation.349

348 Shahab Ahmed, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic, 94.

349 Omid Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam, 204-205.

169

Safi describes how scholars treat some Sufis as heretics in reference to orthodoxy, and questions which orthodoxy they refer to, and asks, “On what authority has the contemporary scholar accorded that place of prominence to those theologians?”350

Following Safi and Ahmed, my argument about the Masnavi’s own claims and its usage as scripture indicate that Seljuk-era knowledge production does not fit so easily into the contemporary understanding of Islamic ‘orthodoxy.’ Instead, the text’s claims and usage ask us to revisit the possibilities that were present for Sufi discourses, with their attendant claims to religious authority, in that context. The consequence of that reconsideration, however, is to question the normative presumptions scholars bring to the field of Islamic studies in general. Peter Awn advocates expanding the notion of

Islamic scripture to include hadith and the ‘Shariah’: should scholars not also look to see which texts are utilized as scriptures within different periods of Islamic history? In so doing, we will be better able to account for the reception and usage of not only the

Masnavi, but also of other Sufi and Muslim writings. These could include the writings of

Ibn al-ʿArabī, or of Sanāʾi351 and ʿAṭṭār, or of Hafez.

A variety of anecdotal evidence could be brought forth for any of these examples to demonstrate how they function as scriptural writings for a wide audience. Hafez’s

Divan, for example, sits on every Haft Seen table during the Persian holiday of Nowruz.

The practice of textual divination, fāl, has been used amongst Muslims in reference to not

350 Ibid., 204.

351 Sanāʾi’s poetry, for example, found its way into public preaching, and ultimately influenced the Masnavi. Cf. J.T.P. de Bruyn, Of Piety and Poetry, 146.

170 only the Qurʾan, but also the Masnavi and Hafez’s Divan.352 The continued insistence on

the Qurʾan as the sole scripture of Muslims is not historically accurate. It constrains

discussion of Islamic and Sufi devotional practices, ritual, and textual production. In my

view, a more expansive, elastic definition of scripture allows for more accurate—and

interesting—conceptualizations of Islamic practices in relation to textual materials.

In the following section, I will outline some further investigations that could be

the consequences of this redefinition of Islamic scripture, especially in relation to the

Masnavi.

***

Days of Future Past

In recent years, resurgent interest in Rumi and his writings has developed in both

scholarly and popular settings. This is not without attendant controversy: Rumi’s legacy

enters into debates about nationalism, as he is claimed by no less than 3 countries as

part of their cultural heritage. Further, translations of Rumi’s writings have come under

criticism for their ‘erasure’ of Rumi’s Muslim themes.353 This latter situation was

exacerbated when rumors emerged, in 2017 during the composition of this dissertation,

that Leonardo DiCaprio was to be cast as Rumi in a period-piece biopic.

As in many cases, these current controversies largely focus on the re-

enchantment of Rumi by subsequent fans and devotees of him and his writing. Whether

as a patron saint for the New Age, or of homoeroticism, or as a master of Sufi and Islamic

philosophy, of perennialism and universalism, the recurrent power of Rumi to be both an

352 Mahmoud Omidsalar, “Fāl”, Encyclopedia Iranica, accessed via web, November 9, 2018: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/divination.

353 Rozina Ali, “The Erasure of Islam from the Poetry of Rumi,” The New Yorker, Jan. 5, 2017, accessed via web, November 9, 2018: https://www.newyorker.com/books/page- turner/the-erasure-of-islam-from-the-poetry-of-rumi

171 inspirational figure and to be fetishized by those who lay claim to him has not been

diminished.

In scholarship, this re-enchantment can be felt in the burgeoning field of Rumi

Studies, in which the present project will, in all probability, be counted. The Mawlana

Rumi Review, formerly edited by the late Leonard Lewisohn, publishes articles about

Rumi, his writings, and his legacy. Notably, Alan Williams, Maryam Musharraf, Eliza

Tasbihi, and others have published articles which examine various aspects of the

Masnavi’s contents and reception history. In addition to these, Jawid Mojaddedi’s

translations of the Masnavi into iambic pentameter for Oxford University Press has made

a new, more accessible translation of the text available to the contemporary audience.

Other translations of Rumi’s poetry appear in Franklin Lewis’ Swallowing the Sun and

Omid Safi’s Radical Love, bridging the gap between the scholar’s awareness of the

tradition with the demand for popular, accessible translations of Rumi.

Yet there is still much ground to cover and more ‘ink to be spilled’ on Rumi and

his legacy. In my view, rigorous and critical readings of Rumi’s writing and its reception

would be welcome, supplementing previous treatments like Mojaddedi’s Beyond Dogma,

Keshavarz’s Beyond Mystical Lyric, and Tourage’s Hermeneutics of Eroticism. This

dissertation examines scripturalization from the standpoint of Rumi and his followers

context, the inner dynamics of the book, and its immediate reception in the 13th and early

14th century. Scripturalization, however, is an ongoing process. In the following paragraphs, I would like to suggest some avenues that would allow for a fuller picture of the Masnavi as a scriptural writing, as a participant in a variety of canon formations, of community formations, and for what the discussion of these can offer to theories of religious studies.

172 One avenue that was productive here, in the fourth chapter, was an examination into the performative and ritual usage of the Masnavi. Texts like Aflaki’s demonstrate that the Masnavi and other poems featured in ritual settings for the early Mevlevis, either as lead-in materials for the sama ritual or as texts within the sama, or in other settings, like blessings at the end of life. Such an examination might inevitably clash with the perception of how worship and liturgy can take place within Islamic traditions, particularly in Sufi-influenced settings. Since there exist extensive commentary traditions, liturgical guides, and illustrated manuscripts for the Masnavi (amongst other

Sufi scriptural writings), one avenue that scholarship could explore would be to follow the model of Bell’s article, “The Ritualization of Text, Textualization of Ritual,” in order to show how certain writings act as objects within ritual settings and transform those settings into textual events in their own way.

This leads to a second aspect of the Masnavi that bears further examination. An analysis of the Masnavi’s reception and deployment within Mevlevi settings, within other

Sufi orders (including the Naqshbandi and Chisti orders), and within popular Anatolian and other Ottoman settings, will admit to a wealth of resources to understand the texts scripturalization. The reproduction of Masnavi manuscripts, the technology and patrons of this process, the market for these reproductions: all of these enter into the field of cultural production in relation to the Masnavi. These would have the further result of moving analysis of the text away from the ‘genius of the author’ and into its status as an anthropological entity, artifact, and phenomenon in subsequent centuries after Rumi’s death. The processes involved no doubt relate to Rumi’s own ongoing sanctification; in my view, extricating the text from that sanctification reveals new aspects of how texts were used and deployed throughout the Persianate sphere of influence, or what Ahmed

173 calls the “Balkans-to-Bengal complex.”354 Given that there exist over 5000 manuscripts of

the Masnavi in Iran alone, a project on the Masnavi’s reception and reproduction, which

spans centuries, might take a century to complete. Yet by examining specific moments

within that reception history, more light could be shed on the text’s scripturalization, or

even its secularization, should we wish to expand the reception history to include

Europe.355

Additionally, the aesthetic influence of the Masnavi can be found in a variety of

subsequent art and composition, from Persian miniatures to Jami’s poetry. I have

examined here how the Masnavi deployed previous scriptural writings like the Qurʾan,

hadith, and Sufi writings from Sanāʾi and ʿAṭṭār (et al.) in order to achieve its own

authority as a scripture. In what ways did these processes continue amongst subsequent

authors and Sufi teachers who deployed the Masnavi within their own aesthetic

production? How does the authority of the Masnavi get borrowed and redeployed,

whether it be in Istanbul, Khorasan, or Mughal India? We know, for example, that the

Masnavi was recited in courtly settings as well as Sufi performances, with its verses

being adapted into Qawwali poetry and performance.356 An examination of these adaptations from the perspective of intertextuality, performance, and scripture would open up the study of the Masnavi beyond the current constraints of its contents and/or its most famous interlocutors. The examination of particular aesthetic responses, in my view, will show the dynamism and vitality present in the Masnavi carries through into its receptive settings and provides a model from which subsequent audiences can formulate

354 Ahmed, What is Islam?, 73-75.

355 Cf. Matthew Lynch, “He Has Come, Visible and Hidden: Jalal ad-din Rumi’s Poetic Past and Presence,” in Companion to World Literature, Vol. II.

356 Cf. Franklin Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 467-488.

174 their own community by integrating existing scriptural writings into their own aesthetic production.

Increasingly, scholars are incorporating digital tools into their analysis of texts. I have modeled one approach, drawn from the concordance tradition, in my appendix here. Yet there is still plenty of work to be done to understand the role a variety of textual materials play in the Masnavi and other, similar medieval texts. Such textual analysis, increasingly driven by code, will reveal aspects of intertextuality and influence latent in the texts but not always clear at first glance. For example, my approach with the

Qurʾanic influence on the Masnavi could be expanded to include the influence of hadith, of other Persian poets, and of other folkloric traditions in a variety of languages. Data analysis could also be crafted to find the traces of the Masnavi in subsequent works in

Turkish, Persian, Arabic, Urdu, and other languages. In addition to mapping the Qurʾan in the ‘Persian Qurʾan,’ digital tools can provide a means of mapping the ‘Persian Qurʾan’ as it spreads from Konya across the Persianate and Islamicate spheres of influence.

***

The popularity of the text has often been an obstacle to analyzing it: Rumi and his writings still have the power to enchant. The project critically participates in that process. It repositions the analysis of the Masnavi away from a member of the Islamic literary canon to the category of scripture. This reflects the strategy of both the book and its initial audience. Positing it as a strategy is not intended to diminish the sincerity of the book’s claims or the usage of it as scripture. Instead, I argue it should be analyzed as a scriptural phenomenon, one that is illustrative of scriptures’ role in the structures of power, authority, and identity—and their negotiations in practice and in scholarship— past and present.

175

DESCRIPTION OF APPENDICES: DATA ON QURʾAN CITATIONS IN THE MASNAVI

I have found it useful to create visual and indexical tools for analyzing how the

Masnavi utilizes the Qurʾan. The following graphs and dataset shows every usage of the

Qurʾan found within the Masnavi. Appendix A quantifies the number of Qurʾanic

quotations by volume of the Masnavi. Appendix B Appendix D, which contains the entire

data set, is arranged by Qurʾanic Sura/Aya in columns A and B. These correlate to the

place they are found within the text of the Masnavi by Volume/Verse in columns C and D.

The data is drawn from Qurʾan va Masnavi,357 a concordance by Baha' al-din

Khorramshahi and Siyamak Mukhtari published in Iran in 1973. Their work appears to

be partially based on Anqaravi’s Turkish, line-by-line commentary from the 17th century, which Nicholson called “the best Oriental exposition of the poem,” as well as the editions of the Masnavi that were compiled by Abdulkarim Soroush and Khorramshahi, respectively.358 The data is thus tentative, though useful, in quantifying the texts’

relationship to each other.

In total, approximately 4,028 separate references to the Qurʾan are catalogued in

this data set (Appendix D). I discuss the function of these in the third chapter of this

357 The full title, as transliterated by the published is: Qor'ân va Mathnavî: farhangvâreh- ye ta'thîr-e âyât-e qor'ân dar abyât-e mathnavî. Print and ordering information is accessible via: http://www.nagara-books.co.jp/nagarainfo/39Iran.pdf, 30.

358 The reference to Anqaravi comes on page 22 of the work cited above. Cf. “About Anqaravi and his Masnavi Commentary,” http://www.dar-al- masnavi.org/about_anqaravi.html, accessed Nov. 9, 2018. The site references Nicholson’s 7th volume of the Masnavi, which was a commentary on the first two volumes of the Masnavi, as well as Lewis’ Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, 478-479, which discusses the influence Ibn al-Arabi had on Anqaravi’s commentary and the poor reception Foruzanfar gave it.

176 project. The count itself does not admit complete precision: some verses in the Masnavi contain multiple allusions or quotes from the Qurʾan, and some references also span across multiple verses or contain referents that are repeated phrases in the Qurʾan. I have followed Khorramshahi and Mokhtari’s methodology for ease of reference to their concordance, with only minor adjustments for when an item of data was absent.

Ultimately, my goal is to turn this dataset, or one similar, into a searchable, online database, such that one can search for Qurʾan verses in the Masnavi or search the

Masnavi for Qurʾan verses within specific narrative cycles (such as those found within narratives about Joseph, for example.) This database could also expand to include hadith and other textual referents found in the Masnavi. Ideally, it would also allow for comparison of Persian, Arabic, and English translations of these references—though issues of manuscript correlation would need to be resolved first, as there exists little uniformity across critical editions, commentaries, scholarship, and translations of the

Masnavi. (For example, Anqaravi did not view the 7th book of the Masnavi as spurious!)

Thus, readers who are restricted to translation or who do not have access to the editions cited should be prepared to have to search the general area of the text for the referents included here, as they will not directly correlate to Nicholson or Mojaddedi’s translations, nor of standard critical editions, such as Sobhani’s. Mojaddedi’s translations, still in progress, do contain many of the Qurʾanic references as italicized in the text (following Nicholson’s method), with the specific references contained in his

“Notes.” These are not exhaustive, but can prove of use in finding correlations to this data.

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APPENDIX A: GRAPH OF QURʾANIC REFERENCES BY VOLUME OF THE MASNAVI

178

APPENDIX B: GRAPH OF SURAH AL-BAQARAH REFERENTS IN THE MASNAVI

179

APPENDIX C: GRAPH OF CITATIONS IN THE MASNAVI BY SURA

180

181

182

183

APPENDIX D: DATA SET OF QURANIC REFERENTS IN THE MASNAVI

184 A B C D E O ﺷﻤﺎره ی ﺻﻔﺤﮫ یﮐﺘﺎب / Page Number ﺷﻤﺎره ی ﺑﯿﺖ(Dﺎ) / Masnavi Verse ﺷﻤﺎره ی دﻓMasnavi Book /P ﺷﻤﺎره ی آﯾﮫ(Dﺎ) / Qurʾan Verse ﻧﺎم ﺳﻮره / Qurʾan Sura 1 271 2125 2124 3 2 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 2 622 4323 6 2 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 3 164 896 2 4 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 4 561 1403 6 4 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 5 625 4528 6 4 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 6 400 2931 2928 4 5 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 7 124 3398 3397 1 7 6 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 8 539 204 6 6 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 9 99 2238 1 6 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 10 412 3419 4 6 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 11 423 3751 4 6 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 12 140 3906 1 6 اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤـﮫ 13 465 1316 5 1 ﺑﻘﺮه 14 208 2985 2 2 ﺑﻘﺮه 15 132 3634 1 3 ﺑﻘﺮه 16 383 2176 2175 4 8 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 17 286 2755 3 17 ، 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 18 229 199 3 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 19 40 408 1 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 20 160 681 2 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 21 377 1922 4 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 22 268 2012 3 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 23 270 2042 3 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 24 579 2278 6 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 25 500 2576 5 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 26 283 2594 3 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 27 206 2886 2 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 28 411 3365 4 7 ﺑﻘﺮه 29 47 524 1 9 ﺑﻘﺮه 30 107 2635 1 9 ﺑﻘﺮه 31 38 362 361 1 14 ﺑﻘﺮه 32 44 490 1 16 ﺑﻘﺮه 33 358 1094 4 16 ﺑﻘﺮه 34 45 513 1 17 ﺑﻘﺮه 35 45 513 1 18 ﺑﻘﺮه 36 477 1681 5 18 ﺑﻘﺮه 37 604 3195 6 18 ﺑﻘﺮه 38 82 1490 1 19 ﺑﻘﺮه 39 177 1546 2 20 ﺑﻘﺮه 40 326 4403 3 22 ﺑﻘﺮه 41 322 4241 3 23 ﺑﻘﺮه 42 548 633 6 24 ﺑﻘﺮه 43 357 1074 4 24 ﺑﻘﺮه 44 458 1098 5 24 ﺑﻘﺮه 45 80 1380 1 24 ﺑﻘﺮه 46 484 1939 5 24 ﺑﻘﺮه 47 124 3395 1 24 ﺑﻘﺮه 48 309 3472 3 24 ﺑﻘﺮه 49 419 3603 4 24 ﺑﻘﺮه 50 370 1652 4 25 ﺑﻘﺮه 51 197 2457 2 25 ﺑﻘﺮه 52 109 2722 1 25 ﺑﻘﺮه 53 117 3096 1 25 ﺑﻘﺮه 54 344 460 4 26 ﺑﻘﺮه 55 549 656 6 26 ﺑﻘﺮه 56 129 3550 1 26 ﺑﻘﺮه 57 613 3660 6 26 ﺑﻘﺮه 58 322 4209 3 26 ﺑﻘﺮه 59 510 3148 5 27 ﺑﻘﺮه 60 87 1671 1 164 ، 29 ﺑﻘﺮه 61 150 173 171 2 30 ﺑﻘﺮه 62 186 1817 2 30 ﺑﻘﺮه 63 575 2153 6 30 ﺑﻘﺮه 64 292 2847 3 30 ﺑﻘﺮه 65 398 2905 4 30 ﺑﻘﺮه 66 186 1824 1823 2 33 31 ﺑﻘﺮه 67 70 1015 1 31 ﺑﻘﺮه 68 74 1237 1 31 ﺑﻘﺮه 69 589 2648 6 31 ﺑﻘﺮه 70 107 2653 1 31 ﺑﻘﺮه 71 203 2713 2 31 ﺑﻘﺮه 72 400 2969 4 31 ﺑﻘﺮه 73 70 1015 1 282 ، 251 ، 239 ، 129 ، 32 ﺑﻘﺮه 74 252 1130 3 32 ﺑﻘﺮه 75 213 3180 2 32 ﺑﻘﺮه 76 119 3149 1 216 ، 33 ﺑﻘﺮه 77 95 1946 1 33 ﺑﻘﺮه 78 214 3274 2 33 ﺑﻘﺮه 79 107 2654 1 35 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 80 537 156 153 6 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 81 443 520 5 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 82 51 543 1 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 83 75 1250 1249 1 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 84 180 1615 2 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 85 193 2119 2118 2 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 86 579 2264 6 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 87 202 2621 2 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 88 508 2995 5 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 89 603 3188 6 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 90 302 3196 3 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 91 216 3472 2 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 92 420 3613 4 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 93 627 4585 4584 6 34 ﺑﻘﺮه 94 111 2795 1 35 ﺑﻘﺮه 95 615 3699 6 35 ﺑﻘﺮه 96

185

A B C D E 292 2849 3 38 ، 36 ﺑﻘﺮه 97 148 129 2 36 ﺑﻘﺮه 98 76 1252 1 36 ﺑﻘﺮه 99 593 2796 6 36 ﺑﻘﺮه 100 274 2215 3 37 ﺑﻘﺮه 101 199 2509 2 37 ﺑﻘﺮه 102 412 3413 4 37 ﺑﻘﺮه 103 140 3905 1 37 ﺑﻘﺮه 104 81 1432 1 277 ، 274 ، 262 ، 112 ، 62 ، 38 ﺑﻘﺮه 105 321 4142 4141 3 277 ، 274 ، 262 ، 62 ، 38 ﺑﻘﺮه 106 124 3398 3397 1 213 ، 198 ، 185 ، 142 ، 120 ، 38 ﺑﻘﺮه 107 68 929 1 38 ﺑﻘﺮه 108 204 2714 2 38 ﺑﻘﺮه 109 593 2796 6 38 ﺑﻘﺮه 110 292 2848 3 38 ﺑﻘﺮه 111 517 3619 5 38 ﺑﻘﺮه 112 84 1566 1 177 ، 40 ﺑﻘﺮه 113 455 1000 5 40 ﺑﻘﺮه 114 460 1165 5 40 ﺑﻘﺮه 115 345 485 484 4 44 ﺑﻘﺮه 116 275 2235 2234 3 44 ﺑﻘﺮه 117 616 3902 3901 6 44 ﺑﻘﺮه 118 361 1180 4 45 ﺑﻘﺮه 119 469 1470 5 45 ﺑﻘﺮه 120 478 1749 5 45 ﺑﻘﺮه 121 251 1118 3 46 ﺑﻘﺮه 122 72 1144 1 46 ﺑﻘﺮه 123 162 769 2 49 ﺑﻘﺮه 124 376 1915 4 49 ﺑﻘﺮه 125 389 2446 2445 4 49 ﺑﻘﺮه 126 350 784 4 50 ﺑﻘﺮه 127 66 866 1 50 ﺑﻘﺮه 128 73 1191 1 50 ﺑﻘﺮه 129 91 1844 1 50 ﺑﻘﺮه 130 195 2310 2309 2 50 ﺑﻘﺮه 131 300 3102 3 50 ﺑﻘﺮه 132 409 3284 4 50 ﺑﻘﺮه 133 410 3330 4 51 ﺑﻘﺮه 134 235 374 3 54 ﺑﻘﺮه 135 371 1653 4 54 ﺑﻘﺮه 136 573 2064 6 54 ﺑﻘﺮه 137 280 2504 3 54 ﺑﻘﺮه 138 590 2685 6 54 ﺑﻘﺮه 139 94 1936 1933 1 56 ﺑﻘﺮه 140 26 80 1 57 ﺑﻘﺮه 141 159 622 2 57 ﺑﻘﺮه 142 198 2489 2 57 ﺑﻘﺮه 143 136 3739 1 57 ﺑﻘﺮه 144 298 2996 3 58 ﺑﻘﺮه 145 465 1316 5 60 ﺑﻘﺮه 146 190 2040 2 60 ﺑﻘﺮه 147 199 2490 2 60 ﺑﻘﺮه 148 504 2775 5 60 ﺑﻘﺮه 149 27 82 81 1 61 ﺑﻘﺮه 150 124 3395 1 206 ، 93 ، 61 ﺑﻘﺮه 151 235 377 3 61 ﺑﻘﺮه 152 136 3744 1 61 ﺑﻘﺮه 153 500 2593 2592 5 65 ﺑﻘﺮه 154 176 1441 1438 2 73 72 ﺑﻘﺮه 155 281 2523 3 73 ﺑﻘﺮه 156 316 3898 3897 3 73 ﺑﻘﺮه 157 556 1017 6 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 158 362 1240 4 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 159 559 1247 1246 6 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 160 172 1332 1331 2 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 161 80 1380 1 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 162 472 1536 1535 5 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 163 183 1648 2 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 164 504 2747 5 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 165 291 2832 3 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 166 131 3608 1 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 167 621 4278 6 74 ﺑﻘﺮه 168 107 2651 1 77 ﺑﻘﺮه 169 605 3256 3255 6 83 ﺑﻘﺮه 170 422 3681 4 85 ﺑﻘﺮه 171 255 1298 3 253 ، 87 ﺑﻘﺮه 172 425 3838 4 89 ﺑﻘﺮه 173 567 1791 1790 6 93 ﺑﻘﺮه 174 573 2061 6 93 ﺑﻘﺮه 175 398 2897 4 93 ﺑﻘﺮه 176 446 623 5 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 177 244 800 3 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 178 555 998 6 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 179 363 1256 4 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 180 198 2470 2469 2 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 181 598 3002 6 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 182 123 3326 1 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 183 126 3421 3420 1 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 184 518 3619 5 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 185 318 4032 3 102 ﺑﻘﺮه 186 87 1676 1 106 ﺑﻘﺮه 187 139 3866 1 106 ﺑﻘﺮه 188 241 550 3 107 ﺑﻘﺮه 189 42 440 1 109 ﺑﻘﺮه 190 90 1825 1 281 ، 223 ، 202 ، 110 ﺑﻘﺮه 191 439 350 5 115 ﺑﻘﺮه 192

186

A B C D E 80 1400 1 115 ﺑﻘﺮه 193 613 3641 6 115 ﺑﻘﺮه 194 48 525 1 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 195 549 685 6 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 196 558 1213 6 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 197 80 1384 1 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 198 310 3501 3 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 199 516 3536 5 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 200 416 3568 4 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 201 331 4638 3 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 202 633 4803 6 117 ﺑﻘﺮه 203 92 1904 1 272 ، 257 ، 120 ﺑﻘﺮه 204 42 436 1 125 ﺑﻘﺮه 205 344 466 4 125 ﺑﻘﺮه 206 359 1137 4 127 ﺑﻘﺮه 207 65 864 1 130 ﺑﻘﺮه 208 37 325 1 136 ﺑﻘﺮه 209 431 101 5 138 ﺑﻘﺮه 210 435 204 5 138 ﺑﻘﺮه 211 62 769 1 138 ﺑﻘﺮه 212 173 1346 2 138 ﺑﻘﺮه 213 631 4710 6 138 ﺑﻘﺮه 214 127 3455 1 151 ، 140 ﺑﻘﺮه 215 302 3164 3 213 ، 142 ﺑﻘﺮه 216 99 2238 1 213 ، 143 ﺑﻘﺮه 217 556 1079 6 143 ﺑﻘﺮه 218 215 3363 2 144 ﺑﻘﺮه 219 220 3754 2 144 ﺑﻘﺮه 220 311 3664 3663 3 146 ﺑﻘﺮه 221 232 332 3 152 ﺑﻘﺮه 222 461 1182 5 152 ﺑﻘﺮه 223 393 2606 4 154 ﺑﻘﺮه 224 234 348 3 155 ﺑﻘﺮه 225 566 1751 6 155 ﺑﻘﺮه 226 207 2969 2 155 ﺑﻘﺮه 227 318 4009 3 155 ﺑﻘﺮه 228 533 42 6 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 229 238 464 3 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 230 62 765 1 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 231 251 1118 3 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 232 72 1144 1 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 233 108 2683 1 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 234 399 2915 4 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 235 316 3905 3 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 236 141 3943 1 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 237 526 4182 5 156 ﺑﻘﺮه 238 542 365 6 164 ﺑﻘﺮه 239 125 3405 1 166 ﺑﻘﺮه 240 130 3588 1 167 ﺑﻘﺮه 241 292 2848 3 208 ، 168 ﺑﻘﺮه 242 87 1645 1 168 ﺑﻘﺮه 243 501 2604 5 168 ﺑﻘﺮه 244 559 1247 1246 6 171 ﺑﻘﺮه 245 604 3195 6 171 ﺑﻘﺮه 246 158 522 2 173 ﺑﻘﺮه 247 546 528 6 173 ﺑﻘﺮه 248 215 3368 2 173 ﺑﻘﺮه 249 629 4671 6 173 ﺑﻘﺮه 250 91 1858 1 174 ﺑﻘﺮه 251 307 3398 3 177 ﺑﻘﺮه 252 280 2503 3 179 ﺑﻘﺮه 253 421 3664 4 179 ﺑﻘﺮه 254 140 3895 1 179 ﺑﻘﺮه 255 507 2970 5 286 ، 185 ﺑﻘﺮه 256 43 484 1 185 ﺑﻘﺮه 257 26 60 1 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 258 99 2200 1 255 ، 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 259 243 756 3 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 260 449 760 5 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 261 274 2215 3 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 262 582 2320 6 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 263 583 2396 6 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 264 197 2451 2 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 265 219 3610 2 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 266 527 4202 4201 5 186 ﺑﻘﺮه 267 102 2430 1 187 ﺑﻘﺮه 268 259 1466 3 189 ﺑﻘﺮه 269 87 1631 1 189 ﺑﻘﺮه 270 409 3326 4 189 ﺑﻘﺮه 271 447 649 5 194 ﺑﻘﺮه 272 445 580 579 5 195 ﺑﻘﺮه 273 561 1333 6 195 ﺑﻘﺮه 274 496 2428 5 195 ﺑﻘﺮه 275 308 3422 3 195 ﺑﻘﺮه 276 140 3937 1 195 ﺑﻘﺮه 277 620 4157 6 195 ﺑﻘﺮه 278 201 2555 2 201 ﺑﻘﺮه 279 25 36 1 202 ﺑﻘﺮه 280 38 348 1 204 ﺑﻘﺮه 281 612 3619 6 206 ﺑﻘﺮه 282 442 490 5 207 ﺑﻘﺮه 283 100 2299 2295 1 212 ﺑﻘﺮه 284 102 2429 1 212 ﺑﻘﺮه 285 616 3769 6 213 ﺑﻘﺮه 286 338 54 53 4 216 ﺑﻘﺮه 287 149 140 2 216 ﺑﻘﺮه 288

187

A B C D E 33 244 1 216 ﺑﻘﺮه 289 541 339 6 216 ﺑﻘﺮه 290 261 1508 1507 3 216 ﺑﻘﺮه 291 304 3247 3 216 ﺑﻘﺮه 292 333 4807 3 216 ﺑﻘﺮه 293 89 1730 1 223 ﺑﻘﺮه 294 357 1079 4 231 ﺑﻘﺮه 295 82 1492 1 231 ﺑﻘﺮه 296 455 1002 5 261 ، 245 ﺑﻘﺮه 297 461 1184 5 245 ﺑﻘﺮه 298 350 786 4 247 ﺑﻘﺮه 299 279 2495 3 247 ﺑﻘﺮه 300 498 2469 5 249 ﺑﻘﺮه 301 599 3051 3050 6 249 ﺑﻘﺮه 302 634 4908 6 249 ﺑﻘﺮه 303 547 578 6 255 ﺑﻘﺮه 304 353 867 4 255 ﺑﻘﺮه 305 250 1094 3 255 ﺑﻘﺮه 306 489 2099 5 255 ﺑﻘﺮه 307 171 1275 2 256 ﺑﻘﺮه 308 72 1145 1 259 ﺑﻘﺮه 309 264 1763 3 259 ﺑﻘﺮه 310 408 3271 3270 4 259 ﺑﻘﺮه 311 430 32 31 5 260 ﺑﻘﺮه 312 450 766 5 260 ﺑﻘﺮه 313 186 1821 2 260 ﺑﻘﺮه 314 100 2240 1 274 ، 265 ، 262 261 ﺑﻘﺮه 315 562 1421 6 261 ﺑﻘﺮه 316 470 1491 5 261 ﺑﻘﺮه 317 178 1565 2 261 ﺑﻘﺮه 318 373 1761 4 261 ﺑﻘﺮه 319 297 2980 3 261 ﺑﻘﺮه 320 209 3014 2 261 ﺑﻘﺮه 321 512 3236 5 261 ﺑﻘﺮه 322 109 2751 1 264 263 ، 262 ﺑﻘﺮه 323 131 3608 1 263 ﺑﻘﺮه 324 461 1184 5 264 ﺑﻘﺮه 325 372 1729 1728 4 264 ﺑﻘﺮه 326 99 2235 1 264 ﺑﻘﺮه 327 444 580 579 5 267 ﺑﻘﺮه 328 430 61 60 5 268 ﺑﻘﺮه 329 159 636 2 268 ﺑﻘﺮه 330 472 1528 5 268 ﺑﻘﺮه 331 188 1959 1957 2 268 ﺑﻘﺮه 332 324 4326 4325 3 268 ﺑﻘﺮه 333 313 3744 3 269 ﺑﻘﺮه 334 77 1270 1 273 ﺑﻘﺮه 335 611 3573 6 276 ﺑﻘﺮه 336 447 649 5 282 ، 278 ﺑﻘﺮه 337 37 300 1 282 ﺑﻘﺮه 338 127 3455 1 282 ﺑﻘﺮه 339 115 3034 1 284 ﺑﻘﺮه 340 118 3149 1 284 ﺑﻘﺮه 341 343 46 45 4 285 ﺑﻘﺮه 342 613 3662 6 285 ﺑﻘﺮه 343 52 584 582 1 286 ﺑﻘﺮه 344 242 674 3 286 ﺑﻘﺮه 345 74 1199 1 286 ﺑﻘﺮه 346 514 3307 5 286 ﺑﻘﺮه 347 525 4102 5 286 ﺑﻘﺮه 348 465 1316 5 1 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 349 100 2299 2295 1 2 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 350 99 2235 1 14 ، 10 ، 3 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 351 117 3108 1 4 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 352 232 326 3 6 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 353 53 616 1 6 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 354 471 1502 5 6 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 355 387 2326 4 6 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 356 615 3714 6 6 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 357 383 2185 4 7 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 358 396 2874 4 7 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 359 124 3398 3397 1 8 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 360 140 3907 1 8 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 361 125 3405 1 116 ، 10 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 362 79 1369 1368 1 139 ، 16 ، 13 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 363 99 2200 1 160 ، 150 ، 126 ، 13 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 364 599 3051 3050 6 13 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 365 102 2429 1 14 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 366 109 2722 1 198 ، 195 ، 136 ، 15 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 367 117 3096 1 198 ، 195 ، 136 ، 15 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 368 566 1751 6 17 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 369 29 116 1 18 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 370 550 702 6 18 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 371 353 867 4 18 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 372 258 1347 3 18 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 373 133 3651 1 18 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 374 44 505 504 1 19 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 375 553 843 6 20 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 376 52 603 1 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 377 347 663 4 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 378 164 906 2 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 379 456 1019 5 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 380 181 1623 2 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 381 594 2815 6 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 382 600 3052 6 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 383 610 3514 6 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 384

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A B C D E 333 4805 4804 3 26 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 385 444 551 5 27 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 386 580 2284 6 27 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 387 76 1264 1 30 28 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 388 119 3149 1 154 ، 142 ، 140 ، 119 ، 66 ، 29 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 389 342 321 4 29 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 390 543 419 6 30 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 391 94 1937 1 45 ، 42 ، 36 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 392 454 994 5 36 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 393 437 285 5 37 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 394 560 1307 6 37 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 395 85 1613 1 37 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 396 533 29 6 40 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 397 592 2760 6 40 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 398 117 3076 1 40 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 399 405 3197 4 40 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 400 395 2793 4 44 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 401 567 1807 6 45 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 402 549 685 6 59 ، 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 403 307 3398 3 59 ، 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 404 310 3501 3 59 ، 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 405 516 3536 5 59 ، 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 406 416 3568 4 59 ، 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 407 558 1213 6 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 408 80 1384 1 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 409 331 4638 3 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 410 633 4803 6 47 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 411 25 47 1 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 412 231 300 298 3 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 413 155 423 2 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 414 49 531 1 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 415 66 868 1 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 416 356 1064 4 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 417 465 1319 5 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 418 85 1602 1601 1 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 419 93 1913 1 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 420 383 2199 4 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 421 282 2579 2577 3 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 422 282 2580 3 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 423 311 3504 3 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 424 323 4261 4260 3 49 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 425 546 518 6 52 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 426 442 495 5 54 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 427 168 1056 2 54 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 428 367 1474 4 54 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 429 205 2865 2 54 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 430 419 3595 4 54 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 431 614 3678 6 54 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 432 233 345 3 55 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 433 258 1397 3 58 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 434 48 525 1 59 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 435 388 2405 4 59 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 436 108 2668 1 59 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 437 378 2014 4 62 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 438 476 1669 5 64 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 439 568 1846 6 64 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 440 569 1873 6 64 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 441 377 2005 4 64 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 442 378 2011 4 64 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 443 108 2698 1 64 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 444 320 4101 3 64 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 445 84 1566 1 76 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 446 95 1989 1 83 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 447 200 2548 2547 2 83 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 448 343 46 45 4 84 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 449 209 2989 2 97 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 450 447 649 5 123 ، 102 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 451 608 3491 6 103 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 452 545 480 6 104 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 453 128 3517 1 107 106 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 454 545 480 6 110 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 455 556 1079 6 110 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 456 124 3395 1 178 ، 112 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 457 174 1400 2 112 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 458 28 89 1 117 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 459 59 727 726 1 119 118 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 460 600 3057 6 119 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 461 498 2469 5 125 120 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 462 82 1490 1 120 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 463 114 2977 1 120 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 464 541 334 6 173 ، 122 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 465 250 1089 3 126 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 466 358 1088 4 133 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 467 569 1873 6 133 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 468 308 3436 3435 3 133 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 469 592 2791 6 134 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 470 124 3385 1 134 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 471 82 1492 1 135 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 472 230 274 273 3 137 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 473 587 2616 6 137 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 474 113 2955 1 137 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 475 390 2442 4 139 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 476 58 712 710 1 142 140 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 477 30 213 1 140 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 478 434 172 5 143 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 479 94 1939 1 144 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 480

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A B C D E 469 1470 5 146 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 481 76 1257 1 147 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 482 100 2240 1 195 ، 186 ، 148 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 483 115 3034 1 154 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 484 600 3057 6 154 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 485 130 3588 1 156 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 486 431 104 103 5 159 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 487 194 2268 2 159 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 488 587 2611 6 159 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 489 114 3024 1 159 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 490 419 3592 4 159 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 491 131 3608 1 159 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 492 168 1066 2 161 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 493 70 1015 1 164 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 494 205 2841 2 164 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 495 372 1736 4 167 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 496 497 2457 5 167 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 497 69 963 959 1 185 ، 168 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 498 38 365 1 168 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 499 139 3879 1 170 169 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 500 155 386 2 169 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 501 356 1063 4 169 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 502 169 1077 2 169 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 503 169 1089 2 169 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 504 393 2606 4 169 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 505 63 804 803 1 170 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 506 81 1432 1 170 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 507 230 203 200 3 178 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 508 250 1098 3 178 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 509 566 1736 6 178 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 510 390 2443 4 178 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 511 279 2488 2487 3 178 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 512 151 287 286 2 179 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 513 83 1498 1 179 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 514 567 1752 6 179 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 515 401 3026 3025 4 179 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 516 90 1809 1 180 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 517 396 2832 4 180 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 518 101 2358 1 182 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 519 564 1578 6 184 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 520 72 1145 1 185 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 521 497 2447 5 185 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 522 611 3605 6 185 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 523 469 1470 5 200 ، 186 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 524 542 365 6 190 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 525 90 1827 1 195 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 526 293 2872 3 195 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 527 445 581 5 200 ﻋﻤﺮان آل 528 447 649 5 1 ﻧﺴﺎء 529 565 1609 6 1 ﻧﺴﺎء 530 525 4112 5 1 ﻧﺴﺎء 531 135 3724 1 5 ﻧﺴﺎء 532 546 526 6 10 ﻧﺴﺎء 533 91 1858 1 10 ﻧﺴﺎء 534 109 2722 1 122 ، 57 ، 13 ﻧﺴﺎء 535 117 3096 1 122 ، 57 ، 13 ﻧﺴﺎء 536 124 3395 1 111 ، 107 ، 50 ، 14 ﻧﺴﺎء 537 338 54 53 4 19 ﻧﺴﺎء 538 33 244 1 19 ﻧﺴﺎء 539 541 339 6 19 ﻧﺴﺎء 540 304 3247 3 19 ﻧﺴﺎء 541 333 4807 3 19 ﻧﺴﺎء 542 469 1470 5 25 ﻧﺴﺎء 543 498 2469 5 25 ﻧﺴﺎء 544 83 1498 1 34 ﻧﺴﺎء 545 605 3256 3255 6 36 ﻧﺴﺎء 546 99 2235 1 38 ﻧﺴﺎء 547 100 2240 1 40 ﻧﺴﺎء 548 519 3746 5 43 ﻧﺴﺎء 549 113 2974 1 80 ، 46 ﻧﺴﺎء 550 613 3662 6 46 ﻧﺴﺎء 551 117 3076 1 47 ﻧﺴﺎء 552 121 3258 3257 1 116 ، 48 ﻧﺴﺎء 553 443 519 5 48 ﻧﺴﺎء 554 488 2097 5 48 ﻧﺴﺎء 555 617 3930 6 48 ﻧﺴﺎء 556 79 1369 1368 1 49 ﻧﺴﺎء 557 484 1933 5 56 ﻧﺴﺎء 558 617 3927 3925 6 56 ﻧﺴﺎء 559 366 1407 4 59 ﻧﺴﺎء 560 191 2065 2 63 ﻧﺴﺎء 561 82 1492 1 110 ، 97 ، 64 ﻧﺴﺎء 562 92 1904 1 68 ﻧﺴﺎء 563 85 1613 1 69 ﻧﺴﺎء 564 618 3980 6 69 ﻧﺴﺎء 565 361 1154 1153 4 76 ﻧﺴﺎء 566 48 529 1 77 ﻧﺴﺎء 567 566 1640 6 77 ﻧﺴﺎء 568 102 2429 1 77 ﻧﺴﺎء 569 509 3140 5 79 78 ﻧﺴﺎء 570 69 963 959 1 78 ﻧﺴﺎء 571 403 3102 3101 4 78 ﻧﺴﺎء 572 28 89 1 79 ﻧﺴﺎء 573 78 1327 1 79 ﻧﺴﺎء 574 179 1592 2 79 ﻧﺴﺎء 575 113 2962 2960 1 79 ﻧﺴﺎء 576

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A B C D E 99 2163 1 87 ﻧﺴﺎء 577 453 953 5 88 ﻧﺴﺎء 578 548 635 6 97 ﻧﺴﺎء 579 471 1526 5 97 ﻧﺴﺎء 580 373 1760 1759 4 97 ﻧﺴﺎء 581 388 2380 4 97 ﻧﺴﺎء 582 496 2429 5 97 ﻧﺴﺎء 583 499 2560 5 97 ﻧﺴﺎء 584 120 3187 1 97 ﻧﺴﺎء 585 83 1514 1513 1 98 ﻧﺴﺎء 586 114 2977 1 116 ، 105 ﻧﺴﺎء 587 82 1490 1 108 ﻧﺴﺎء 588 31 222 1 110 ﻧﺴﺎء 589 70 1015 1 113 ﻧﺴﺎء 590 238 439 3 117 ﻧﺴﺎء 591 160 656 2 117 ﻧﺴﺎء 592 160 656 2 120 119 ﻧﺴﺎء 593 330 4637 3 119 ﻧﺴﺎء 594 92 1879 1 120 ﻧﺴﺎء 595 82 1490 1 126 ﻧﺴﺎء 596 432 120 5 128 ﻧﺴﺎء 597 327 4496 4493 3 141 ﻧﺴﺎء 598 35 286 285 1 142 ﻧﺴﺎء 599 372 1736 4 142 ﻧﺴﺎء 600 578 2234 6 142 ﻧﺴﺎء 601 107 2635 1 142 ﻧﺴﺎء 602 477 1690 5 143 ﻧﺴﺎء 603 277 2355 3 143 ﻧﺴﺎء 604 131 3608 1 148 ﻧﺴﺎء 605 119 3149 1 149 ﻧﺴﺎء 606 28 89 1 153 ﻧﺴﺎء 607 94 1939 1 154 ﻧﺴﺎء 608 294 2901 3 155 ﻧﺴﺎء 609 23 25 1 158 157 ﻧﺴﺎء 610 110 2794 1 158 157 ﻧﺴﺎء 611 624 4367 4366 6 157 ﻧﺴﺎء 612 233 345 3 158 ﻧﺴﺎء 613 166 921 2 158 ﻧﺴﺎء 614 394 2671 4 158 ﻧﺴﺎء 615 162 817 2 165 164 ﻧﺴﺎء 616 94 1937 1 171 ﻧﺴﺎء 617 87 1645 1 96 ، 88 87 ، 5 4 ، 1 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 618 84 1566 1 1 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 619 193 2138 2 1 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 620 546 528 6 3 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 621 215 3368 2 3 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 622 215 3425 3424 2 3 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 623 629 4671 6 3 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 624 83 1498 1 4 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 625 127 3455 1 4 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 626 111 2907 1 5 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 627 433 149 5 6 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 628 519 3746 5 6 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 629 119 3149 1 116 ، 99 ، 97 ، 7 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 630 85 1613 1 7 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 631 600 3057 6 7 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 632 613 3662 6 7 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 633 121 3258 3257 1 39 ، 34 ، 24 ، 9 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 634 109 2722 1 119 ، 85 ،12 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 635 117 3096 1 119 ، 85 ، 12 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 636 80 1380 1 13 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 637 592 279 6 13 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 638 498 2478 5 16 15 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 639 92 1904 1 46 ، 44 ، 35 ، 16 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 640 369 1547 4 26 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 641 567 1788 6 26 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 642 198 2485 2 26 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 643 136 3743 1 26 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 644 337 6 4 27 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 645 575 2157 6 27 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 646 364 1304 1300 4 31 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 647 543 420 6 33 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 648 263 1680 3 33 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 649 391 2478 4 33 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 650 515 3490 5 38 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 651 38 365 1 41 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 652 372 1736 4 41 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 653 499 2556 5 48 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 654 261 1519 3 54 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 655 89 1743 1 54 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 656 491 2186 5 54 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 657 326 4439 3 54 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 658 57 677 676 1 55 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 659 501 2593 2592 5 60 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 660 124 3395 1 78 ، 62 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 661 542 353 6 64 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 662 531 9 6 67 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 663 94 1939 1 67 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 664 300 3081 3 67 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 665 418 3584 4 67 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 666 81 1432 1 69 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 667 321 4142 4141 3 69 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 668 153 313 312 2 73 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 669 332 4704 3 73 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 670 159 622 2 88 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 671 193 2138 2 89 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 672

191

A B C D E 37 323 1 90 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 673 382 2157 4 90 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 674 43 446 1 91 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 675 208 2988 2 92 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 676 117 3108 1 95 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 677 531 9 6 99 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 678 552 843 6 99 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 679 286 2743 3 99 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 680 446 616 5 101 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 681 306 3302 3 101 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 682 512 3229 5 104 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 683 611 3593 6 105 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 684 176 1479 2 109 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 685 25 47 1 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 686 231 300 298 3 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 687 49 531 1 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 688 66 868 1 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 689 356 1064 4 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 690 255 1298 3 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 691 383 2199 4 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 692 311 3504 3 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 693 323 4261 4260 3 110 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 694 376 1853 1851 4 111 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 695 27 83 1 115 114 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 696 560 1307 6 114 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 697 53 612 1 118 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 698 242 740 3 119 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 699 468 1426 5 119 ﻣﺎﺋﺪه 700 603 3132 6 1 اﻧﻌﺎم 701 96 2040 1 94 ، 12 ، 2 اﻧﻌﺎم 702 440 390 5 2 اﻧﻌﺎم 703 106 2598 1 2 اﻧﻌﺎم 704 420 3636 4 2 اﻧﻌﺎم 705 631 4707 6 2 اﻧﻌﺎم 706 26 60 1 3 اﻧﻌﺎم 707 107 2651 1 3 اﻧﻌﺎم 708 604 3195 6 5 اﻧﻌﺎم 709 113 2599 1 11 اﻧﻌﺎم 710 587 2616 6 11 اﻧﻌﺎم 711 160 698 2 12 اﻧﻌﺎم 712 547 578 6 14 اﻧﻌﺎم 713 448 726 5 14 اﻧﻌﺎم 714 114 2977 1 61 ، 18 اﻧﻌﺎم 715 53 615 1 18 اﻧﻌﺎم 716 509 3091 5 18 اﻧﻌﺎم 717 404 3156 4 18 اﻧﻌﺎم 718 634 4822 6 18 اﻧﻌﺎم 719 94 1939 1 19 اﻧﻌﺎم 720 132 3649 1 19 اﻧﻌﺎم 721 311 3664 3663 3 20 اﻧﻌﺎم 722 246 973 3 25 اﻧﻌﺎم 723 253 1150 3 25 اﻧﻌﺎم 724 254 1251 3 25 اﻧﻌﺎم 725 322 4237 4236 3 25 اﻧﻌﺎم 726 541 352 6 28 اﻧﻌﺎم 727 385 2299 4 28 اﻧﻌﺎم 728 301 3158 3 28 اﻧﻌﺎم 729 510 3148 5 30 اﻧﻌﺎم 730 393 2545 4 31 اﻧﻌﺎم 731 130 3588 1 31 اﻧﻌﺎم 732 544 457 6 32 اﻧﻌﺎم 733 126 3437 1 32 اﻧﻌﺎم 734 45 513 1 39 اﻧﻌﺎم 735 92 1907 1 63 ، 43 42 اﻧﻌﺎم 736 64 820 1 42 اﻧﻌﺎم 737 555 994 6 43 اﻧﻌﺎم 738 80 1380 1 43 اﻧﻌﺎم 739 474 1606 1604 5 43 اﻧﻌﺎم 740 393 2561 4 43 اﻧﻌﺎم 741 622 4323 6 45 اﻧﻌﺎم 742 40 408 1 46 اﻧﻌﺎم 743 500 2576 5 46 اﻧﻌﺎم 744 81 1432 1 48 اﻧﻌﺎم 745 321 4142 4141 3 48 اﻧﻌﺎم 746 263 1755 3 50 اﻧﻌﺎم 747 342 321 4 59 اﻧﻌﺎم 748 266 1899 3 59 اﻧﻌﺎم 749 278 2368 3 59 اﻧﻌﺎم 750 595 2877 6 59 اﻧﻌﺎم 751 419 3596 4 59 اﻧﻌﺎم 752 509 3091 5 61 اﻧﻌﺎم 753 401 3001 3000 4 62 اﻧﻌﺎم 754 102 2429 1 70 اﻧﻌﺎم 755 130 3600 1 70 اﻧﻌﺎم 756 113 2962 2960 1 164 71 اﻧﻌﺎم 757 152 298 2 71 اﻧﻌﺎم 758 80 1384 1 73 اﻧﻌﺎم 759 93 1921 1 73 اﻧﻌﺎم 760 307 3398 3 73 اﻧﻌﺎم 761 414 3497 4 73 اﻧﻌﺎم 762 310 3501 3 73 اﻧﻌﺎم 763 416 3568 4 73 اﻧﻌﺎم 764 477 1685 5 74 اﻧﻌﺎم 765 211 3082 2 78 ، 77 ، 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 766 535 95 6 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 767 41 428 1 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 768

192

A B C D E 158 566 2 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 769 259 1430 1429 3 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 770 368 1525 4 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 771 178 1560 2 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 772 185 1815 2 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 773 503 2651 2650 5 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 774 593 2811 6 76 اﻧﻌﺎم 775 125 3398 3397 1 153 ، 125 ، 90 ، 87 ، 80 اﻧﻌﺎم 776 381 2138 4 82 اﻧﻌﺎم 777 538 188 6 85 اﻧﻌﺎم 778 92 1904 1 125 90 88 اﻧﻌﺎم 779 302 3164 3 88 اﻧﻌﺎم 780 158 576 2 90 اﻧﻌﺎم 781 347 658 4 90 اﻧﻌﺎم 782 360 1142 4 90 اﻧﻌﺎم 783 127 3455 1 91 اﻧﻌﺎم 784 522 3941 5 91 اﻧﻌﺎم 785 544 443 6 94 اﻧﻌﺎم 786 283 2633 3 94 اﻧﻌﺎم 787 120 3178 1 94 اﻧﻌﺎم 788 444 551 5 95 اﻧﻌﺎم 789 40 400 1 96 اﻧﻌﺎم 790 589 2644 6 97 اﻧﻌﺎم 791 45 511 509 1 99 اﻧﻌﺎم 792 87 1671 1 102 اﻧﻌﺎم 793 71 1138 1137 1 103 اﻧﻌﺎم 794 535 102 6 110 اﻧﻌﺎم 795 615 3695 3693 6 110 اﻧﻌﺎم 796 462 1220 1219 5 112 اﻧﻌﺎم 797 261 1519 3 112 اﻧﻌﺎم 798 113 2962 2960 1 116 اﻧﻌﺎم 799 124 3395 1 120 اﻧﻌﺎم 800 462 1220 1219 5 121 اﻧﻌﺎم 801 370 1656 4 122 اﻧﻌﺎم 802 93 1936 1933 1 122 اﻧﻌﺎم 803 383 2187 4 122 اﻧﻌﺎم 804 505 2878 5 122 اﻧﻌﺎم 805 119 3154 1 122 اﻧﻌﺎم 806 74 1199 1 123 اﻧﻌﺎم 807 460 1135 5 127 اﻧﻌﺎم 808 499 2556 5 132 اﻧﻌﺎم 809 292 2848 3 142 اﻧﻌﺎم 810 161 740 2 148 اﻧﻌﺎم 811 476 1669 5 151 اﻧﻌﺎم 812 568 1846 6 151 اﻧﻌﺎم 813 569 1873 6 151 اﻧﻌﺎم 814 377 2005 4 151 اﻧﻌﺎم 815 100 2299 2295 1 151 اﻧﻌﺎم 816 605 3256 3255 6 151 اﻧﻌﺎم 817 320 4101 3 151 اﻧﻌﺎم 818 527 4183 5 151 اﻧﻌﺎم 819 84 1566 1 152 اﻧﻌﺎم 820 539 204 6 153 اﻧﻌﺎم 821 565 1610 6 153 اﻧﻌﺎم 822 31 215 1 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 823 164 897 2 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 824 167 945 2 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 825 362 1203 4 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 826 562 1421 6 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 827 83 1497 1 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 828 179 1592 2 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 829 100 2240 1 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 830 391 2458 2457 4 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 831 512 3236 5 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 832 315 3836 3 160 اﻧﻌﺎم 833 99 2238 1 161 اﻧﻌﺎم 834 533 42 6 162 اﻧﻌﺎم 835 450 771 5 162 اﻧﻌﺎم 836 266 1910 3 162 اﻧﻌﺎم 837 137 3812 3810 1 162 اﻧﻌﺎم 838 265 1788 3 164 اﻧﻌﺎم 839 289 2814 3 4 اﻋﺮاف 840 76 1257 1 5 اﻋﺮاف 841 627 4585 4584 6 12 11 اﻋﺮاف 842 75 1250 1249 1 11 اﻋﺮاف 843 302 3196 3 11 اﻋﺮاف 844 425 3834 4 11 اﻋﺮاف 845 440 390 5 172 ، 12 اﻋﺮاف 846 42 432 431 1 12 اﻋﺮاف 847 160 698 2 12 اﻋﺮاف 848 557 1137 6 12 اﻋﺮاف 849 108 2668 1 12 اﻋﺮاف 850 286 2759 3 12 اﻋﺮاف 851 302 3198 3 12 اﻋﺮاف 852 121 3221 1 12 اﻋﺮاف 853 125 3403 3402 1 12 اﻋﺮاف 854 216 3471 2 12 اﻋﺮاف 855 141 3968 1 12 اﻋﺮاف 856 523 3981 5 12 اﻋﺮاف 857 202 2658 2 13 اﻋﺮاف 858 343 347 4 16 14 اﻋﺮاف 859 159 632 2 14 اﻋﺮاف 860 450 769 768 5 14 اﻋﺮاف 861 450 772 5 14 اﻋﺮاف 862 330 4637 3 17 16 اﻋﺮاف 863 542 406 6 16 اﻋﺮاف 864

193

A B C D E 365 1392 4 16 اﻋﺮاف 865 82 1491 1 16 اﻋﺮاف 866 500 2583 5 16 اﻋﺮاف 867 76 1252 1 20 19 اﻋﺮاف 868 111 2795 1 20 ، 19 اﻋﺮاف 869 615 3699 6 19 اﻋﺮاف 870 434 157 5 21 20 اﻋﺮاف 871 106 2590 1 22 ، 20 اﻋﺮاف 872 148 129 2 20 اﻋﺮاف 873 561 1342 6 20 اﻋﺮاف 874 501 2618 5 21 اﻋﺮاف 875 502 2641 2640 5 21 اﻋﺮاف 876 293 2859 3 27 ، 22 اﻋﺮاف 877 454 967 5 22 اﻋﺮاف 878 292 2853 3 22 اﻋﺮاف 879 633 4788 6 22 اﻋﺮاف 880 146 19 2 23 اﻋﺮاف 881 342 326 4 23 اﻋﺮاف 882 542 404 6 23 اﻋﺮاف 883 444 521 5 23 اﻋﺮاف 884 450 769 768 5 23 اﻋﺮاف 885 76 1257 1 23 اﻋﺮاف 886 365 1388 4 23 اﻋﺮاف 887 82 1492 1 23 اﻋﺮاف 888 484 1958 5 23 اﻋﺮاف 889 204 2715 2 23 اﻋﺮاف 890 524 4010 5 23 اﻋﺮاف 891 68 929 1 24 اﻋﺮاف 892 593 2796 6 24 اﻋﺮاف 893 375 1780 1779 4 27 اﻋﺮاف 894 489 2102 5 27 اﻋﺮاف 895 292 2849 3 27 اﻋﺮاف 896 293 2857 3 27 اﻋﺮاف 897 430 47 5 31 اﻋﺮاف 898 445 482 5 31 اﻋﺮاف 899 468 1407 5 31 اﻋﺮاف 900 504 2708 5 31 اﻋﺮاف 901 83 1498 1 32 اﻋﺮاف 902 111 2795 1 32 اﻋﺮاف 903 81 1432 1 49 35 اﻋﺮاف 904 321 4142 4141 3 35 اﻋﺮاف 905 90 1809 1 37 اﻋﺮاف 906 438 326 5 38 اﻋﺮاف 907 41 414 1 40 اﻋﺮاف 908 116 3070 1 40 اﻋﺮاف 909 413 3450 4 40 اﻋﺮاف 910 315 3810 3 40 اﻋﺮاف 911 518 3712 5 42 اﻋﺮاف 912 92 1904 1 178 ، 43 اﻋﺮاف 913 125 3398 3397 1 178 ،، 43 اﻋﺮاف 914 117 3096 1 43 اﻋﺮاف 915 412 3419 4 43 اﻋﺮاف 916 129 3546 3545 1 43 اﻋﺮاف 917 130 3588 1 50 ، 48 ، 44 اﻋﺮاف 918 77 1270 1 46 اﻋﺮاف 919 552 829 6 50 اﻋﺮاف 920 413 3452 4 50 اﻋﺮاف 921 88 1680 1 51 اﻋﺮاف 922 102 2429 1 51 اﻋﺮاف 923 534 78 6 54 اﻋﺮاف 924 559 1214 6 54 اﻋﺮاف 925 310 3500 3 54 اﻋﺮاف 926 26 60 1 55 اﻋﺮاف 927 92 1907 1 205 ، 94 ، 55 اﻋﺮاف 928 433 136 5 55 اﻋﺮاف 929 230 205 3 55 اﻋﺮاف 930 155 446 444 2 55 اﻋﺮاف 931 188 1954 2 55 اﻋﺮاف 932 26 60 1 56 اﻋﺮاف 933 99 2200 1 56 اﻋﺮاف 934 340 151 4 57 اﻋﺮاف 935 87 1645 1 57 اﻋﺮاف 936 94 1939 1 158 157 ، 144 ، 68 ، 62 اﻋﺮاف 937 105 2552 1 93 ، 62 اﻋﺮاف 938 229 141 3 62 اﻋﺮاف 939 91 1844 1 136 ، 64 اﻋﺮاف 940 350 783 4 64 اﻋﺮاف 941 213 3164 2 69 اﻋﺮاف 942 104 2518 2516 1 77 ، 73 اﻋﺮاف 943 104 2527 1 77 اﻋﺮاف 944 104 2543 2542 1 91 ، 78 اﻋﺮاف 945 203 2667 2 84 اﻋﺮاف 946 105 2562 1 93 اﻋﺮاف 947 209 3009 2 95 اﻋﺮاف 948 28 88 1 96 اﻋﺮاف 949 274 2206 3 96 اﻋﺮاف 950 442 495 5 99 اﻋﺮاف 951 74 1199 1 99 اﻋﺮاف 952 385 2308 2307 4 104 اﻋﺮاف 953 357 1069 1068 4 117 ، 107 اﻋﺮاف 954 472 1539 5 107 اﻋﺮاف 955 98 2145 1 107 اﻋﺮاف 956 577 2179 6 107 اﻋﺮاف 957 417 3578 4 107 اﻋﺮاف 958 522 3934 5 107 اﻋﺮاف 959 387 2364 4 108 اﻋﺮاف 960

194

A B C D E 253 1157 3 110 109 اﻋﺮاف 961 170 1144 2 110 اﻋﺮاف 962 622 4353 4352 6 112 اﻋﺮاف 963 254 1248 3 114 113 اﻋﺮاف 964 86 1621 1618 1 116 115 اﻋﺮاف 965 136 3761 1 116 اﻋﺮاف 966 227 37 3 117 اﻋﺮاف 967 49 530 1 119 117 اﻋﺮاف 968 246 966 3 117 اﻋﺮاف 969 82 1492 1 117 اﻋﺮاف 970 371 1662 4 117 اﻋﺮاف 971 416 3574 4 117 اﻋﺮاف 972 519 3809 5 117 اﻋﺮاف 973 86 1623 1 120 اﻋﺮاف 974 509 3109 5 123 اﻋﺮاف 975 263 1722 1721 3 124 اﻋﺮاف 976 381 2099 4 124 اﻋﺮاف 977 582 2312 6 124 اﻋﺮاف 978 623 4362 6 124 اﻋﺮاف 979 511 3162 5 126 125 اﻋﺮاف 980 62 765 1 125 اﻋﺮاف 981 138 3842 1 125 اﻋﺮاف 982 36 287 1 128 اﻋﺮاف 983 445 581 5 128 اﻋﺮاف 984 469 1470 5 128 اﻋﺮاف 985 338 33 4 133 اﻋﺮاف 986 553 855 6 133 اﻋﺮاف 987 357 1071 4 133 اﻋﺮاف 988 168 1076 2 133 اﻋﺮاف 989 463 1234 1232 5 133 اﻋﺮاف 990 396 2815 4 133 اﻋﺮاف 991 412 3429 4 133 اﻋﺮاف 992 417 3580 3579 4 133 اﻋﺮاف 993 418 3590 4 134 اﻋﺮاف 994 66 866 1 136 اﻋﺮاف 995 73 1191 1 136 اﻋﺮاف 996 117 3108 1 136 اﻋﺮاف 997 118 3138 1 136 اﻋﺮاف 998 441 482 5 137 اﻋﺮاف 999 226 16 15 3 143 اﻋﺮاف 1000 23 26 1 143 اﻋﺮاف 1001 157 510 2 143 اﻋﺮاف 1002 47 521 1 143 اﻋﺮاف 1003 66 870 1 143 اﻋﺮاف 1004 556 1061 6 143 اﻋﺮاف 1005 584 2434 6 143 اﻋﺮاف 1006 585 2445 6 143 اﻋﺮاف 1007 601 3064 6 143 اﻋﺮاف 1008 521 3914 5 143 اﻋﺮاف 1009 323 4266 3 143 اﻋﺮاف 1010 632 4750 6 143 اﻋﺮاف 1011 615 3695 3693 6 146 اﻋﺮاف 1012 293 2872 3 147 اﻋﺮاف 1013 190 2049 2 148 اﻋﺮاف 1014 401 3001 3000 4 155 اﻋﺮاف 1015 121 3258 3257 1 155 اﻋﺮاف 1016 443 515 514 5 156 اﻋﺮاف 1017 474 1591 5 156 اﻋﺮاف 1018 406 3204 4 156 اﻋﺮاف 1019 423 3742 3741 4 156 اﻋﺮاف 1020 538 173 6 157 اﻋﺮاف 1021 437 262 5 157 اﻋﺮاف 1022 49 532 1 157 اﻋﺮاف 1023 59 730 1 157 اﻋﺮاف 1024 625 4502 6 157 اﻋﺮاف 1025 49 532 1 158 اﻋﺮاف 1026 261 1519 3 158 اﻋﺮاف 1027 26 80 1 160 اﻋﺮاف 1028 50 541 1 166 اﻋﺮاف 1029 501 2593 2592 5 166 اﻋﺮاف 1030 510 3152 5 168 اﻋﺮاف 1031 50 534 1 171 اﻋﺮاف 1032 435 175 174 5 172 اﻋﺮاف 1033 234 350 3 172 اﻋﺮاف 1034 446 600 5 172 اﻋﺮاف 1035 550 703 6 172 اﻋﺮاف 1036 451 830 5 172 اﻋﺮاف 1037 552 830 6 172 اﻋﺮاف 1038 75 1244 1 172 اﻋﺮاف 1039 183 1668 2 172 اﻋﺮاف 1040 380 2096 4 172 اﻋﺮاف 1041 97 2115 2114 1 172 اﻋﺮاف 1042 490 2126 2124 5 172 اﻋﺮاف 1043 581 2300 6 172 اﻋﺮاف 1044 277 2344 3 172 اﻋﺮاف 1045 279 2470 3 172 اﻋﺮاف 1046 208 2975 2 172 اﻋﺮاف 1047 212 3142 2 172 اﻋﺮاف 1048 513 3263 5 172 اﻋﺮاف 1049 608 3435 6 172 اﻋﺮاف 1050 328 4542 3 172 اﻋﺮاف 1051 123 3307 3302 1 176 175 اﻋﺮاف 1052 243 747 3 175 اﻋﺮاف 1053 85 1615 1 175 اﻋﺮاف 1054 368 1545 4 176 اﻋﺮاف 1055 113 2962 2960 1 176 اﻋﺮاف 1056

195

A B C D E 245 837 836 3 179 اﻋﺮاف 1057 357 1074 4 179 اﻋﺮاف 1058 251 1109 3 179 اﻋﺮاف 1059 464 1293 5 179 اﻋﺮاف 1060 81 1408 1 179 اﻋﺮاف 1061 368 1521 4 179 اﻋﺮاف 1062 179 1609 2 179 اﻋﺮاف 1063 570 1875 6 179 اﻋﺮاف 1064 268 1988 3 179 اﻋﺮاف 1065 378 2012 4 179 اﻋﺮاف 1066 211 3087 2 179 اﻋﺮاف 1067 127 3454 1 179 اﻋﺮاف 1068 608 3482 6 179 اﻋﺮاف 1069 115 3046 1 183 182 اﻋﺮاف 1070 390 2443 4 183 اﻋﺮاف 1071 453 953 5 186 اﻋﺮاف 1072 551 752 6 187 اﻋﺮاف 1073 538 181 6 198 اﻋﺮاف 1074 351 801 4 198 اﻋﺮاف 1075 414 3478 4 198 اﻋﺮاف 1076 161 756 2 200 اﻋﺮاف 1077 367 1465 4 204 اﻋﺮاف 1078 86 1625 1 204 اﻋﺮاف 1079 379 2071 4 204 اﻋﺮاف 1080 285 2726 3 204 اﻋﺮاف 1081 511 3199 5 204 اﻋﺮاف 1082 216 3465 2 204 اﻋﺮاف 1083 79 1369 1368 1 8 اﻧﻔﺎل 1084 250 1089 3 10 اﻧﻔﺎل 1085 433 149 5 11 اﻧﻔﺎل 1086 475 1637 5 11 اﻧﻔﺎل 1087 21 1 1 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1088 533 42 6 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1089 54 619 618 1 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1090 349 762 4 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1091 172 1307 2 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1092 564 1523 6 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1093 372 1724 4 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1094 94 1939 1 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1095 274 2220 3 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1096 578 2246 6 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1097 200 2533 2 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1098 594 2835 6 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1099 400 2946 4 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1100 602 3131 6 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1101 604 3196 6 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1102 311 3659 3 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1103 137 3796 1 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1104 627 4578 6 17 اﻧﻔﺎل 1105 541 352 6 18 اﻧﻔﺎل 1106 125 3405 1 19 اﻧﻔﺎل 1107 524 4008 5 19 اﻧﻔﺎل 1108 402 3039 4 22 اﻧﻔﺎل 1109 50 534 1 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1110 57 677 676 1 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1111 348 759 4 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1112 466 1327 5 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1113 83 1514 1513 1 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1114 94 1936 1933 1 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1115 99 2200 1 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1116 114 2977 1 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1117 601 3097 3096 6 24 اﻧﻔﺎل 1118 253 1150 3 25 اﻧﻔﺎل 1119 602 3128 6 26 اﻧﻔﺎل 1120 99 2235 1 28 اﻧﻔﺎل 1121 37 300 1 29 اﻧﻔﺎل 1122 163 853 2 29 اﻧﻔﺎل 1123 119 3154 1 29 اﻧﻔﺎل 1124 442 495 5 30 اﻧﻔﺎل 1125 367 1474 4 30 اﻧﻔﺎل 1126 419 3595 4 30 اﻧﻔﺎل 1127 614 3678 6 30 اﻧﻔﺎل 1128 246 973 3 31 اﻧﻔﺎل 1129 322 4237 4236 2 31 اﻧﻔﺎل 1130 61 741 1 33 اﻧﻔﺎل 1131 174 1404 2 33 اﻧﻔﺎل 1132 283 2643 3 34 اﻧﻔﺎل 1133 99 2235 1 36 اﻧﻔﺎل 1134 130 3588 1 36 اﻧﻔﺎل 1135 499 2546 5 37 اﻧﻔﺎل 1136 291 2840 3 38 اﻧﻔﺎل 1137 117 3076 1 44 ، 42 اﻧﻔﺎل 1138 570 1878 6 42 اﻧﻔﺎل 1139 119 3149 1 66 ، 43 اﻧﻔﺎل 1140 195 2294 2 43 اﻧﻔﺎل 1141 600 3057 6 43 اﻧﻔﺎل 1142 195 2297 2 44 اﻧﻔﺎل 1143 82 1490 1 47 اﻧﻔﺎل 1144 114 2977 1 47 اﻧﻔﺎل 1145 445 581 5 48 اﻧﻔﺎل 1146 92 1879 1 48 اﻧﻔﺎل 1147 612 36011 3609 6 48 اﻧﻔﺎل 1148 612 3617 3616 6 48 اﻧﻔﺎل 1149 318 4035 3 48 اﻧﻔﺎل 1150 319 4040 3 48 اﻧﻔﺎل 1151 101 2358 1 51 اﻧﻔﺎل 1152

196

A B C D E 350 784 4 54 اﻧﻔﺎل 1153 73 1191 1 54 اﻧﻔﺎل 1154 91 1844 1 54 اﻧﻔﺎل 1155 390 2442 4 60 اﻧﻔﺎل 1156 261 1519 3 64 اﻧﻔﺎل 1157 464 1293 5 87 ، 65 اﻧﻔﺎل 1158 498 2469 5 65 اﻧﻔﺎل 1159 100 2240 1 72 اﻧﻔﺎل 1160 38 365 1 8 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1161 85 1613 1 52 ، 9 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1162 85 1613 1 14 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1163 79 1369 1368 1 16 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1164 601 3085 6 20 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1165 99 2235 1 98 ، 35 34 ، 24 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1166 358 1094 4 24 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1167 82 1492 1 26 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1168 315 3870 3 26 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1169 319 4038 3 26 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1170 342 295 4 28 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1171 271 2094 3 28 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1172 102 2429 1 28 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1173 111 2907 1 30 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1174 338 28 27 4 32 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1175 573 2078 6 32 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1176 104 2522 1 32 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1177 604 3201 3200 6 32 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1178 135 3706 1 32 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1179 341 249 4 35 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1180 48 529 1 38 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1181 518 3739 5 38 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1182 315 3870 3 40 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1183 100 2240 1 111 ، 88 ، 41 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1184 96 2040 1 45 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1185 318 4020 3 47 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1186 228 102 3 61 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1187 380 2087 4 61 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1188 43 457 1 67 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1189 88 1680 1 67 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1190 117 3096 1 100 ، 89 ، 72 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1191 109 2722 1 100 ، 89 ، 73 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1192 26 60 1 78 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1193 468 1464 5 78 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1194 107 2651 1 78 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1195 433 137 5 82 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1196 564 1581 6 82 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1197 274 2193 3 82 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1198 283 2643 3 93 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1199 414 3497 4 105 ، 94 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1200 99 2200 1 99 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1201 119 3149 1 101 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1202 275 2220 3 104 103 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1203 541 338 6 103 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1204 574 2108 6 103 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1205 204 2832 2 107 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1206 206 2881 2 107 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1207 204 2833 2 108 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1208 210 3025 2 108 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1209 518 3712 5 108 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1210 205 2865 2 109 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1211 34 245 1 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1212 231 323 3 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1213 158 577 2 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1214 554 880 879 6 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1215 559 1265 6 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1216 468 1463 5 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1217 94 1939 1 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1218 197 2440 2 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1219 108 2713 1 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1220 285 2728 3 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1221 592 2790 6 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1222 596 2904 6 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1223 214 3272 2 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1224 415 3512 4 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1225 320 4114 3 111 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1226 373 1762 4 112 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1227 554 884 6 114 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1228 463 1239 5 114 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1229 125 3398 3397 1 115 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1230 120 3187 1 121 118 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1231 58 714 1 119 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1232 367 1473 4 125 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1233 243 745 3 126 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1234 464 1293 5 127 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1235 191 2068 2066 2 128 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1236 327 4478 3 128 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1237 366 1407 4 129 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1238 99 2163 1 129 ﺗﻮﺑﮫ 1239 83 1514 1513 1 61 ، 31 ، 3 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1240 559 1214 6 3 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1241 310 3500 3 3 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1242 130 3600 1 4 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1243 337 19 18 4 5 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1244 109 2722 1 9 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1245 117 3096 1 9 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1246 442 495 5 21 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1247 273 2184 2183 3 23 22 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1248

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A B C D E 54 629 626 1 22 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1249 51 547 1 24 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1250 348 722 4 25 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1251 92 1904 1 25 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1252 268 1990 3 25 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1253 379 2027 4 25 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1254 179 1592 2 27 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1255 113 2962 2960 1 30 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1256 52 603 1 31 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1257 100 2299 2295 1 31 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1258 96 2040 1 34 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1259 127 3448 1 36 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1260 619 4104 6 36 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1261 218 3589 2 39 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1262 82 1492 1 44 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1263 72 1145 1 45 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1264 53 617 1 49 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1265 283 2643 3 55 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1266 115 3034 1 60 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1267 526 4158 4157 5 61 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1268 76 1264 1 62 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1269 81 1432 1 62 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1270 320 4138 3 62 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1271 623 4363 6 62 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1272 313 3733 3 67 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1273 158 576 2 72 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1274 284 2708 3 72 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1275 91 1844 1 73 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1276 86 1621 1618 1 81 80 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1277 99 2235 1 88 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1278 350 784 4 90 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1279 65 866 1 90 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1280 576 2164 6 90 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1281 273 2188 3 90 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1282 396 2828 4 90 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1283 299 3029 3 90 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1284 300 3102 3 90 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1285 241 644 3 91 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1286 124 3395 1 91 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1287 258 1397 3 101 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1288 192 2082 2 104 ﯾﻮﻧﺲ 1289 113 2947 1 1 ﻮدD 1290 107 2651 1 5 ﻮدD 1291 119 3149 1 5 ﻮدD 1292 101 2299 1 6 ﻮدD 1293 495 2391 5 6 ﻮدD 1294 559 1214 6 7 ﻮدD 1295 310 3500 3 7 ﻮدD 1296 99 2163 1 14 ﻮدD 1297 112 2922 1 18 ﻮدD 1298 284 2708 3 51 ، 29 ﻮدD 1299 347 658 4 29 ﻮدD 1300 91 1844 1 43 ، 37 ﻮدD 1301 532 20 6 38 ﻮدD 1302 288 2795 3 38 ﻮدD 1303 534 80 6 41 ﻮدD 1304 40 405 1 41 ﻮدD 1305 558 1162 6 41 ﻮدD 1306 233 335 3 43 42 ﻮدD 1307 255 1309 3 42 ﻮدD 1308 619 4105 6 42 ﻮدD 1309 255 1311 3 43 ﻮدD 1310 255 1313 3 43 ﻮدD 1311 256 1317 3 43 ﻮدD 1312 366 1408 4 43 ﻮدD 1313 573 2086 6 43 ﻮدD 1314 583 2359 6 43 ﻮدD 1315 203 2674 2 43 ﻮدD 1316 196 2371 2 44 ﻮدD 1317 543 424 6 45 ﻮدD 1318 257 1332 3 45 ﻮدD 1319 255 1315 3 46 ﻮدD 1320 257 1334 3 46 ﻮدD 1321 257 1337 3 47 ﻮدD 1322 158 572 2 51 ﻮدD 1323 269 2021 2020 3 54 ﻮدD 1324 83 1514 1513 1 56 ﻮدD 1325 448 734 5 57 ﻮدD 1326 572 1928 6 57 ﻮدD 1327 104 2518 2516 1 64 ﻮدD 1328 104 2527 1 65 ﻮدD 1329 104 2543 2542 1 94 ، 67 ﻮدD 1330 476 2166 6 67 ﻮدD 1331 236 400 3 69 ﻮدD 1332 105 2552 1 79 ﻮدD 1333 236 411 3 81 ﻮدD 1334 553 853 6 81 ﻮدD 1335 316 3924 3 81 ﻮدD 1336 228 87 3 82 ﻮدD 1337 351 787 4 82 ﻮدD 1338 203 2667 2 82 ﻮدD 1339 289 2817 3 82 ﻮدD 1340 82 1490 1 92 ﻮدD 1341 114 2977 1 93 ﻮدD 1342 47 524 1 101 ﻮدD 1343 189 2004 2 106 ﻮدD 1344

198

A B C D E 117 3076 1 107 ﻮدD 1345 598 2980 6 108 ﻮدD 1346 243 741 3 112 ﻮدD 1347 284 2668 3 112 ﻮدD 1348 417 3574 4 112 ﻮدD 1349 536 124 6 114 ﻮدD 1350 469 1470 5 115 ﻮدD 1351 260 1504 3 118 ﻮدD 1352 281 2538 3 120 ﻮدD 1353 183 1704 2 1 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1354 166 919 2 4 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1355 276 2339 3 4 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1356 411 3397 4 4 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1357 602 3102 6 6 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1358 174 1407 2 10 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1359 591 2753 6 11 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1360 236 417 416 3 12 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1361 591 2752 6 12 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1362 619 4110 6 12 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1363 592 2757 6 13 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1364 315 3811 3 15 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1365 524 4059 5 15 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1366 620 4111 6 15 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1367 441 476 5 16 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1368 546 499 6 17 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1369 175 1411 2 17 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1370 619 4069 4068 6 18 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1371 348 673 4 19 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1372 110 2792 1 19 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1373 627 4569 6 19 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1374 51 551 1 21 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1375 607 3414 3413 6 21 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1376 459 1105 5 23 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1377 591 2746 6 23 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1378 459 1105 5 24 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1379 341 185 4 28 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1380 593 2795 6 28 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1381 366 1422 4 31 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1382 262 1606 1605 3 31 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1383 380 2098 4 31 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1384 507 2975 5 31 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1385 513 3237 5 31 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1386 312 3705 3 31 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1387 592 2790 6 33 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1388 593 2795 6 33 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1389 616 3862 6 33 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1390 486 1995 5 37 36 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1391 606 3401 3399 6 41 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1392 606 3401 3399 6 42 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1393 607 3405 6 42 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1394 607 3406 6 42 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1395 452 933 932 5 43 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1396 593 2793 2792 6 43 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1397 39 376 1 53 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1398 370 1653 4 53 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1399 187 1852 2 53 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1400 113 2962 2960 1 53 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1401 602 3104 6 54 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1402 572 1928 6 64 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1403 127 3455 1 68 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1404 246 967 3 76 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1405 404 3161 4 76 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1406 299 3031 3030 3 84 83 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1407 554 876 6 83 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1408 165 918 2 83 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1409 92 1907 1 84 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1410 441 482 5 85 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1411 311 3692 3 85 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1412 121 3258 3257 1 88 87 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1413 247 984 982 3 87 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1414 294 2923 2922 3 87 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1415 632 4740 6 87 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1416 276 2339 3 100 ، 99 ، 88 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1417 276 2339 3 89 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1418 469 1470 5 94 ، 90 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1419 30 125 1 94 ، 93 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1420 166 918 2 96 93 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1421 213 3239 2 93 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1422 299 3037 3035 3 96 94 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1423 352 849 4 94 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1424 558 1175 6 94 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1425 170 1206 2 94 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1426 375 1845 4 94 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1427 594 2830 6 94 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1428 79 1356 1 96 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1429 92 1905 1 96 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1430 407 3220 4 96 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1431 513 3256 5 96 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1432 620 4117 6 96 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1433 332 4777 3 96 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1434 411 3398 4 100 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1435 166 919 2 101 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1436 70 1015 1 101 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1437 600 3057 6 101 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1438 602 3102 6 101 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1439 158 572 2 104 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1440

199

A B C D E 359 1135 4 104 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1441 565 1610 6 108 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1442 518 3712 5 109 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1443 269 2033 3 110 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1444 270 2036 3 110 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1445 115 3034 1 110 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1446 423 3750 4 110 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1447 570 1892 1890 6 111 ﯾﻮﺳﻒ 1448 225 5 3 2 رﻋﺪ 1449 329 4543 3 2 رﻋﺪ 1450 627 4570 6 2 رﻋﺪ 1451 35 270 269 1 4 رﻋﺪ 1452 458 1088 1087 5 4 رﻋﺪ 1453 96 2040 1 5 رﻋﺪ 1454 121 3248 3247 1 5 رﻋﺪ 1455 628 4642 6 5 رﻋﺪ 1456 82 1492 1 6 رﻋﺪ 1457 121 3258 3257 1 6 رﻋﺪ 1458 414 3497 4 9 رﻋﺪ 1459 107 2651 1 10 رﻋﺪ 1460 554 932 6 13 رﻋﺪ 1461 99 2163 1 13 رﻋﺪ 1462 94 1939 1 14 رﻋﺪ 1463 45 508 1 15 رﻋﺪ 1464 95 1989 1 15 رﻋﺪ 1465 33 233 232 1 17 رﻋﺪ 1466 26 60 1 20 رﻋﺪ 1467 469 1470 5 24 ، 22 رﻋﺪ 1468 624 4389 6 26 رﻋﺪ 1469 343 437 4 28 رﻋﺪ 1470 158 593 2 28 رﻋﺪ 1471 161 756 2 28 رﻋﺪ 1472 258 1350 3 28 رﻋﺪ 1473 83 1498 1 29 رﻋﺪ 1474 100 2240 1 29 رﻋﺪ 1475 592 2790 6 31 رﻋﺪ 1476 453 953 5 33 رﻋﺪ 1477 394 2668 4 38 رﻋﺪ 1478 36 296 1 39 رﻋﺪ 1479 87 1676 1 39 رﻋﺪ 1480 396 2874 4 39 رﻋﺪ 1481 606 3332 6 39 رﻋﺪ 1482 442 495 5 42 رﻋﺪ 1483 268 1990 3 4 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1484 418 3586 4 4 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1485 138 3818 1 4 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1486 162 769 2 6 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1487 376 1915 4 6 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1488 337 10 4 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1489 231 311 310 3 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1490 68 949 ، 942 1 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1491 454 994 5 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1492 489 2100 5 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1493 490 2120 2119 5 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1494 495 2426 5 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1495 284 2671 2670 3 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1496 293 2898 3 7 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1497 34 266 265 1 10 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1498 162 815 813 2 10 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1499 275 2298 3 10 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1500 460 1124 5 11 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1501 31 221 1 12 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1502 92 1904 1 12 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1503 125 3398 3397 1 12 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1504 82 1492 1 45 ، 14 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1505 76 1264 1 14 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1506 112 2922 1 14 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1507 305 3294 3 16 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1508 628 4642 6 19 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1509 485 1971 5 22 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1510 508 2992 5 22 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1511 109 2722 1 23 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1512 458 1101 5 26 24 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1513 268 2005 3 24 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1514 416 3573 4 24 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1515 325 4387 3 24 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1516 429 29 5 26 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1517 180 1620 2 27 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1518 185 1786 2 27 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1519 592 2760 6 27 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1520 117 3076 1 27 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1521 405 3197 4 27 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1522 332 4685 3 27 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1523 103 2501 1 31 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1524 568 1838 6 34 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1525 121 3258 3257 1 41 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1526 279 2488 2487 3 42 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1527 481 1804 5 43 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1528 441 451 5 46 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1529 69 955 1 46 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1530 74 1199 1 46 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1531 610 3515 6 46 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1532 419 3596 4 46 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1533 117 3108 1 47 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1534 347 656 4 48 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1535 408 3261 4 48 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1536

200

A B C D E 122 3281 1 48 ﻢﯿDﺮا ﺑا 1537 102 2429 1 39 ، 3 ﺣﺠﺮ 1538 357 1073 4 3 ﺣﺠﺮ 1539 421 3668 3667 4 3 ﺣﺠﺮ 1540 522 3941 5 3 ﺣﺠﺮ 1541 214 3266 2 6 ﺣﺠﺮ 1542 254 1200 1198 3 9 ﺣﺠﺮ 1543 397 2875 4 9 ﺣﺠﺮ 1544 357 1079 4 11 ﺣﺠﺮ 1545 291 2840 3 13 ﺣﺠﺮ 1546 514 3307 5 15 ﺣﺠﺮ 1547 360 1147 4 18 16 ﺣﺠﺮ 1548 409 3324 3323 4 18 16 ﺣﺠﺮ 1549 410 3338 4 18 16 ﺣﺠﺮ 1550 436 208 5 16 ﺣﺠﺮ 1551 375 1789 1788 4 16 ﺣﺠﺮ 1552 527 4232 4231 5 18 17 ﺣﺠﺮ 1553 93 1927 1 18 ﺣﺠﺮ 1554 96 2039 1 21 ﺣﺠﺮ 1555 419 3596 4 21 ﺣﺠﺮ 1556 89 1809 1 23 ﺣﺠﺮ 1557 119 3149 1 24 ﺣﺠﺮ 1558 464 1282 5 25 ﺣﺠﺮ 1559 384 2312 4 29 28 ﺣﺠﺮ 1560 21 1 1 29 ﺣﺠﺮ 1561 440 390 5 29 ﺣﺠﺮ 1562 406 3202 4 29 ﺣﺠﺮ 1563 611 3593 6 29 ﺣﺠﺮ 1564 626 4548 6 29 ﺣﺠﺮ 1565 180 1615 2 30 ﺣﺠﺮ 1566 603 3188 6 30 ﺣﺠﺮ 1567 42 432 431 1 33 ﺣﺠﺮ 1568 29 92 1 34 ﺣﺠﺮ 1569 139 3845 1 34 ﺣﺠﺮ 1570 199 2511 2 35 ﺣﺠﺮ 1571 202 2660 2 35 ﺣﺠﺮ 1572 288 2792 3 35 ﺣﺠﺮ 1573 159 632 2 36 ﺣﺠﺮ 1574 450 769 768 5 36 ﺣﺠﺮ 1575 450 772 5 36 ﺣﺠﺮ 1576 339 112 111 4 39 ﺣﺠﺮ 1577 82 1491 1 39 ﺣﺠﺮ 1578 501 2608 5 39 ﺣﺠﺮ 1579 125 3398 3397 1 41 ﺣﺠﺮ 1580 103 2501 1 49 ، 42 ﺣﺠﺮ 1581 497 2454 5 42 ﺣﺠﺮ 1582 63 782 1 44 ﺣﺠﺮ 1583 629 4656 6 44 ﺣﺠﺮ 1584 129 3546 3545 1 47 ﺣﺠﺮ 1585 58 727 1 56 55 ﺣﺠﺮ 1586 138 3843 1 56 ﺣﺠﺮ 1587 432 112 5 72 ﺣﺠﺮ 1588 228 87 3 74 ﺣﺠﺮ 1589 634 4897 4896 6 75 ﺣﺠﺮ 1590 117 3108 1 79 ﺣﺠﺮ 1591 118 3138 1 79 ﺣﺠﺮ 1592 401 2998 2997 4 85 ﺣﺠﺮ 1593 261 1519 3 95 ﺣﺠﺮ 1594 615 3709 6 99 ﺣﺠﺮ 1595 316 3934 3 129 ﺣﺠﺮ 1596 547 567 6 4 ﻧﺤﻞ 1597 87 1671 1 48 ، 8 ، 5 ﻧﺤﻞ 1598 344 465 4 7 ﻧﺤﻞ 1599 102 2429 1 8 ﻧﺤﻞ 1600 37 300 1 9 ﻧﺤﻞ 1601 214 3281 2 15 ﻧﺤﻞ 1602 240 536 3 16 ﻧﺤﻞ 1603 510 3148 5 16 ﻧﺤﻞ 1604 568 1838 6 18 ﻧﺤﻞ 1605 107 2651 1 23 ، 19 ﻧﺤﻞ 1606 26 60 1 19 ﻧﺤﻞ 1607 246 973 3 24 ﻧﺤﻞ 1608 253 1150 3 24 ﻧﺤﻞ 1609 322 4237 4236 3 24 ﻧﺤﻞ 1610 340 174 4 28 ﻧﺤﻞ 1611 82 1492 1 28 ﻧﺤﻞ 1612 297 2986 3 29 ﻧﺤﻞ 1613 109 2722 1 31 ﻧﺤﻞ 1614 77 1312 1311 1 34 ﻧﺤﻞ 1615 531 9 6 82 ، 35 ﻧﺤﻞ 1616 295 2937 3 82 ، 35 ﻧﺤﻞ 1617 94 1939 1 36 ﻧﺤﻞ 1618 587 2616 6 36 ﻧﺤﻞ 1619 113 2955 1 36 ﻧﺤﻞ 1620 453 953 5 37 ﻧﺤﻞ 1621 48 525 1 40 ﻧﺤﻞ 1622 549 685 6 40 ﻧﺤﻞ 1623 558 1213 6 40 ﻧﺤﻞ 1624 80 1384 1 40 ﻧﺤﻞ 1625 310 3501 3 40 ﻧﺤﻞ 1626 416 3568 4 40 ﻧﺤﻞ 1627 331 4638 3 40 ﻧﺤﻞ 1628 633 4803 6 40 ﻧﺤﻞ 1629 469 1470 5 96 ، 42 ﻧﺤﻞ 1630 41 430 429 1 43 ﻧﺤﻞ 1631 59 729 1 43 ﻧﺤﻞ 1632

201

A B C D E 394 2668 4 43 ﻧﺤﻞ 1633 518 3712 5 43 ﻧﺤﻞ 1634 45 508 1 49 ﻧﺤﻞ 1635 45 507 1 60 ﻧﺤﻞ 1636 287 2786 3 60 ﻧﺤﻞ 1637 145 13 2 66 ﻧﺤﻞ 1638 561 1409 6 66 ﻧﺤﻞ 1639 70 1013 1012 1 68 ﻧﺤﻞ 1640 462 1229 1228 5 68 ﻧﺤﻞ 1641 597 2925 6 68 ﻧﺤﻞ 1642 454 963 5 70 ﻧﺤﻞ 1643 100 2240 1 75 ﻧﺤﻞ 1644 608 3417 3416 6 78 ﻧﺤﻞ 1645 84 1566 1 91 ﻧﺤﻞ 1646 441 482 5 96 ﻧﺤﻞ 1647 454 994 5 97 ﻧﺤﻞ 1648 83 1498 1 97 ﻧﺤﻞ 1649 101 2325 1 97 ﻧﺤﻞ 1650 211 3105 2 97 ﻧﺤﻞ 1651 43 454 1 99 ﻧﺤﻞ 1652 506 2947 2946 5 100 ﻧﺤﻞ 1653 255 1298 3 102 ﻧﺤﻞ 1654 125 3398 3397 1 102 ﻧﺤﻞ 1655 111 2887 1 106 ﻧﺤﻞ 1656 158 522 2 115 ﻧﺤﻞ 1657 137 3792 1 120 ﻧﺤﻞ 1658 92 1904 1 121 ﻧﺤﻞ 1659 531 9 6 125 ﻧﺤﻞ 1660 499 2546 5 1 اءÄا◌ِ 1661 594 2834 6 1 اءÄا◌ِ 1662 100 2240 1 7 اءÄا◌ِ 1663 510 3152 5 7 اءÄا◌ِ 1664 293 2872 3 8 اءÄا◌ِ 1665 524 4008 5 8 اءÄا◌ِ 1666 92 1904 1 97 ، 9 اءÄا◌ِ 1667 359 1120 4 13 اءÄا◌ِ 1668 479 1781 5 13 اءÄا◌ِ 1669 161 733 2 15 اءÄا◌ِ 1670 381 2151 4 16 اءÄا◌ِ 1671 454 994 5 19 اءÄا◌ِ 1672 90 1825 1 19 اءÄا◌ِ 1673 96 2040 1 19 اءÄا◌ِ 1674 48 942 1 21 اءÄا◌ِ 1675 565 1590 6 23 اءÄا◌ِ 1676 100 2299 2295 1 31 اءÄا◌ِ 1677 84 1566 1 34 اءÄا◌ِ 1678 271 2103 2102 3 36 اءÄا◌ِ 1679 272 2152 3 36 اءÄا◌ِ 1680 341 223 4 43 اءÄا◌ِ 1681 238 465 3 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1682 46 516 1 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1683 249 1019 3 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1684 260 1497 1495 3 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1685 97 2126 1 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1686 584 2420 6 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1687 122 3284 1 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1688 305 3289 3 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1689 520 3859 3858 5 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1690 326 4410 3 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1691 626 4543 6 44 اءÄا◌ِ 1692 38 334 1 46 45 اءÄا◌ِ 1693 134 3685 1 49 اءÄا◌ِ 1694 72 1145 1 52 اءÄا◌ِ 1695 103 2501 1 65 ، 53 اءÄا◌ِ 1696 83 1514 1513 1 56 اءÄا◌ِ 1697 104 2518 2516 1 59 اءÄا◌ِ 1698 82 1490 1 60 اءÄا◌ِ 1699 114 2977 1 60 اءÄا◌ِ 1700 75 1250 1249 1 61 اءÄا◌ِ 1701 303 3199 3198 3 61 اءÄا◌ِ 1702 121 3221 1 61 اءÄا◌ِ 1703 627 4585 4584 6 61 اءÄا◌ِ 1704 92 1879 1 65 62 اءÄا◌ِ 1705 437 272 5 64 اءÄا◌ِ 1706 147 66 2 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1707 536 139 6 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1708 233 337 3 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1709 463 1231 5 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1710 465 1295 5 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1711 278 2407 3 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1712 305 3291 3 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1713 516 3573 5 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1714 221 3783 3782 2 70 اءÄا◌ِ 1715 179 1609 2 72 اءÄا◌ِ 1716 549 656 6 82 اءÄا◌ِ 1717 322 4209 3 82 اءÄا◌ِ 1718 532 14 6 84 اءÄا◌ِ 1719 36 289 1 84 اءÄا◌ِ 1720 155 419 2 84 اءÄا◌ِ 1721 55 644 643 1 84 اءÄا◌ِ 1722 262 1618 3 84 اءÄا◌ِ 1723 184 1753 2 84 اءÄا◌ِ 1724 488 2091 2090 5 84 اءÄا◌ِ 1725 22 8 1 85 اءÄا◌ِ 1726 555 983 6 85 اءÄا◌ِ 1727 566 1624 6 85 اءÄا◌ِ 1728

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A B C D E 111 2857 1 85 اءÄا◌ِ 1729 595 2877 6 85 اءÄا◌ِ 1730 605 3309 6 85 اءÄا◌ِ 1731 323 4242 3 88 اءÄا◌ِ 1732 287 2786 3 89 اءÄا◌ِ 1733 462 1229 1228 5 93 اءÄا◌ِ 1734 94 1939 1 93 اءÄا◌ِ 1735 453 953 5 97 اءÄا◌ِ 1736 383 2189 4 97 اءÄا◌ِ 1737 125 3398 3397 1 97 اءÄا◌ِ 1738 350 784 4 102 اءÄا◌ِ 1739 66 866 1 103 اءÄا◌ِ 1740 91 1844 1 103 اءÄا◌ِ 1741 86 1625 1 106 اءÄا◌ِ 1742 117 3076 1 108 اءÄا◌ِ 1743 92 1907 1 109 اءÄا◌ِ 1744 188 1954 2 110 اءÄا◌ِ 1745 256 1317 3 111 اءÄا◌ِ 1746 99 2163 1 114 اءÄا◌ِ 1747 100 2240 1 88 ، 3 ، 2 ﮐﮭﻒ 1748 378 2011 4 6 ﮐﮭﻒ 1749 102 2429 1 46 ، 7 ﮐﮭﻒ 1750 122 3281 1 7 ﮐﮭﻒ 1751 146 46 45 2 8 ﮐﮭﻒ 1752 172 1289 2 17 ﮐﮭﻒ 1753 92 1904 1 17 ﮐﮭﻒ 1754 114 3011 1 17 ﮐﮭﻒ 1755 125 3398 3397 1 17 ﮐﮭﻒ 1756 146 38 37 2 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1757 230 209 3 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1758 539 217 6 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1759 539 219 6 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1760 39 393 1 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1761 175 1426 2 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1762 487 2009 5 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1763 380 2097 4 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1764 507 2949 5 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1765 115 3026 1 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1766 120 3194 3192 1 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1767 624 4463 6 18 ﮐﮭﻒ 1768 72 1145 1 19 ﮐﮭﻒ 1769 85 1608 1 54 ، 22 ﮐﮭﻒ 1770 196 2366 2 22 ﮐﮭﻒ 1771 25 48 1 24 23 ﮐﮭﻒ 1772 613 3665 6 24 23 ﮐﮭﻒ 1773 146 38 37 2 25 ﮐﮭﻒ 1774 380 2097 4 25 ﮐﮭﻒ 1775 295 2939 3 25 ﮐﮭﻒ 1776 94 1939 1 27 ﮐﮭﻒ 1777 469 1470 5 28 ﮐﮭﻒ 1778 113 2962 2960 1 28 ﮐﮭﻒ 1779 359 1135 4 30 ﮐﮭﻒ 1780 510 3145 5 30 ﮐﮭﻒ 1781 109 2722 1 31 ﮐﮭﻒ 1782 82 1492 1 35 ﮐﮭﻒ 1783 115 3034 1 36 ﮐﮭﻒ 1784 547 567 6 37 ﮐﮭﻒ 1785 108 2668 1 37 ﮐﮭﻒ 1786 226 34 3 46 ﮐﮭﻒ 1787 173 1339 2 47 ﮐﮭﻒ 1788 363 1253 4 48 ﮐﮭﻒ 1789 96 2040 1 48 ﮐﮭﻒ 1790 112 2922 1 48 ﮐﮭﻒ 1791 544 432 6 49 ﮐﮭﻒ 1792 563 1495 6 49 ﮐﮭﻒ 1793 482 1810 5 49 ﮐﮭﻒ 1794 570 1887 6 49 ﮐﮭﻒ 1795 516 3552 5 49 ﮐﮭﻒ 1796 75 1250 1249 1 50 ﮐﮭﻒ 1797 302 3196 3 50 ﮐﮭﻒ 1798 627 4585 4584 6 50 ﮐﮭﻒ 1799 291 2840 3 55 ﮐﮭﻒ 1800 121 3258 3257 1 58 ﮐﮭﻒ 1801 613 3626 6 58 ﮐﮭﻒ 1802 557 1128 1127 6 60 ﮐﮭﻒ 1803 267 1968 3 60 ﮐﮭﻒ 1804 588 2640 6 61 ﮐﮭﻒ 1805 64 816 1 65 ﮐﮭﻒ 1806 70 1015 1 65 ﮐﮭﻒ 1807 252 1125 3 65 ﮐﮭﻒ 1808 572 2040 6 65 ﮐﮭﻒ 1809 580 2294 6 65 ﮐﮭﻒ 1810 127 3455 1 65 ﮐﮭﻒ 1811 132 3648 1 65 ﮐﮭﻒ 1812 267 1964 1963 3 66 ﮐﮭﻒ 1813 113 2974 1 70 ﮐﮭﻒ 1814 33 236 1 71 ﮐﮭﻒ 1815 32 224 1 74 ﮐﮭﻒ 1816 114 2975 1 78 ﮐﮭﻒ 1817 217 3525 2 78 ﮐﮭﻒ 1818 448 714 5 79 ﮐﮭﻒ 1819 395 2755 4 79 ﮐﮭﻒ 1820 454 994 5 88 ﮐﮭﻒ 1821 474 1623 5 99 ﮐﮭﻒ 1822 478 1773 5 99 ﮐﮭﻒ 1823 93 1921 1 99 ﮐﮭﻒ 1824

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A B C D E 124 3392 1 104 103 ﮐﮭﻒ 1825 394 2688 4 108 ﮐﮭﻒ 1826 184 1709 1707 2 109 ﮐﮭﻒ 1827 579 2248 6 109 ﮐﮭﻒ 1828 217 3552 2 109 ﮐﮭﻒ 1829 422 3732 4 109 ﮐﮭﻒ 1830 466 1323 5 110 ﮐﮭﻒ 1831 394 2668 4 110 ﮐﮭﻒ 1832 394 2669 4 110 ﮐﮭﻒ 1833 306 3333 3 110 ﮐﮭﻒ 1834 133 3665 1 110 ﮐﮭﻒ 1835 222 3786 2 110 ﮐﮭﻒ 1836 386 2324 2323 4 111 ﮐﮭﻒ 1837 415 3515 4 1 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1838 47 525 1 9 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1839 183 1679 1676 2 10 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1840 94 1937 1 17 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1841 312 3703 3 17 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1842 520 3856 5 20 18 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1843 312 3700 3 18 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1844 314 3767 3 18 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1845 314 3777 3 18 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1846 314 3768 3 19 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1847 626 4546 6 21 20 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1848 148 98 2 23 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1849 303 3204 3 23 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1850 437 285 5 25 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1851 461 1190 5 25 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1852 560 1290 6 25 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1853 560 1307 6 25 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1854 414 3496 4 25 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1855 403 3044 4 28 27 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1856 626 4546 6 30 29 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1857 265 1794 3 29 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1858 303 3204 3 33 30 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1859 265 1794 3 30 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1860 94 1939 1 30 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1861 589 2656 6 30 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1862 402 3042 4 30 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1863 626 4548 6 30 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1864 48 525 1 35 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1865 549 685 6 35 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1866 558 1213 6 35 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1867 80 1384 1 35 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1868 310 3501 3 35 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1869 331 4638 3 35 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1870 633 4803 6 35 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1871 130 3588 1 39 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1872 90 1809 1 80 ، 40 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1873 463 1239 5 48 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1874 548 600 6 54 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1875 598 2984 6 57 56 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1876 394 2671 4 57 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1877 92 1907 1 58 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1878 612 3622 6 60 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1879 47 525 1 67 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1880 96 2040 1 67 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1881 540 246 6 72 71 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1882 201 2558 2557 2 71 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1883 92 1904 1 76 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1884 125 3398 3397 1 76 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1885 120 3178 1 95 ، 80 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1886 64 841 1 93 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1887 544 443 6 95 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1888 498 2488 5 97 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1889 212 3117 2 98 ﻣﺮﯾﻢ 1890 134 3671 1 5 ﻃﮫ 1891 26 60 1 7 ﻃﮫ 1892 342 321 4 7 ﻃﮫ 1893 469 1464 5 7 ﻃﮫ 1894 563 1465 6 7 ﻃﮫ 1895 107 2651 1 7 ﻃﮫ 1896 325 4366 3 10 ﻃﮫ 1897 81 1432 1 12 ﻃﮫ 1898 110 2793 1 12 ﻃﮫ 1899 127 3492 1 12 ﻃﮫ 1900 288 2788 3 18 17 ﻃﮫ 1901 75 1243 1 20 17 ﻃﮫ 1902 577 2179 6 20 18 ﻃﮫ 1903 417 3578 4 18 ﻃﮫ 1904 417 3578 4 20 19 ﻃﮫ 1905 472 1539 5 21 19 ﻃﮫ 1906 194 2290 2288 2 22 20 ﻃﮫ 1907 247 1010 3 20 ﻃﮫ 1908 522 3934 5 20 ﻃﮫ 1909 251 1106 3 21 ﻃﮫ 1910 473 1539 5 22 ﻃﮫ 1911 387 2364 4 22 ﻃﮫ 1912 188 1924 2 26 25 ﻃﮫ 1913 131 3608 1 44 ، 28 ﻃﮫ 1914 425 3830 4 30 29 ﻃﮫ 1915 245 960 959 3 39 38 ﻃﮫ 1916 419 3592 4 44 43 ﻃﮫ 1917 424 3814 4 44 ﻃﮫ 1918 385 2308 2307 4 47 ﻃﮫ 1919 102 2451 1 50 ﻃﮫ 1920

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A B C D E 287 2784 2783 3 50 ﻃﮫ 1921 125 3398 3397 1 50 ﻃﮫ 1922 609 3505 6 50 ﻃﮫ 1923 526 4158 4157 5 52 ﻃﮫ 1924 632 4754 6 53 ﻃﮫ 1925 226 23 3 55 ﻃﮫ 1926 544 447 6 55 ﻃﮫ 1927 384 2312 4 55 ﻃﮫ 1928 35 277 1 58 ﻃﮫ 1929 249 1086 1085 3 58 ﻃﮫ 1930 251 1099 3 59 ﻃﮫ 1931 622 4353 4352 6 60 ﻃﮫ 1932 86 1621 1618 1 66 65 ﻃﮫ 1933 35 278 1 66 ﻃﮫ 1934 240 495 494 3 68 ﻃﮫ 1935 227 37 3 69 ﻃﮫ 1936 357 1069 1068 4 79 77 ، 69 ﻃﮫ 1937 153 307 2 69 ﻃﮫ 1938 49 530 1 69 ﻃﮫ 1939 371 1662 4 69 ﻃﮫ 1940 416 3574 4 69 ﻃﮫ 1941 519 3809 5 69 ﻃﮫ 1942 86 1623 1 71 70 ﻃﮫ 1943 599 3026 6 75 71 ﻃﮫ 1944 582 2312 6 71 ﻃﮫ 1945 509 3109 5 71 ﻃﮫ 1946 623 4362 6 71 ﻃﮫ 1947 22 16 1 73 ﻃﮫ 1948 31 219 1 73 ﻃﮫ 1949 499 2556 5 75 ﻃﮫ 1950 109 2722 1 76 ﻃﮫ 1951 299 3029 3 78 77 ﻃﮫ 1952 371 1671 4 77 ﻃﮫ 1953 476 1676 5 77 ﻃﮫ 1954 189 2039 2 77 ﻃﮫ 1955 409 3284 4 77 ﻃﮫ 1956 26 80 1 80 ﻃﮫ 1957 87 1645 1 81 ﻃﮫ 1958 190 2046 2 88 ﻃﮫ 1959 189 1979 2 96 ﻃﮫ 1960 410 3330 4 96 ﻃﮫ 1961 100 2262 1 97 ﻃﮫ 1962 586 2502 6 97 ﻃﮫ 1963 515 3434 5 97 ﻃﮫ 1964 93 1921 1 102 ﻃﮫ 1965 340 184 4 107 ﻃﮫ 1966 114 2977 1 110 ﻃﮫ 1967 75 1250 1249 1 116 ﻃﮫ 1968 113 2962 2960 1 116 ﻃﮫ 1969 302 3196 3 116 ﻃﮫ 1970 627 4585 4584 6 116 ﻃﮫ 1971 106 2590 1 121 120 ﻃﮫ 1972 111 2795 1 120 ﻃﮫ 1973 98 2144 1 121 ﻃﮫ 1974 633 4788 6 121 ﻃﮫ 1975 235 354 3 124 ﻃﮫ 1976 156 456 2 131 ﻃﮫ 1977 41 430 429 1 7 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1978 59 729 1 7 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1979 518 3712 5 7 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1980 94 1939 1 10 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1981 586 2597 6 16 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1982 117 3076 1 104 ، 79 ، 23 ، 17 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1983 381 2102 4 25 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1984 436 213 5 30 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1985 77 1287 1 30 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1986 475 1637 5 30 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1987 282 2584 3 30 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1988 214 3281 2 31 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1989 69 963 959 1 35 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1990 72 1145 1 35 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1991 473 1556 5 35 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1992 563 1495 6 47 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1993 480 1797 5 47 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1994 576 2160 2159 6 68 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1995 226 10 9 3 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1996 91 1845 1 70 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1997 441 438 5 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1998 51 550 1 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 1999 63 793 1 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2000 65 864 1 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2001 165 914 2 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2002 245 954 3 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2003 248 1016 3 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2004 178 1558 2 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2005 181 1629 2 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2006 572 2009 6 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2007 276 2342 3 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2008 300 3102 3 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2009 621 4290 6 69 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2010 64 810 1 70 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2011 394 2668 4 70 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2012 92 1904 1 73 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2013 383 2187 4 73 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2014 350 783 4 77 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2015 91 1844 1 77 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2016

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A B C D E 99 2163 1 79 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2017 70 1015 1 80 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2018 260 1476 3 80 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2019 266 1842 3 80 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2020 280 2498 3 80 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2021 248 1015 3 81 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2022 590 2661 2660 6 81 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2023 301 3103 3 81 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2024 630 4673 6 81 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2025 76 1257 1 97 ، 87 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2026 471 1524 5 89 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2027 90 1809 1 89 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2028 55 641 640 1 90 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2029 251 1118 3 93 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2030 454 994 5 94 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2031 96 2040 1 104 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2032 470 1499 5 105 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2033 103 2501 1 105 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2034 338 24 4 107 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2035 432 108 5 107 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2036 58 720 1 107 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2037 265 1804 3 107 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2038 327 4478 3 107 اﻧﺒﯿﺎء 2039 525 4112 5 1 ﺣﺞ 2040 238 439 3 3 ﺣﺞ 2041 160 656 2 3 ﺣﺞ 2042 96 2040 1 7 ، 5 ﺣﺞ 2043 238 454 3 5 ﺣﺞ 2044 354 888 4 5 ﺣﺞ 2045 87 1671 1 5 ﺣﺞ 2046 264 1760 1759 3 5 ﺣﺞ 2047 388 2405 4 5 ﺣﺞ 2048 108 2668 1 5 ﺣﺞ 2049 94 1936 1933 1 7 ﺣﺞ 2050 101 2358 1 10 ﺣﺞ 2051 103 2495 1 11 ﺣﺞ 2052 405 3200 4 11 ﺣﺞ 2053 117 3076 1 18 ، 14 ﺣﺞ 2054 109 2722 1 14 ﺣﺞ 2055 115 3034 1 15 ﺣﺞ 2056 151 292 2 17 ﺣﺞ 2057 45 508 1 18 ﺣﺞ 2058 592 2760 6 18 ﺣﺞ 2059 131 3608 1 24 ﺣﺞ 2060 42 436 1 26 ﺣﺞ 2061 109 2751 1 28 ﺣﺞ 2062 87 1645 1 30 ﺣﺞ 2063 524 4098 5 30 ﺣﺞ 2064 119 3161 1 32 ﺣﺞ 2065 135 3712 1 32 ﺣﺞ 2066 524 4098 5 32 ﺣﺞ 2067 297 2992 3 34 ﺣﺞ 2068 517 3605 5 36 ﺣﺞ 2069 99 2200 1 38 ﺣﺞ 2070 70 1018 1 45 ﺣﺞ 2071 608 3482 6 46 ﺣﺞ 2072 559 1214 6 47 ﺣﺞ 2073 80 1380 1 53 ﺣﺞ 2074 125 3398 3397 1 54 ﺣﺞ 2075 100 2240 1 58 ﺣﺞ 2076 580 2284 6 61 ﺣﺞ 2077 361 1176 4 65 ﺣﺞ 2078 119 3149 1 70 ﺣﺞ 2079 101 2323 1 73 ﺣﺞ 2080 287 2786 3 73 ﺣﺞ 2081 555 938 6 75 ﺣﺞ 2082 510 3148 5 75 ﺣﺞ 2083 79 1369 1368 1 78 ﺣﺞ 2084 84 1566 1 8 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2085 547 567 6 14 12 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2086 440 390 5 12 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2087 160 698 2 12 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2088 558 1139 6 12 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2089 108 2668 1 12 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2090 420 3636 4 12 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2091 631 4707 6 12 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2092 87 1671 1 14 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2093 267 1979 3 14 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2094 34 266 265 1 24 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2095 257 1332 3 27 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2096 91 1844 1 27 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2097 285 2711 3 33 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2098 96 2024 1 37 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2099 87 1645 1 51 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2100 438 326 5 53 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2101 499 2558 5 53 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2102 512 3227 5 53 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2103 131 3617 1 53 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2104 522 3941 5 54 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2105 99 2235 1 55 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2106 251 1118 3 60 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2107 72 1144 1 60 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2108 125 3398 3397 1 74 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2109 253 1150 3 83 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2110 322 4237 4236 3 83 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2111 625 4529 6 86 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2112

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A B C D E 469 1464 5 92 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2113 414 3497 4 92 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2114 475 1657 5 96 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2115 106 2594 1 100 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2116 125 3405 1 101 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2117 297 2982 3 107 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2118 229 170 3 108 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2119 189 2005 2 108 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2120 103 2501 1 109 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2121 88 1677 1 110 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2122 469 1470 5 111 ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻮن 2123 308 3451 3 2 ﻧﻮر 2124 124 3395 1 11 ﻧﻮر 2125 29 105 1 15 ﻧﻮر 2126 119 3149 1 29 ، 19 ﻧﻮر 2127 435 201 5 21 ﻧﻮر 2128 121 3258 3257 1 22 ﻧﻮر 2129 351 790 4 24 ﻧﻮر 2130 373 1763 4 24 ﻧﻮر 2131 487 2085 5 24 ﻧﻮر 2132 303 3206 3205 3 24 ﻧﻮر 2133 613 3662 6 24 ﻧﻮر 2134 533 31 6 26 ﻧﻮر 2135 148 79 2 26 ﻧﻮر 2136 150 271 2 26 ﻧﻮر 2137 341 279 4 26 ﻧﻮر 2138 56 644 643 1 26 ﻧﻮر 2139 83 1498 1 26 ﻧﻮر 2140 369 1633 1632 4 26 ﻧﻮر 2141 571 1896 1895 6 26 ﻧﻮر 2142 287 2770 3 26 ﻧﻮر 2143 598 2980 6 26 ﻧﻮر 2144 131 3610 1 26 ﻧﻮر 2145 219 3648 2 26 ﻧﻮر 2146 109 2718 1 31 30 ﻧﻮر 2147 271 2101 3 30 ﻧﻮر 2148 83 1498 1 32 ﻧﻮر 2149 535 93 6 35 ﻧﻮر 2150 163 822 2 35 ﻧﻮر 2151 167 934 2 35 ﻧﻮر 2152 170 1108 2 35 ﻧﻮر 2153 252 1138 3 35 ﻧﻮر 2154 363 1250 4 35 ﻧﻮر 2155 172 1294 2 35 ﻧﻮر 2156 177 1545 2 35 ﻧﻮر 2157 89 1767 1 35 ﻧﻮر 2158 92 1904 1 35 ﻧﻮر 2159 278 2406 3 35 ﻧﻮر 2160 289 2813 2812 3 35 ﻧﻮر 2161 505 2878 5 35 ﻧﻮر 2162 506 2879 5 35 ﻧﻮر 2163 112 2941 1 35 ﻧﻮر 2164 601 3066 3065 6 35 ﻧﻮر 2165 307 3406 3 35 ﻧﻮر 2166 424 3788 4 35 ﻧﻮر 2167 518 3712 5 37 ﻧﻮر 2168 397 2887 2886 4 38 ﻧﻮر 2169 71 1064 1 39 ﻧﻮر 2170 407 3227 4 39 ﻧﻮر 2171 363 1253 4 40 ﻧﻮر 2172 273 2180 3 40 ﻧﻮر 2173 600 3057 6 40 ﻧﻮر 2174 164 911 2 43 ﻧﻮر 2175 575 2145 6 43 ﻧﻮر 2176 87 1671 1 45 ﻧﻮر 2177 268 1990 3 46 ﻧﻮر 2178 85 1613 1 51 ﻧﻮر 2179 113 2974 1 51 ﻧﻮر 2180 531 9 6 54 ﻧﻮر 2181 553 843 6 54 ﻧﻮر 2182 94 1939 1 54 ﻧﻮر 2183 295 2937 3 54 ﻧﻮر 2184 208 2988 2 54 ﻧﻮر 2185 147 69 2 61 ﻧﻮر 2186 177 1542 2 61 ﻧﻮر 2187 52 603 1 3 2 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2188 460 1157 1156 5 5 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2189 322 4237 4236 3 5 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2190 34 266 265 1 7 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2191 452 927 5 7 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2192 459 1122 1121 5 7 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2193 466 1323 5 7 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2194 179 1697 2 7 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2195 285 2711 3 7 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2196 286 2737 2736 3 7 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2197 109 2722 1 10 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2198 392 2525 4 11 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2199 431 93 5 14 13 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2200 168 1064 2 23 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2201 481 1803 5 24 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2202 384 2241 4 27 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2203 92 1879 1 29 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2204 79 1369 1368 1 31 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2205 125 3398 3397 1 31 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2206 287 2786 3 33 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2207 350 783 4 37 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2208

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A B C D E 91 1844 1 37 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2209 459 1123 5 41 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2210 551 771 6 43 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2211 63 774 1 43 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2212 368 1521 4 44 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2213 570 1875 6 44 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2214 211 3087 2 44 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2215 127 3454 1 44 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2216 24 30 1 45 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2217 41 427 1 45 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2218 340 151 4 48 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2219 435 199 5 48 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2220 105 2579 2578 1 53 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2221 621 4281 6 53 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2222 325 4343 3 53 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2223 87 1671 1 54 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2224 347 658 4 57 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2225 359 1135 4 57 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2226 310 3500 3 59 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2227 134 3671 1 59 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2228 349 770 4 63 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2229 244 834 3 63 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2230 91 1870 1 63 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2231 301 3126 3 63 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2232 481 1803 5 66 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2233 153 337 2 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2234 234 347 3 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2235 483 1850 5 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2236 492 2225 5 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2237 580 2281 6 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2238 591 2699 6 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2239 209 3009 2 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2240 612 3622 6 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2241 139 3844 1 70 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2242 398 2893 4 74 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2243 441 482 5 75 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2244 469 1470 5 75 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2245 559 1214 6 95 ﻓﺮﻗﺎن 2246 385 2308 2307 4 16 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2247 68 923 922 1 19 18 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2248 386 2320 4 21 19 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2249 214 3266 2 27 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2250 356 1069 1068 4 32 30 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2251 496 2442 5 37 32 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2252 98 2145 1 32 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2253 577 2179 6 32 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2254 522 3934 5 32 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2255 387 2364 4 33 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2256 127 3492 1 33 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2257 387 2359 4 34 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2258 86 1621 1618 1 43 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2259 254 1249 3 44 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2260 166 920 2 45 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2261 417 3578 4 45 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2262 519 3809 5 45 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2263 227 37 3 46 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2264 86 1623 1 49 ، 46 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2265 599 3026 6 50 49 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2266 263 1722 1721 3 49 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2267 509 3109 5 49 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2268 62 765 1 50 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2269 263 1725 3 50 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2270 509 3109 5 50 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2271 514 3339 5 50 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2272 525 4122 4121 5 50 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2273 121 3258 3257 1 82 ، 51 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2274 623 4358 6 61 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2275 227 85 3 66 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2276 453 954 5 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2277 248 1015 3 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2278 356 1069 1068 4 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2279 466 1328 5 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2280 190 2040 2 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2281 281 2518 3 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2282 284 2700 3 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2283 504 2775 5 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2284 323 4262 3 63 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2285 65 866 1 66 65 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2286 195 2310 2309 2 66 65 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2287 290 2821 2820 3 66 65 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2288 91 1844 1 66 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2289 300 3102 3 66 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2290 192 2078 2 89 88 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2291 197 2376 2 89 88 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2292 532 10 6 105 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2293 94 1939 1 179 ، 163 ، 144 ، 126 ، 110 ، 108 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2294 158 576 2 180 ، 164 ، 145 ، 120 ، 109 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2295 347 658 4 180 ، 164 ، 145 ، 127 ، 109 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2296 284 2708 3 180 ، 164 ، 145 ، 127 ، 109 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2297 295 2931 3 180 ، 164 ، 145 ، 127 ، 109 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2298 359 1135 4 109 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2299 290 2821 2820 3 120 119 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2300 382 2152 4 121 119 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2301 359 1135 4 180 ، 164 ، 145 ، 127 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2302 291 2840 3 137 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2303 34 266 265 1 154 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2304

208

A B C D E 104 2518 2516 1 155 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2305 104 2527 1 157 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2306 227 87 3 169 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2307 382 2152 4 174 170 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2308 228 87 3 173 172 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2309 577 2175 6 189 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2310 287 2764 3 189 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2311 253 1148 3 219 218 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2312 76 1257 1 227 ﺷﻌﺮاء 2313 113 2947 1 6 ﻧﻤﻞ 2314 328 4527 3 6 ﻧﻤﻞ 2315 325 4366 3 7 ﻧﻤﻞ 2316 206 2889 2 8 ﻧﻤﻞ 2317 357 1069 1068 4 10 ﻧﻤﻞ 2318 98 2145 1 10 ﻧﻤﻞ 2319 387 2364 4 12 ﻧﻤﻞ 2320 127 3492 1 12 ﻧﻤﻞ 2321 352 851 4 16 ﻧﻤﻞ 2322 125 3416 1 16 ﻧﻤﻞ 2323 219 3709 2 16 ﻧﻤﻞ 2324 221 3767 2 16 ﻧﻤﻞ 2325 618 4013 4011 6 16 ﻧﻤﻞ 2326 358 1113 4 17 ﻧﻤﻞ 2327 360 1149 4 17 ﻧﻤﻞ 2328 353 871 4 18 ﻧﻤﻞ 2329 452 840 839 5 21 20 ﻧﻤﻞ 2330 221 3760 2 23 ﻧﻤﻞ 2331 345 576 4 24 ﻧﻤﻞ 2332 179 1603 2 30 29 ﻧﻤﻞ 2333 353 858 4 31 30 ﻧﻤﻞ 2334 348 721 4 31 ﻧﻤﻞ 2335 352 802 4 33 ﻧﻤﻞ 2336 289 2814 3 34 ﻧﻤﻞ 2337 345 562 4 35 ﻧﻤﻞ 2338 346 613 4 37 36 ﻧﻤﻞ 2339 354 902 4 39 ﻧﻤﻞ 2340 354 903 4 40 ﻧﻤﻞ 2341 355 906 905 4 40 ﻧﻤﻞ 2342 362 1249 4 40 ﻧﻤﻞ 2343 349 763 4 44 ﻧﻤﻞ 2344 82 1492 1 44 ﻧﻤﻞ 2345 604 3238 6 44 ﻧﻤﻞ 2346 296 2958 3 47 ﻧﻤﻞ 2347 442 495 5 50 ﻧﻤﻞ 2348 74 1199 1 50 ﻧﻤﻞ 2349 52 603 1 64 60 ﻧﻤﻞ 2350 26 60 1 62 ﻧﻤﻞ 2351 340 151 4 63 ﻧﻤﻞ 2352 92 1904 1 63 ﻧﻤﻞ 2353 113 2947 1 65 ﻧﻤﻞ 2354 322 4237 4236 3 68 ﻧﻤﻞ 2355 230 274 273 3 69 ﻧﻤﻞ 2356 587 2616 6 69 ﻧﻤﻞ 2357 113 1955 1 69 ﻧﻤﻞ 2358 119 3149 1 74 ﻧﻤﻞ 2359 247 1009 1008 3 88 ﻧﻤﻞ 2360 73 1148 1147 1 88 ﻧﻤﻞ 2361 83 1497 1 89 ﻧﻤﻞ 2362 605 3296 3295 6 89 ﻧﻤﻞ 2363 623 4363 6 89 ﻧﻤﻞ 2364 610 3529 6 90 ﻧﻤﻞ 2365 183 1704 2 2 ﻗﺼﺺ 2366 102 2459 1 38 ، 4 3 ﻗﺼﺺ 2367 162 769 2 4 ﻗﺼﺺ 2368 245 962 3 4 ﻗﺼﺺ 2369 376 1915 4 4 ﻗﺼﺺ 2370 376 1853 1851 4 7 ﻗﺼﺺ 2371 207 2974 2 7 ﻗﺼﺺ 2372 68 923 922 1 9 8 ﻗﺼﺺ 2373 376 1919 4 8 ﻗﺼﺺ 2374 398 2893 4 9 ﻗﺼﺺ 2375 208 2975 2 12 ﻗﺼﺺ 2376 386 2320 4 15 ﻗﺼﺺ 2377 82 1492 1 59 ، 16 ﻗﺼﺺ 2378 438 338 5 30 29 ﻗﺼﺺ 2379 581 2310 6 29 ﻗﺼﺺ 2380 110 2793 1 29 ﻗﺼﺺ 2381 325 4366 3 29 ﻗﺼﺺ 2382 173 1333 2 30 ﻗﺼﺺ 2383 579 2263 6 30 ﻗﺼﺺ 2384 206 2889 2 30 ﻗﺼﺺ 2385 416 3570 4 30 ﻗﺼﺺ 2386 623 4359 6 30 ﻗﺼﺺ 2387 357 1069 1068 4 31 ﻗﺼﺺ 2388 98 2145 1 31 ﻗﺼﺺ 2389 417 3575 4 31 ﻗﺼﺺ 2390 147 52 2 32 ﻗﺼﺺ 2391 572 1933 6 32 ﻗﺼﺺ 2392 127 3492 1 32 ﻗﺼﺺ 2393 291 2840 3 43 ﻗﺼﺺ 2394 113 2962 2960 1 50 ﻗﺼﺺ 2395 441 482 5 54 ﻗﺼﺺ 2396 469 1470 5 54 ﻗﺼﺺ 2397 349 770 4 55 ﻗﺼﺺ 2398 172 1289 2 56 ﻗﺼﺺ 2399 285 2731 3 56 ﻗﺼﺺ 2400

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A B C D E 125 3398 3397 1 56 ﻗﺼﺺ 2401 90 1809 1 58 ﻗﺼﺺ 2402 102 2429 1 60 ﻗﺼﺺ 2403 99 2235 1 79 76 ﻗﺼﺺ 2404 240 505 504 3 76 ﻗﺼﺺ 2405 362 1183 4 76 ﻗﺼﺺ 2406 488 2097 5 76 ﻗﺼﺺ 2407 614 3688 6 76 ﻗﺼﺺ 2408 100 2240 1 77 ﻗﺼﺺ 2409 350 784 4 81 ﻗﺼﺺ 2410 66 867 1 81 ﻗﺼﺺ 2411 248 1017 3 81 ﻗﺼﺺ 2412 577 2169 2168 6 81 ﻗﺼﺺ 2413 196 2370 2 81 ﻗﺼﺺ 2414 388 2416 4 81 ﻗﺼﺺ 2415 586 2503 6 81 ﻗﺼﺺ 2416 288 2793 3 81 ﻗﺼﺺ 2417 179 1592 2 84 ﻗﺼﺺ 2418 100 2240 1 84 ﻗﺼﺺ 2419 391 2458 2457 4 84 ﻗﺼﺺ 2420 24 30 1 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2421 545 486 6 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2422 446 590 589 5 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2423 168 1046 2 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2424 578 2238 6 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2425 116 3059 3057 1 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2426 214 3330 2 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2427 316 3903 3 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2428 331 4661 4660 3 88 ﻗﺼﺺ 2429 465 1316 5 1 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2430 232 329 3 8 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2431 83 1498 1 9 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2432 119 3149 1 10 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2433 531 10 6 14 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2434 589 2652 6 14 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2435 43 445 1 17 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2436 553 843 6 18 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2437 295 2937 3 18 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2438 587 2616 6 20 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2439 113 2955 1 20 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2440 79 1369 1368 1 22 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2441 81 1432 1 33 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2442 104 2543 2542 1 37 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2443 101 2323 1 41 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2444 317 3981 3 41 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2445 611 3573 6 45 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2446 137 3803 1 45 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2447 49 532 1 48 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2448 395 2809 4 54 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2449 548 635 6 56 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2450 358 1087 4 56 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2451 373 1760 1759 4 56 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2452 388 2380 4 56 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2453 103 2501 1 56 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2454 120 3187 1 56 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2455 69 963 959 1 57 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2456 100 2299 2295 1 60 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2457 495 2390 5 60 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2458 510 3145 5 60 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2459 111 2907 1 61 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2460 544 457 6 64 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2461 345 471 4 64 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2462 458 1088 1087 5 64 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2463 202 2600 2 64 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2464 126 3437 1 64 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2465 421 3665 4 64 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2466 54 629 626 1 65 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2467 273 2184 2183 3 65 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2468 429 25 24 5 69 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2469 37 300 1 69 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2470 563 1477 6 69 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2471 92 1904 1 69 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2472 583 2358 6 69 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2473 119 3154 1 69 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2474 125 3398 3397 1 69 ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮت 2475 465 1316 5 1 روم 2476 79 1369 1368 1 47 ، 5 روم 2477 456 1019 5 19 روم 2478 388 2405 4 20 روم 2479 108 2668 1 20 روم 2480 523 3983 5 20 روم 2481 87 1671 1 21 روم 2482 102 2430 1 21 روم 2483 184 1753 2 22 روم 2484 287 2786 3 58 ، 27 روم 2485 453 953 5 29 روم 2486 438 326 5 32 روم 2487 44 486 1 32 روم 2488 512 3227 5 32 روم 2489 131 3617 1 32 روم 2490 587 2616 6 42 روم 2491 340 151 4 46 روم 2492 99 2200 1 50 ، 47 روم 2493 65 864 1 47 روم 2494 117 3108 1 47 روم 2495 118 3123 3122 1 47 روم 2496

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A B C D E 46 515 514 1 50 روم 2497 365 1360 4 50 روم 2498 95 2023 1 50 روم 2499 603 3164 6 50 روم 2500 523 3972 5 50 روم 2501 53 617 1 54 روم 2502 72 1145 1 55 روم 2503 465 1316 5 1 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2504 225 5 3 10 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2505 329 4543 3 10 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2506 627 4570 6 10 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2507 68 949 ، 942 1 12 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2508 605 3256 3255 6 14 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2509 232 329 3 15 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2510 244 834 3 18 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2511 512 3229 5 21 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2512 171 1275 2 22 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2513 119 3149 1 23 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2514 492 2207 2206 5 25 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2515 184 1709 1707 2 27 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2516 579 2248 6 27 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2517 218 3553 2 27 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2518 218 3554 2 27 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2519 422 3732 4 27 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2520 555 938 6 28 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2521 488 2095 5 28 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2522 125 3405 1 33 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2523 525 4112 5 33 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2524 585 2452 6 34 ﻟﻘﻤﺎن 2525 465 1316 5 1 ﺳﺠﺪه 2526 310 3500 3 4 ﺳﺠﺪه 2527 559 1214 6 5 ﺳﺠﺪه 2528 83 1514 1513 1 5 ﺳﺠﺪه 2529 126 3446 1 5 ﺳﺠﺪه 2530 414 3497 4 6 ﺳﺠﺪه 2531 440 390 5 7 ﺳﺠﺪه 2532 108 2668 1 7 ﺳﺠﺪه 2533 420 3636 4 7 ﺳﺠﺪه 2534 631 4607 6 7 ﺳﺠﺪه 2535 21 1 1 9 ﺳﺠﺪه 2536 440 390 5 9 ﺳﺠﺪه 2537 175 1417 2 9 ﺳﺠﺪه 2538 626 4548 6 9 ﺳﺠﺪه 2539 628 4642 6 10 ﺳﺠﺪه 2540 340 174 4 11 ﺳﺠﺪه 2541 69 963 959 1 11 ﺳﺠﺪه 2542 481 1802 5 12 ﺳﺠﺪه 2543 88 1680 1 286 ، 14 ﺳﺠﺪه 2544 120 3184 1 17 16 ﺳﺠﺪه 2545 76 1264 1 16 ﺳﺠﺪه 2546 497 2447 5 16 ﺳﺠﺪه 2547 34 245 1 17 ﺳﺠﺪه 2548 345 471 4 17 ﺳﺠﺪه 2549 454 994 5 17 ﺳﺠﺪه 2550 92 1905 1 17 ﺳﺠﺪه 2551 541 334 6 19 ﺳﺠﺪه 2552 118 3108 1 22 ﺳﺠﺪه 2553 469 1470 5 24 ﺳﺠﺪه 2554 92 1904 1 24 ﺳﺠﺪه 2555 250 1090 3 25 ﺳﺠﺪه 2556 436 260 5 30 ﺳﺠﺪه 2557 191 2065 2 30 ﺳﺠﺪه 2558 559 1214 6 40 ﺳﺠﺪه 2559 315 3870 3 9 اﺣﺰاب 2560 319 4038 3 9 اﺣﺰاب 2561 115 3034 1 10 اﺣﺰاب 2562 84 1566 1 15 اﺣﺰاب 2563 69 963 959 1 17 16 اﺣﺰاب 2564 518 3712 5 23 اﺣﺰاب 2565 520 3820 5 23 اﺣﺰاب 2566 468 1426 5 24 اﺣﺰاب 2567 433 149 5 33 اﺣﺰاب 2568 82 1492 1 33 اﺣﺰاب 2569 439 349 5 35 اﺣﺰاب 2570 57 677 676 1 36 اﺣﺰاب 2571 366 1407 4 36 اﺣﺰاب 2572 119 3149 1 54 ، 37 اﺣﺰاب 2573 117 3976 1 37 اﺣﺰاب 2574 94 1939 1 46 40 اﺣﺰاب 2575 538 171 6 40 اﺣﺰاب 2576 184 1715 2 41 اﺣﺰاب 2577 403 3071 4 41 اﺣﺰاب 2578 406 3207 4 46 45 اﺣﺰاب 2579 595 2865 6 45 اﺣﺰاب 2580 138 3831 1 45 اﺣﺰاب 2581 201 2570 2 46 اﺣﺰاب 2582 129 3550 1 53 اﺣﺰاب 2583 605 3257 6 56 اﺣﺰاب 2584 483 1851 5 71 اﺣﺰاب 2585 121 3258 3257 1 71 اﺣﺰاب 2586 533 25 23 6 72 اﺣﺰاب 2587 536 140 6 72 اﺣﺰاب 2588 539 202 6 72 اﺣﺰاب 2589 71 1020 1 72 اﺣﺰاب 2590 177 1484 2 72 اﺣﺰاب 2591 475 1650 5 72 اﺣﺰاب 2592

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A B C D E 95 1963 1962 1 72 اﺣﺰاب 2593 196 2374 2 72 اﺣﺰاب 2594 332 4671 3 72 اﺣﺰاب 2595 126 3446 1 2 ﺳﺒﺎ 2596 628 4642 6 7 ﺳﺒﺎ 2597 122 3281 1 9 ﺳﺒﺎ 2598 242 703 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2599 553 857 856 6 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2600 165 916 2 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2601 247 1014 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2602 259 1473 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2603 260 1476 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2604 176 1484 2 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2605 266 1842 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2606 578 2182 6 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2607 580 2285 6 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2608 388 2415 4 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2609 280 2498 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2610 280 2499 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2611 590 2659 2657 6 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2612 291 2832 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2613 222 3790 2 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2614 324 4269 4267 3 10 ﺳﺒﺎ 2615 260 1476 3 11 ﺳﺒﺎ 2616 266 1842 3 11 ﺳﺒﺎ 2617 248 1015 3 12 ﺳﺒﺎ 2618 590 2661 2660 6 12 ﺳﺒﺎ 2619 301 3103 3 12 ﺳﺒﺎ 2620 135 3689 1 13 ﺳﺒﺎ 2621 231 285 3 15 ﺳﺒﺎ 2622 283 2658 2657 3 15 ﺳﺒﺎ 2623 613 3626 6 15 ﺳﺒﺎ 2624 235 368 3 19 ﺳﺒﺎ 2625 82 1492 1 19 ﺳﺒﺎ 2626 448 734 5 21 ﺳﺒﺎ 2627 100 2299 2295 1 24 ﺳﺒﺎ 2628 292 2847 3 30 ﺳﺒﺎ 2629 121 3248 3247 1 33 ﺳﺒﺎ 2630 347 658 4 34 ﺳﺒﺎ 2631 454 994 5 37 ﺳﺒﺎ 2632 99 2235 1 37 ﺳﺒﺎ 2633 623 4363 6 37 ﺳﺒﺎ 2634 158 572 2 47 ﺳﺒﺎ 2635 284 2708 3 47 ﺳﺒﺎ 2636 407 3226 4 53 ﺳﺒﺎ 2637 302 3194 3 1 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2638 133 3658 1 1 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2639 111 2907 1 3 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2640 69 986 1 5 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2641 340 151 4 9 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2642 60 738 737 1 10 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2643 67 885 1 10 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2644 388 2405 4 11 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2645 108 2668 1 11 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2646 523 3983 5 11 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2647 35 275 1 12 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2648 105 2579 2578 1 12 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2649 508 2992 5 14 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2650 606 3387 6 15 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2651 628 4642 6 16 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2652 119 3154 1 58 ، 19 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2653 219 3717 2 24 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2654 298 3006 3 28 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2655 121 3258 3257 1 30 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2656 62 750 1 32 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2657 82 1492 1 32 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2658 493 2314 5 34 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2659 469 1464 5 38 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2660 119 3149 1 38 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2661 361 1176 4 41 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2662 61 738 737 1 43 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2663 77 1312 1311 1 43 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2664 473 1543 5 43 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2665 179 1592 2 43 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2666 574 2099 2098 6 43 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2667 511 3183 5 43 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2668 622 4351 6 43 ﻓﺎﻃﺮ 2669 547 533 6 1 «ﯾﺲ» 2670 121 3248 3247 1 9 8 »ﯾﺲِ« 2671 359 1119 4 8 «ﯾﺲ» 2672 596 2897 6 8 «ﯾﺲ» 2673 449 751 5 9 «ﯾﺲ» 2674 457 1076 5 9 «ﯾﺲ» 2675 398 2903 4 9 «ﯾﺲ» 2676 521 3869 5 9 «ﯾﺲ» 2677 90 1825 1 12 «ﯾﺲ» 2678 34 266 265 1 15 «ﯾﺲ» 2679 452 927 5 15 «ﯾﺲ» 2680 459 1122 1121 5 15 «ﯾﺲ» 2681 179 1607 2 15 «ﯾﺲ» 2682 553 843 6 17 «ﯾﺲ» 2683 295 2937 3 17 «ﯾﺲ» 2684 342 282 4 18 «ﯾﺲ» 2685 174 1401 2 18 «ﯾﺲ» 2686 296 2948 3 18 «ﯾﺲ» 2687 296 2955 3 19 «ﯾﺲ» 2688

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A B C D E 158 572 2 21 «ﯾﺲ» 2689 493 2316 5 27 26 «ﯾﺲ» 2690 477 1740 5 26 «ﯾﺲ» 2691 269 2016 3 26 «ﯾﺲ» 2692 525 4124 5 26 «ﯾﺲ» 2693 393 2560 4 30 «ﯾﺲ» 2694 289 2804 3 30 «ﯾﺲ» 2695 130 3588 1 30 «ﯾﺲ» 2696 344 443 4 32 «ﯾﺲ» 2697 606 3330 6 32 «ﯾﺲ» 2698 307 3394 3 32 «ﯾﺲ» 2699 134 3678 1 32 «ﯾﺲ» 2700 87 1671 1 71 ، 42 ، 36 «ﯾﺲ» 2701 560 1283 6 39 «ﯾﺲ» 2702 445 580 579 5 47 «ﯾﺲ» 2703 55 639 638 1 47 «ﯾﺲ» 2704 294 2908 2906 3 47 «ﯾﺲ» 2705 31 218 1 50 «ﯾﺲ» 2706 61 749 1 51 «ﯾﺲ» 2707 464 1282 5 51 «ﯾﺲ» 2708 478 1773 5 51 «ﯾﺲ» 2709 569 1874 6 51 «ﯾﺲ» 2710 93 1921 1 51 «ﯾﺲ» 2711 94 1936 1933 1 52 «ﯾﺲ» 2712 344 443 4 53 «ﯾﺲ» 2713 454 994 5 54 «ﯾﺲ» 2714 570 1887 6 54 «ﯾﺲ» 2715 610 3529 6 54 «ﯾﺲ» 2716 306 3360 4 58 «ﯾﺲ» 2717 151 292 2 59 «ﯾﺲ» 2718 234 350 3 60 «ﯾﺲ» 2719 552 830 6 60 «ﯾﺲ» 2720 453 953 5 62 «ﯾﺲ» 2721 537 163 6 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2722 351 790 4 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2723 373 1763 4 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2724 483 1812 5 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2725 487 2085 5 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2726 98 2157 1 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2727 492 2212 5 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2728 278 2455 3 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2729 303 3206 3205 3 65 «ﯾﺲ» 2730 160 717 2 68 «ﯾﺲ» 2731 311 3540 3 68 «ﯾﺲ» 2732 107 2651 1 76 «ﯾﺲ» 2733 119 3149 1 76 «ﯾﺲ» 2734 96 2040 1 81 ، 77 «ﯾﺲ» 2735 354 893 4 77 «ﯾﺲ» 2736 291 2840 3 77 «ﯾﺲ» 2737 474 1623 5 78 «ﯾﺲ» 2738 134 3685 1 78 «ﯾﺲ» 2739 134 3686 1 79 «ﯾﺲ» 2740 48 525 1 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2741 549 685 6 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2742 558 1213 6 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2743 80 1384 1 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2744 181 1627 2 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2745 89 1792 1 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2746 97 2128 1 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2747 116 3072 1 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2748 117 3076 1 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2749 307 3398 3 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2750 310 3501 3 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2751 516 3536 5 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2752 416 3568 4 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2753 526 4152 5 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2754 331 4638 3 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2755 332 4689 4 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2756 633 4803 6 82 «ﯾﺲ» 2757 156 475 2 83 «ﯾﺲ» 2758 410 3338 4 8 ، 1 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2759 126 3421 3420 1 1 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2760 409 3324 3323 4 10 6 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2761 435 208 5 6 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2762 328 4529 3 10 7 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2763 93 1927 1 10 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2764 528 4232 4231 5 10 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2765 440 390 5 11 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2766 160 698 2 11 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2767 631 4707 6 11 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2768 108 2668 1 14 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2769 399 2907 4 21 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2770 515 3427 5 21 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2771 214 3266 2 36 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2772 149 152 2 39 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2773 610 3529 6 39 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2774 617 3921 6 46 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2775 130 3600 1 67 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2776 91 1844 1 82 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2777 32 227 1 102 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2778 154 385 2 102 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2779 618 3984 6 102 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2780 319 4100 3 102 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2781 321 4173 3 102 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2782 634 4882 6 102 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2783 165 915 2 103 ﺻﺎﻓﺎت 2784

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E D C A ّ◌ B 585 2476 6 107 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2785 82 1492 1 113 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2786 538 188 6 123 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2787 194 2202 2 130 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2788 212 3141 3140 2 144 ، 142 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2789 581 2305 6 144 143 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2790 126 3421 3420 1 166 164 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2791 424 3803 4 164 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2792 378 2015 4 165 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2793 598 3003 6 165 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2794 527 4195 5 165 ﻓﺎت◌ّ ﺻﺎ 2795 46 520 1 180 ﺻﺎﻓﺎت 2796 449 760 5 5 «ص» 2797 259 1473 3 19 18 «ص» 2798 99 2163 1 18 «ص» 2799 267 1954 3 23 «ص» 2800 324 4271 4270 3 24 «ص» 2801 113 2962 2960 1 26 «ص» 2802 467 1396 5 27 «ص» 2803 586 2597 6 27 «ص» 2804 510 3159 3157 5 28 «ص» 2805 126 3425 1 30 «ص» 2806 346 649 648 4 35 «ص» 2807 106 2610 2608 1 35 «ص» 2808 331 4650 3 36 «ص» 2809 351 797 4 37 «ص» 2810 165 917 2 37 «ص» 2811 360 1148 4 37 «ص» 2812 330 4636 3 37 «ص» 2813 330 4636 3 38 «ص» 2814 553 876 6 41 «ص» 2815 96 2100 1 42 «ص» 2816 527 4193 5 42 «ص» 2817 238 452 3 44 «ص» 2818 506 2903 5 44 «ص» 2819 126 3425 1 44 «ص» 2820 384 2312 4 72 71 «ص» 2821 440 390 5 76 71 «ص» 2822 631 4707 6 71 «ص» 2823 21 1 1 72 «ص» 2824 440 390 5 72 «ص» 2825 406 3202 4 72 «ص» 2826 611 3593 6 72 «ص» 2827 316 3934 3 72 «ص» 2828 626 4548 6 72 «ص» 2829 537 156 153 6 74 73 «ص» 2830 180 1615 2 73 «ص» 2831 603 3188 6 73 «ص» 2832 443 520 5 74 «ص» 2833 540 260 6 76 «ص» 2834 42 432 431 1 76 «ص» 2835 352 823 4 76 «ص» 2836 369 1616 4 76 «ص» 2837 483 1925 5 76 «ص» 2838 275 2299 3 76 «ص» 2839 388 2405 4 76 «ص» 2840 108 2668 1 76 «ص» 2841 597 2932 2931 6 76 «ص» 2842 603 3187 6 76 «ص» 2843 121 3221 1 76 «ص» 2844 410 3341 4 76 «ص» 2845 125 3403 3402 1 76 «ص» 2846 515 3452 5 76 «ص» 2847 502 2621 2620 5 78 77 «ص» 2848 29 92 1 77 «ص» 2849 444 525 5 78 «ص» 2850 450 772 5 78 «ص» 2851 450 769 768 5 79 «ص» 2852 450 772 5 79 «ص» 2853 453 950 5 83 82 «ص» 2854 506 2947 2946 5 83 82 «ص» 2855 339 112 111 4 82 «ص» 2856 500 2583 5 82 «ص» 2857 158 572 2 86 «ص» 2858 499 2546 5 7 زﻣﺮ 2859 119 3149 1 7 زﻣﺮ 2860 441 482 5 10 زﻣﺮ 2861 358 1087 4 10 زﻣﺮ 2862 83 1497 1 10 زﻣﺮ 2863 373 1760 1759 4 10 زﻣﺮ 2864 100 2240 1 10 زﻣﺮ 2865 388 2380 4 10 زﻣﺮ 2866 499 2560 5 10 زﻣﺮ 2867 103 2501 1 17 16 زﻣﺮ 2868 76 1264 1 16 زﻣﺮ 2869 125 3398 3397 1 37 ، 18 زﻣﺮ 2870 119 3154 1 18 زﻣﺮ 2871 592 2790 6 20 زﻣﺮ 2872 131 3608 1 23 ، 22 زﻣﺮ 2873 92 1904 1 37 ، 22 زﻣﺮ 2874 80 1380 1 22 زﻣﺮ 2875 453 953 5 36 ، 23 زﻣﺮ 2876 302 3164 3 23 زﻣﺮ 2877 198 2473 2 26 زﻣﺮ 2878 287 2786 3 27 زﻣﺮ 2879 69 963 959 1 42 ، 30 زﻣﺮ 2880

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A B C D E 454 994 5 34 زﻣﺮ 2881 397 2887 2886 4 35 زﻣﺮ 2882 415 3515 4 36 زﻣﺮ 2883 118 3108 1 37 زﻣﺮ 2884 156 499 2 38 زﻣﺮ 2885 366 1407 4 38 زﻣﺮ 2886 540 221 6 42 زﻣﺮ 2887 39 389 1 42 زﻣﺮ 2888 264 1762 1761 3 42 زﻣﺮ 2889 479 1774 5 42 زﻣﺮ 2890 581 2299 2298 6 42 زﻣﺮ 2891 394 2684 4 42 زﻣﺮ 2892 295 2940 3 42 زﻣﺮ 2893 403 3061 4 42 زﻣﺮ 2894 469 1464 5 46 زﻣﺮ 2895 414 3497 4 46 زﻣﺮ 2896 76 1257 1 53 زﻣﺮ 2897 571 1915 6 53 زﻣﺮ 2898 103 2501 1 53 زﻣﺮ 2899 294 2923 2922 3 53 زﻣﺮ 2900 121 3258 3257 1 53 زﻣﺮ 2901 304 3275 3 53 زﻣﺮ 2902 138 3843 1 53 زﻣﺮ 2903 617 3930 6 53 زﻣﺮ 2904 527 4202 4201 5 53 زﻣﺮ 2905 632 4741 6 53 زﻣﺮ 2906 439 343 5 56 زﻣﺮ 2907 563 1454 6 56 زﻣﺮ 2908 113 2962 2960 1 56 زﻣﺮ 2909 130 3588 1 56 زﻣﺮ 2910 421 3674 4 56 زﻣﺮ 2911 395 2747 2746 4 60 زﻣﺮ 2912 297 2986 3 60 زﻣﺮ 2913 200 2553 2552 2 62 زﻣﺮ 2914 536 103 6 63 زﻣﺮ 2915 300 3074 3 63 زﻣﺮ 2916 361 1177 4 67 زﻣﺮ 2917 180 1622 2 67 زﻣﺮ 2918 480 1796 5 68 زﻣﺮ 2919 94 1936 1933 1 68 زﻣﺮ 2920 112 2922 1 68 زﻣﺮ 2921 31 215 1 70 زﻣﺮ 2922 569 1874 6 71 زﻣﺮ 2923 297 2986 3 72 زﻣﺮ 2924 149 165 2 73 زﻣﺮ 2925 481 1802 5 73 زﻣﺮ 2926 569 1874 6 73 زﻣﺮ 2927 465 1316 5 1 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2928 121 3258 3257 1 3 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2929 134 3681 1 11 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2930 404 3156 4 16 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2931 26 58 1 19 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2932 109 2718 1 19 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2933 119 3149 1 19 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2934 453 953 5 33 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2935 130 3588 1 33 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2936 624 4389 6 39 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2937 31 215 1 40 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2938 554 937 6 40 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2939 179 1592 2 40 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2940 391 2458 2457 4 40 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2941 74 1199 1 45 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2942 532 21 6 51 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2943 65 864 1 51 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2944 555 938 6 56 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2945 26 60 1 60 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2946 297 2986 3 76 ، 60 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2947 154 340 2 60 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2948 243 756 3 60 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2949 170 1190 2 60 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2950 276 2304 3 60 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2951 582 2320 2319 6 60 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2952 197 2451 2 60 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2953 111 2907 1 63 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2954 471 1502 5 64 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2955 87 1671 1 67 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2956 388 2405 4 67 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2957 108 2668 1 67 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2958 523 3983 5 67 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2959 48 525 1 68 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2960 549 685 6 68 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2961 558 1213 6 68 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2962 80 1384 1 68 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2963 307 3398 3 68 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2964 310 3501 3 68 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2965 331 4638 3 68 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2966 121 3248 3247 1 71 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2967 54 629 626 1 84 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2968 631 4698 6 84 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2969 515 3362 5 128 ﻏﺎﻓﺮ 2970 ◌ّ 465 1316 5 1 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2971 ◌ّ 466 1323 5 6 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2972 ◌ّ 28 91 1 11 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2973 ◌ّ 346 590 4 11 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2974 ◌ّ 451 785 5 11 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2975 ◌ّ 95 1989 1 11 ﻓﺼﻠﺖ 2976

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A B C D E ◌ّ 327 4471 3 11 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2977 ◌ّ 329 4589 3 11 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2978 ◌ّ 436 208 5 12 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2979 ◌ّ 340 132 4 16 15 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2980 ◌ّ 395 2747 2746 4 15 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2981 ◌ّ 467 1391 5 16 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2982 ◌ّ 198 2473 2 16 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2983 ◌ّ 290 2822 3 16 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2984 ◌ّ 98 2157 1 21 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2985 ◌ّ 115 3034 1 23 22 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2986 ◌ّ 81 1432 1 30 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2987 ◌ّ 210 3044 2 30 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2988 ◌ّ 161 756 2 31 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2989 ◌ّ 177 1532 1530 2 34 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2990 ◌ّ 193 2150 2149 2 34 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2991 ◌ّ 307 3374 3 34 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2992 ◌ّ 469 1470 5 35 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2993 ◌ّ 603 3164 6 39 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2994 ◌ّ 560 1326 6 40 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2995 ◌ّ 397 2875 4 42 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2996 ◌ّ 199 2517 2 46 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2997 ◌ّ 252 1142 3 51 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2998 ◌ّ 630 4689 6 51 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 2999 ◌ّ 82 1490 1 54 ﺼﻠﺖ ﻓ 3000 ◌ّ 114 2977 1 54 ﻓﺼﻠﺖ 3001 465 1316 5 1 ﺷﻮری 3002 448 734 5 6 ﺷﻮری 3003 260 1504 3 8 ﺷﻮری 3004 147 55 2 11 ﺷﻮری 3005 45 507 1 11 ﺷﻮری 3006 555 938 6 11 ﺷﻮری 3007 182 1636 2 11 ﺷﻮری 3008 110 2726 1 11 ﺷﻮری 3009 243 741 3 15 ﺷﻮری 3010 284 2668 3 15 ﺷﻮری 3011 417 3574 4 15 ﺷﻮری 3012 588 2624 6 16 ﺷﻮری 3013 100 2240 1 23 ﺷﻮری 3014 119 3149 1 24 ﺷﻮری 3015 372 1718 4 27 ﺷﻮری 3016 305 3282 3281 3 27 ﺷﻮری 3017 434 167 5 38 ﺷﻮری 3018 565 1590 6 38 ﺷﻮری 3019 587 2612 6 38 ﺷﻮری 3020 114 3924 1 38 ﺷﻮری 3021 77 1312 1311 1 40 ﺷﻮری 3022 78 1313 1 40 ﺷﻮری 3023 178 1592 2 40 ﺷﻮری 3024 523 4000 5 49 ﺷﻮری 3025 453 953 5 46 ، 44 ﺷﻮری 3026 112 2922 1 45 ﺷﻮری 3027 94 1937 1 51 ﺷﻮری 3028 92 1904 1 52 ﺷﻮری 3029 465 1316 5 1 زﺧﺮف 3030 396 2874 4 4 زﺧﺮف 3031 127 3455 1 4 زﺧﺮف 3032 291 2840 3 8 زﺧﺮف 3033 632 4754 6 10 زﺧﺮف 3034 87 1671 1 12 زﺧﺮف 3035 62 765 1 14 زﺧﺮف 3036 512 3229 5 23 زﺧﺮف 3037 117 3108 1 55 ، 25 زﺧﺮف 3038 36 287 1 25 زﺧﺮف 3039 118 3138 1 25 زﺧﺮف 3040 575 2125 6 26 زﺧﺮف 3041 370 1642 4 32 زﺧﺮف 3042 571 1904 6 32 زﺧﺮف 3043 494 2358 5 32 زﺧﺮف 3044 246 974 3 36 زﺧﺮف 3045 365 1334 4 38 زﺧﺮف 3046 588 2631 6 38 زﺧﺮف 3047 502 2633 5 38 زﺧﺮف 3048 630 4677 6 38 زﺧﺮف 3049 102 2429 1 39 زﺧﺮف 3050 249 1054 3 51 زﺧﺮف 3051 102 2459 1 51 زﺧﺮف 3052 377 1919 4 54 زﺧﺮف 3053 91 1844 1 55 زﺧﺮف 3054 94 1939 1 63 زﺧﺮف 3055 470 1501 5 67 زﺧﺮف 3056 81 1432 1 68 زﺧﺮف 3057 103 2501 1 68 زﺧﺮف 3058 505 2802 5 71 زﺧﺮف 3059 82 1492 1 76 زﺧﺮف 3060 484 1937 5 77 زﺧﺮف 3061 107 2651 1 80 زﺧﺮف 3062 522 3941 5 83 زﺧﺮف 3063 111 2907 1 87 زﺧﺮف 3064 465 1316 5 1 دﺧﺎن 3065 118 3108 1 16 دﺧﺎن 3066 154 352 2 17 دﺧﺎن 3067 66 866 1 24 دﺧﺎن 3068 357 1069 1068 4 24 دﺧﺎن 3069 91 1844 1 24 دﺧﺎن 3070 299 3029 3 24 دﺧﺎن 3071 442 491 5 29 دﺧﺎن 3072

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A B C D E 397 2885 2884 4 39 38 دﺧﺎن 3073 399 2907 4 40 دﺧﺎن 3074 309 3471 3 44 43 دﺧﺎن 3075 465 1316 5 1 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3076 357 1079 4 35 ، 9 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3077 317 4009 3 17 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3078 40 408 1 23 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3079 440 432 5 23 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3080 551 771 6 23 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3081 63 774 1 23 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3082 500 2576 5 23 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3083 206 2886 2 23 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3084 113 2962 2960 1 23 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3085 411 3365 4 23 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3086 196 2320 2 24 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3087 616 3770 6 33 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3088 88 1680 1 34 ﺟﺎﺛﯿﮫ 3089 465 1316 5 1 اﺣﻘﺎف 3090 111 2907 1 11 اﺣﻘﺎف 3091 210 3044 2 13 اﺣﻘﺎف 3092 321 4142 4141 3 13 اﺣﻘﺎف 3093 310 3502 3 15 اﺣﻘﺎف 3094 518 3695 5 15 اﺣﻘﺎف 3095 322 4237 4236 3 17 اﺣﻘﺎف 3096 210 3062 2 24 اﺣﻘﺎف 3097 630 4676 6 24 اﺣﻘﺎف 3098 86 1625 1 29 اﺣﻘﺎف 3099 94 1939 1 32 31 اﺣﻘﺎف 3100 201 2570 2 31 اﺣﻘﺎف 3101 121 3258 3257 1 31 اﺣﻘﺎف 3102 72 1145 1 35 اﺣﻘﺎف 3103 469 1470 5 35 اﺣﻘﺎف 3104 455 996 5 2 1 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3105 453 953 5 8 ، 1 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3106 94 1939 1 2 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3107 532 21 6 7 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3108 79 1369 1368 1 7 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3109 99 2200 1 7 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3110 494 2347 5 7 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3111 503 2701 5 7 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3112 102 2429 1 12 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3113 109 2722 1 12 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3114 420 3606 4 12 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3115 84 1586 1 15 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3116 475 1629 1628 5 15 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3117 391 2519 2516 4 15 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3118 309 3462 3461 3 15 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3119 130 3566 3565 1 15 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3120 131 3606 1 15 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3121 353 856 4 18 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3122 446 590 589 5 19 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3123 464 1241 5 19 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3124 99 2163 1 19 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3125 86 1625 1 24 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3126 294 2901 3 24 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3127 244 791 3 30 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3128 163 846 2 30 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3129 77 1270 1 30 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3130 77 1273 1 30 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3131 634 4897 4896 6 30 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3132 119 3149 1 31 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3133 544 457 6 36 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3134 126 3437 1 36 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3135 306 3354 3 38 ﻣﺤﻤﺪ 3136 537 166 6 1 ﻓﺘﺢ 3137 327 4501 3 1 ﻓﺘﺢ 3138 92 1904 1 20 ، 2 ﻓﺘﺢ 3139 121 3258 3257 1 2 ﻓﺘﺢ 3140 349 782 4 4 ﻓﺘﺢ 3141 109 2722 1 17 ، 5 ﻓﺘﺢ 3142 233 338 3 6 ﻓﺘﺢ 3143 478 1757 5 6 ﻓﺘﺢ 3144 568 1844 6 6 ﻓﺘﺢ 3145 115 3034 1 6 ﻓﺘﺢ 3146 115 3042 1 6 ﻓﺘﺢ 3147 351 790 4 7 ﻓﺘﺢ 3148 351 792 4 7 ﻓﺘﺢ 3149 595 2865 6 8 ﻓﺘﺢ 3150 94 1939 1 18 ، 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3151 432 122 5 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3152 32 226 1 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3153 448 740 5 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3154 85 1613 1 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3155 187 1918 2 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3156 274 2220 3 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3157 505 2795 5 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3158 404 3162 4 10 ﻓﺘﺢ 3159 52 611 610 1 11 ﻓﺘﺢ 3160 99 2235 1 11 ﻓﺘﺢ 3161 497 2457 5 11 ﻓﺘﺢ 3162 211 3072 2 11 ﻓﺘﺢ 3163 242 676 3 17 ﻓﺘﺢ 3164 177 1542 2 17 ﻓﺘﺢ 3165 507 2970 5 17 ﻓﺘﺢ 3166 82 1490 1 21 ﻓﺘﺢ 3167 511 3183 5 23 ﻓﺘﺢ 3168

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A B C D E 329 4574 3 24 ﻓﺘﺢ 3169 329 4572 3 25 ﻓﺘﺢ 3170 236 395 3 26 ﻓﺘﺢ 3171 148 124 2 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3172 77 1270 1 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3173 79 1343 1342 1 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3174 564 1550 6 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3175 487 2082 5 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3176 591 2724 6 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3177 506 2943 5 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3178 119 3173 1 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3179 616 3874 6 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3180 327 4478 3 29 ﻓﺘﺢ 3181 410 3347 4 1 ﺣﺠﺮات 3182 220 3725 2 10 ﺣﺠﺮات 3183 228 107 3 12 ﺣﺠﺮات 3184 150 231 2 12 ﺣﺠﺮات 3185 33 238 1 12 ﺣﺠﺮات 3186 493 2293 5 12 ﺣﺠﺮات 3187 586 2569 6 12 ﺣﺠﺮات 3188 503 2642 5 12 ﺣﺠﺮات 3189 622 4298 6 12 ﺣﺠﺮات 3190 125 3398 3397 1 17 ﺣﺠﺮات 3191 510 3148 5 18 ﺣﺠﺮات 3192 119 3149 1 4 «ق» 3193 436 208 5 6 «ق» 3194 370 1656 4 9 «ق» 3195 324 4316 3 9 «ق» 3196 557 1095 6 15 «ق» 3197 73 1148 1147 1 15 «ق» 3198 96 2040 1 15 «ق» 3199 628 4642 6 15 «ق» 3200 26 58 1 16 «ق» 3201 348 759 4 16 «ق» 3202 99 2200 1 16 «ق» 3203 582 2353 6 16 «ق» 3204 197 2450 2 16 «ق» 3205 601 3097 3096 6 16 «ق» 3206 510 3148 5 16 «ق» 3207 408 3240 4 16 «ق» 3208 422 3678 3676 4 16 «ق» 3209 133 3660 1 17 «ق» 3210 270 2081 2078 3 18 «ق» 3211 421 3654 4 19 «ق» 3212 61 749 1 20 «ق» 3213 228 120 3 22 «ق» 3214 552 820 6 22 «ق» 3215 290 2827 3 22 «ق» 3216 628 4643 6 22 «ق» 3217 145 12 2 30 «ق» 3218 436 218 5 30 «ق» 3219 80 1383 1 30 «ق» 3220 628 4647 6 30 «ق» 3221 298 2995 3 35 «ق» 3222 220 3749 2 36 «ق» 3223 48 527 1 38 «ق» 3224 559 1214 6 38 «ق» 3225 96 2040 1 38 «ق» 3226 310 3500 3 38 «ق» 3227 130 3588 1 41 «ق» 3228 169 1086 2 7 ذارﯾﺎت 3229 581 2308 6 7 ذارﯾﺎت 3230 111 2907 1 9 ذارﯾﺎت 3231 120 3184 1 18 17 ذارﯾﺎت 3232 100 2240 1 19 ذارﯾﺎت 3233 457 1069 5 21 ذارﯾﺎت 3234 457 1072 5 21 ذارﯾﺎت 3235 477 1742 5 22 ذارﯾﺎت 3236 188 1956 2 22 ذارﯾﺎت 3237 222 3813 2 22 ذارﯾﺎت 3238 469 1469 5 33 32 ذارﯾﺎت 3239 123 3342 1 41 ذارﯾﺎت 3240 349 783 4 48 ذارﯾﺎت 3241 211 3079 2 48 ذارﯾﺎت 3242 632 4754 6 48 ذارﯾﺎت 3243 546 523 6 49 ذارﯾﺎت 3244 63 784 1 50 ذارﯾﺎت 3245 269 2021 2020 3 52 ذارﯾﺎت 3246 214 3266 2 52 ذارﯾﺎت 3247 585 2501 6 56 ذارﯾﺎت 3248 297 2988 3 56 ذارﯾﺎت 3249 615 3709 6 56 ذارﯾﺎت 3250 237 429 3 58 ذارﯾﺎت 3251 181 1629 2 6 ﻃﻮر 3252 173 1339 2 14 ﻃﻮر 3253 90 1825 1 21 ﻃﻮر 3254 308 3414 3 21 ﻃﻮر 3255 521 3897 5 21 ﻃﻮر 3256 129 3547 3546 1 23 ﻃﻮر 3257 214 3266 2 29 ﻃﻮر 3258 252 1145 3 30 ﻃﻮر 3259 467 1389 5 30 ﻃﻮر 3260 486 1982 5 52 ﻃﻮر 3261 535 98 6 1 ﻧﺠﻢ 3262 379 2081 4 1 ﻧﺠﻢ 3263 32 225 1 4 3 ﻧﺠﻢ 3264

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A B C D E 551 815 6 4 3 ﻧﺠﻢ 3265 467 1330 5 4 3 ﻧﺠﻢ 3266 88 1720 1 4 3 ﻧﺠﻢ 3267 382 2153 4 4 3 ﻧﺠﻢ 3268 493 2243 5 4 3 ﻧﺠﻢ 3269 629 4669 6 4 3 ﻧﺠﻢ 3270 565 1602 6 3 ﻧﺠﻢ 3271 225 6 3 5 ﻧﺠﻢ 3272 180 1616 2 14 7 ﻧﺠﻢ 3273 594 2834 6 18 7 ﻧﺠﻢ 3274 424 3800 4 14 13 ، 9 8 ﻧﺠﻢ 3275 376 1889 4 9 ﻧﺠﻢ 3276 94 1939 1 14 13 ﻧﺠﻢ 3277 185 1788 2 14 ﻧﺠﻢ 3278 541 334 6 15 ﻧﺠﻢ 3279 392 2520 4 15 ﻧﺠﻢ 3280 364 1309 1308 4 17 ﻧﺠﻢ 3281 393 2639 4 17 ﻧﺠﻢ 3282 595 2860 6 17 ﻧﺠﻢ 3283 517 3604 5 17 ﻧﺠﻢ 3284 221 3761 2 17 ﻧﺠﻢ 3285 141 3961 1 17 ﻧﺠﻢ 3286 113 2962 2960 1 22 ﻧﺠﻢ 3287 125 3398 3397 1 23 ﻧﺠﻢ 3288 97 2130 1 28 ﻧﺠﻢ 3289 161 733 2 40 38 ﻧﺠﻢ 3290 454 994 5 41 ، 40 ، 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3291 31 215 1 40 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3292 278 2392 3 40 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3293 161 737 2 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3294 90 1825 1 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3295 572 1984 6 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3296 392 2544 4 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3297 399 2911 4 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3298 415 3502 4 39 ﻧﺠﻢ 3299 392 2544 4 40 ﻧﺠﻢ 3300 533 43 6 42 ﻧﺠﻢ 3301 62 765 1 42 ﻧﺠﻢ 3302 246 967 3 42 ﻧﺠﻢ 3303 258 1418 3 42 ﻧﺠﻢ 3304 272 2173 3 42 ﻧﺠﻢ 3305 404 3162 4 42 ﻧﺠﻢ 3306 84 1514 1513 1 43 ﻧﺠﻢ 3307 92 1907 1 43 ﻧﺠﻢ 3308 522 3953 3952 5 43 ﻧﺠﻢ 3309 535 96 6 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3310 30 118 1 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3311 155 422 2 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3312 166 923 2 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3313 248 1016 3 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3314 71 1080 1 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3315 81 1481 1 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3316 179 1607 1 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3317 187 1920 2 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3318 191 2059 2 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3319 504 2776 5 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3320 608 3444 6 1 ﻗﻤﺮ 3321 253 1161 3 2 ﻗﻤﺮ 3322 291 2836 3 14 13 ﻗﻤﺮ 3323 340 132 4 19 18 ﻗﻤﺮ 3324 590 2661 2660 6 19 18 ﻗﻤﺮ 3325 203 2666 2 19 18 ﻗﻤﺮ 3326 349 783 4 18 ﻗﻤﺮ 3327 576 2167 6 19 ﻗﻤﺮ 3328 290 2822 3 19 ﻗﻤﺮ 3329 123 3342 1 19 ﻗﻤﺮ 3330 609 3492 6 19 ﻗﻤﺮ 3331 629 4673 6 19 ﻗﻤﺮ 3332 588 2637 6 26 ﻗﻤﺮ 3333 104 2518 2516 1 27 ﻗﻤﺮ 3334 104 2527 1 29 ﻗﻤﺮ 3335 576 2166 6 31 ﻗﻤﺮ 3336 203 2667 2 37 ﻗﻤﺮ 3337 83 1514 1513 1 52 ﻗﻤﺮ 3338 374 1768 4 55 54 ﻗﻤﺮ 3339 201 2556 2 55 54 ﻗﻤﺮ 3340 128 3505 1 55 54 ﻗﻤﺮ 3341 478 1770 1769 5 55 ﻗﻤﺮ 3342 424 3786 4 55 ﻗﻤﺮ 3343 519 3819 5 55 ﻗﻤﺮ 3344 241 593 3 2 1 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3345 422 3693 4 4 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3346 24 30 1 27 6 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3347 270 2051 3 6 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3348 468 1400 5 8 7 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3349 376 1898 4 8 7 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3350 343 365 4 7 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3351 388 2405 4 14 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3352 523 3983 5 14 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3353 388 2405 4 15 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3354 523 3981 5 15 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3355 514 3308 5 17 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3356 36 297 1 20 19 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3357 173 1372 2 20 19 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3358 621 4281 6 20 19 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3359 105 2574 1 20 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3360

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A B C D E 545 486 6 27 26 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3361 446 590 589 5 27 26 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3362 550 710 6 27 26 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3363 167 1046 2 27 26 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3364 212 3112 2 27 26 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3365 331 4661 4660 3 27 26 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3366 574 2096 6 27 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3367 116 3059 3057 1 27 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3368 557 1095 6 29 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3369 262 1640 3 29 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3370 90 1824 1 29 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3371 117 3076 1 29 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3372 540 231 229 6 33 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3373 93 1927 1 33 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3374 625 4513 4512 6 33 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3375 76 1270 1 41 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3376 374 1772 4 41 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3377 481 1799 5 41 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3378 279 2462 3 41 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3379 586 2565 6 41 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3380 76 1264 1 46 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3381 112 2922 1 46 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3382 476 1670 5 56 54 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3383 410 3327 4 55 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3384 513 3294 3293 5 56 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3385 454 994 5 60 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3386 202 2572 2 60 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3387 605 3296 3295 6 60 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3388 513 3294 3293 5 72 اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ 3389 617 3962 6 1 واﻗﻌﮫ 3390 173 1339 2 5 واﻗﻌﮫ 3391 583 2393 6 6 واﻗﻌﮫ 3392 368 1504 4 11 7 واﻗﻌﮫ 3393 519 3739 5 11 10 واﻗﻌﮫ 3394 617 3921 6 18 واﻗﻌﮫ 3395 629 4665 6 21 واﻗﻌﮫ 3396 505 2794 5 24 واﻗﻌﮫ 3397 440 429 5 27 واﻗﻌﮫ 3398 440 428 5 42 41 واﻗﻌﮫ 3399 129 3538 1 43 41 واﻗﻌﮫ 3400 549 684 6 41 واﻗﻌﮫ 3401 391 2496 4 41 واﻗﻌﮫ 3402 130 3600 1 54 واﻗﻌﮫ 3403 96 2040 1 57 واﻗﻌﮫ 3404 87 1671 1 59 58 واﻗﻌﮫ 3405 87 1671 1 64 63 واﻗﻌﮫ 3406 600 3054 6 69 واﻗﻌﮫ 3407 558 1195 6 79 77 واﻗﻌﮫ 3408 509 3128 5 79 77 واﻗﻌﮫ 3409 439 379 5 79 واﻗﻌﮫ 3410 254 1211 3 79 واﻗﻌﮫ 3411 421 3654 4 87 83 واﻗﻌﮫ 3412 457 1072 5 85 واﻗﻌﮫ 3413 151 275 2 89 88 واﻗﻌﮫ 3414 598 2980 6 89 88 واﻗﻌﮫ 3415 238 465 3 1 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3416 99 2163 1 1 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3417 521 3859 3858 5 1 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3418 83 1517 1513 1 4 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3419 24 30 1 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3420 551 819 6 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3421 258 1418 3 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3422 563 1439 6 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3423 89 1767 1 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3424 272 2173 3 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3425 126 3446 1 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3426 415 3500 4 3 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3427 234 346 3 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3428 550 706 6 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3429 559 1214 6 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3430 81 1467 1 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3431 583 2354 6 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3432 595 2856 6 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3433 310 3500 3 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3434 422 3678 3676 4 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3435 620 4177 6 4 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3436 119 3149 1 6 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3437 445 580 579 5 7 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3438 92 1904 1 9 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3439 90 1809 1 10 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3440 396 2832 4 10 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3441 455 1002 5 18 ، 11 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3442 383 2187 4 19 ، 12 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3443 109 2722 1 12 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3444 404 3110 3109 4 12 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3445 130 3588 1 14 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3446 80 1380 1 16 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3447 95 2023 1 17 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3448 433 146 5 18 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3449 100 2240 1 18 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3450 544 457 6 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3451 69 986 1 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3452 364 1323 4 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3453 99 2235 1 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3454 102 2429 1 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3455 202 2600 2 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3456

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A B C D E 405 3186 4 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3457 126 3437 1 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3458 611 3605 6 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3459 421 3665 4 20 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3460 358 1088 4 21 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3461 520 3820 5 21 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3462 240 506 3 23 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3463 547 556 6 23 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3464 304 3264 3 23 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3465 545 479 6 27 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3466 24 32 1 28 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3467 121 3258 3257 1 28 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3468 348 759 4 54 ﺣﺪﯾﺪ 3469 563 1465 6 7 ﻣﺠﺎدﻟﮫ 3470 124 3395 1 8 ﻣﺠﺎدﻟﮫ 3471 584 2424 6 11 ﻣﺠﺎدﻟﮫ 3472 205 2877 2 16 ﻣﺠﺎدﻟﮫ 3473 99 2235 1 17 ﻣﺠﺎدﻟﮫ 3474 125 3405 1 17 ﻣﺠﺎدﻟﮫ 3475 109 2722 1 22 ﻣﺠﺎدﻟﮫ 3476 99 2163 1 24 ، 1 ﺣ ùú 3477 238 465 3 1 ﺣ ùú 3478 521 3859 3858 5 1 ﺣ ùú 3479 115 3034 1 2 ﺣ ùú 3480 446 591 5 3 ﺣ ùú 3481 22 21 1 9 ﺣ ùú 3482 430 58 5 9 ﺣ ùú 3483 599 3044 3042 6 14 ﺣ ùú 3484 317 4001 3 14 ﺣ ùú 3485 612 3617 3616 6 17 16 ﺣ ùú 3486 92 1879 1 16 ﺣ ùú 3487 273 2191 3 16 ﺣ ùú 3488 369 1565 1564 4 18 ﺣ ùú 3489 88 1680 1 19 ﺣ ùú 3490 153 333 2 20 ﺣ ùú 3491 157 503 2 21 ﺣ ùú 3492 157 511 2 21 ﺣ ùú 3493 353 867 4 23 22 ﺣ ùú 3494 414 3497 4 22 ﺣ ùú 3495 151 292 2 3 ﻣﻤﺘﺤﻨﮫ 3496 575 2125 6 4 ﻣﻤﺘﺤﻨﮫ 3497 244 826 3 13 ﻣﻤﺘﺤﻨﮫ 3498 325 4337 3 13 ﻣﻤﺘﺤﻨﮫ 3499 125 3405 1 60 ﻣﻤﺘﺤﻨﮫ 3500 238 465 3 1 ﺻﻒ 3501 99 2163 1 1 ﺻﻒ 3502 521 3859 3858 5 1 ﺻﻒ 3503 345 485 484 4 3 2 ﺻﻒ 3504 321 4142 4141 3 4 ﺻﻒ 3505 60 730 1 6 ﺻﻒ 3506 94 1939 1 6 ﺻﻒ 3507 338 28 27 4 8 ﺻﻒ 3508 573 2078 6 8 ﺻﻒ 3509 104 2522 1 8 ﺻﻒ 3510 604 3201 3200 6 8 ﺻﻒ 3511 135 3706 1 8 ﺻﻒ 3512 555 996 6 10 ﺻﻒ 3513 358 1094 4 10 ﺻﻒ 3514 100 2240 1 11 ﺻﻒ 3515 109 2722 1 12 ﺻﻒ 3516 238 465 3 1 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3517 99 2163 1 1 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3518 70 1015 1 2 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3519 205 2841 2 2 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3520 156 502 2 5 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3521 85 1615 1 5 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3522 127 3454 1 5 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3523 112 2924 2923 1 7 6 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3524 142 3978 3937 1 7 6 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3525 317 3936 3 6 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3526 141 3974 1 6 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3527 330 4608 3 6 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3528 69 963 959 1 8 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3529 414 3497 4 8 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3530 545 480 6 9 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3531 494 2382 5 10 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3532 237 422 421 3 11 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3533 237 428 3 11 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3534 237 429 3 11 ﺟﻤﻌﮫ 3535 192 2081 2 1 ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻮن 3536 58 715 1 4 ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻮن 3537 244 791 3 4 ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻮن 3538 498 2482 5 4 ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻮن 3539 111 2907 1 4 ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻮن 3540 249 1080 3 8 ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻮن 3541 445 580 579 5 10 ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻮن 3542 238 465 3 1 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3543 99 2163 1 1 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3544 159 608 2 2 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3545 107 2651 1 4 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3546 119 3149 1 4 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3547 34 266 265 1 6 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3548 175 1413 2 9 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3549 109 2722 1 9 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3550 125 3398 3397 1 11 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3551 99 2235 1 15 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3552

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A B C D E 22 21 1 16 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3553 445 580 579 5 16 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3554 455 1002 5 17 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3555 414 3497 4 18 ﺗﻐﺎﺑﻦ 3556 495 2389 2388 5 3 2 ﻃﻼق 3557 541 334 6 3 ﻃﻼق 3558 109 2722 1 11 ﻃﻼق 3559 82 1490 1 12 ﻃﻼق 3560 114 2977 1 12 ﻃﻼق 3561 439 349 5 5 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3562 28 91 1 6 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3563 548 633 6 6 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3564 357 1074 4 6 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3565 458 1098 5 6 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3566 309 3472 3 6 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3567 419 3603 4 6 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3568 31 215 1 7 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3569 610 3529 6 7 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3570 346 610 4 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3571 167 934 2 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3572 374 1765 4 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3573 383 2187 4 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3574 492 2228 5 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3575 109 2722 1 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3576 505 2878 5 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3577 596 2891 6 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3578 404 3110 3109 4 8 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3579 575 2110 6 10 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3580 624 4471 6 10 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3581 94 1937 1 12 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3582 314 3777 3 12 ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ 3583 ◌ُ 57 709 1 2 ﻣﻠﮏ 3584 ◌ُ 473 1556 5 2 ﻣﻠﮏ 3585 ◌ُ 577 2181 6 4 3 ﻣﻠﮏ 3586 ◌ُ 207 2952 2 3 ﻣﻠﮏ 3587 ◌ُ 132 3634 1 3 ﻣﻠﮏ 3588 ◌ُ 618 3978 6 3 ﻣﻠﮏ 3589 ◌ُ 207 2951 2 4 ﻣﻠﮏ 3590 ◌ُ 436 208 5 5 ﻣﻠﮏ 3591 ◌ُ 62 760 1 5 ﻣﻠﮏ 3592 ◌ُ 410 3338 4 5 ﻣﻠﮏ 3593 ◌ُ 189 2004 2 7 ﻣﻠﮏ 3594 ◌ُ 508 2993 5 9 8 ﻣﻠﮏ 3595 ◌ُ 384 2281 4 8 ﻣﻠﮏ 3596 ◌ُ 385 2282 4 9 ﻣﻠﮏ 3597 ◌ُ 107 2651 1 13 ﻣﻠﮏ 3598 ◌ُ 119 3149 1 13 ﻣﻠﮏ 3599 ◌ُ 239 479 3 14 ﻣﻠﮏ 3600 ◌ُ 414 3497 4 14 ﻣﻠﮏ 3601 ◌ُ 549 635 6 15 ﻣﻠﮏ 3602 ◌ُ 106 2594 1 15 ﻣﻠﮏ 3603 ◌ُ 313 3745 3 15 ﻣﻠﮏ 3604 ◌ُ 218 3572 2 19 ﻣﻠﮏ 3605 ◌ُ 261 1514 3 22 ﻣﻠﮏ 3606 ◌ُ 587 2610 6 22 ﻣﻠﮏ 3607 ◌ُ 510 3148 5 24 ﻣﻠﮏ 3608 ◌ُ 500 2587 5 26 ﻣﻠﮏ 3609 ◌ُ 339 119 4 30 ﻣﻠﮏ 3610 ◌ُ 441 453 5 30 ﻣﻠﮏ 3611 ◌ُ 171 1207 2 30 ﻣﻠﮏ 3612 ◌ُ 182 1634 2 30 ﻣﻠﮏ 3613 ◌ُ 187 1831 2 30 ﻣﻠﮏ 3614 ◌ُ 585 2436 6 30 ﻣﻠﮏ 3615 ◌ُ 219 3604 2 30 ﻣﻠﮏ 3616 485 1964 5 1 ﻗﻠﻢ 3617 22 1 1 3 ﻗﻠﻢ 3618 301 3161 3 4 ﻗﻠﻢ 3619 423 3786 4 4 ﻗﻠﻢ 3620 512 3213 5 13 ﻗﻠﻢ 3621 322 4237 4236 3 15 ﻗﻠﻢ 3622 568 1833 6 16 ﻗﻠﻢ 3623 239 474 3 17 ﻗﻠﻢ 3624 469 1474 5 17 ﻗﻠﻢ 3625 25 49 1 18 ﻗﻠﻢ 3626 239 477 3 23 ﻗﻠﻢ 3627 82 1492 1 29 ﻗﻠﻢ 3628 390 2443 4 45 ﻗﻠﻢ 3629 432 122 5 51 ﻗﻠﻢ 3630 442 499 5 51 ﻗﻠﻢ 3631 214 3266 2 51 ﻗﻠﻢ 3632 65 856 1 8 6 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3633 349 783 4 6 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3634 590 2661 2660 6 6 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3635 123 3342 1 6 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3636 630 4673 6 6 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3637 631 4696 6 6 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3638 633 4817 4816 6 7 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3639 124 3395 1 10 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3640 429 25 24 5 12 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3641 472 1531 5 12 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3642 401 3035 4 12 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3643 473 1573 5 17 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3644 112 2922 1 18 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3645 479 1782 5 26 19 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3646 482 1805 5 19 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3647 482 1810 5 26 25 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3648

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A B C D E 481 1804 5 25 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3649 491 2155 2154 5 25 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3650 491 2205 5 25 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3651 391 2496 4 25 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3652 317 3991 3 27 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3653 99 2235 1 28 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3654 119 3149 1 49 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3655 130 3588 1 50 ﺣﺎﻗﮫ 3656 491 2181 5 4 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3657 126 3446 1 4 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3658 142 4010 1 7 5 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3659 120 3178 1 15 10 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3660 399 2914 4 20 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3661 590 2669 6 23 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3662 100 2240 1 25 24 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3663 84 1566 1 32 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3664 469 1470 5 40 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3665 522 3941 5 42 ﻣﻌﺎرج 3666 532 10 6 6 5 ﻧﻮح 3667 256 1325 3 6 5 ﻧﻮح 3668 378 2013 4 6 ﻧﻮح 3669 257 1331 3 7 ﻧﻮح 3670 81 1407 1 7 ﻧﻮح 3671 109 2722 1 12 ﻧﻮح 3672 96 2040 1 14 ﻧﻮح 3673 99 2235 1 21 ﻧﻮح 3674 227 86 3 26 ﻧﻮح 3675 94 1936 1933 1 7 ﺟﻦ 3676 93 1927 1 9 8 ﺟﻦ 3677 81 1432 1 13 ﺟﻦ 3678 483 1814 5 15 ﺟﻦ 3679 309 3472 3 15 ﺟﻦ 3680 124 3395 1 23 ﺟﻦ 3681 239 481 3 28 ﻦﺟ 3682 ◌ّ 367 1452 4 2 1 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3683 120 3184 1 20 ، 11 1 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3684 260 1503 3 2 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3685 86 1625 1 4 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3686 124 3395 1 16 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3687 502 2626 5 17 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3688 117 3076 1 18 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3689 433 146 5 20 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3690 455 1002 5 20 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3691 90 1825 1 20 ◌ّ ◌ّ ﻣﺰﻣﻞ 3692 503 2701 5 20 ﺰﻣﻞ ﻣ 3693 ◌ّ 260 1503 3 2 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3694 ◌ّ 388 2384 4 4 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3695 ◌ّ 348 731 4 8 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3696 ◌ّ 265 1780 3 9 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3697 ◌ّ 120 3178 1 11 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3698 ◌ّ 34 266 265 1 25 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3699 ◌ّ 551 710 6 30 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3700 ◌ّ 268 1990 3 31 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3701 ◌ّ 564 1499 6 32 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3702 ◌ّ 90 1825 1 38 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3703 ◌ّ 297 2986 3 43 40 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3704 ◌ّ 272 2168 2167 3 48 ﺪﺛﺮ ﻣ 3705 ◌ّ 123 3319 1 51 50 ﻣﺪﺛﺮ 3706 487 2062 5 2 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3707 447 696 5 10 7 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3708 182 1631 2 8 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3709 182 1631 2 9 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3710 340 183 4 10 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3711 269 2018 3 11 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3712 113 2962 2960 1 14 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3713 86 1625 1 18 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3714 537 168 6 23 22 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3715 447 696 5 23 22 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3716 307 3380 3 29 ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺔ 3717 354 899 4 1 اﻧﺴﺎن 3718 167 977 2 1 اﻧﺴﺎن 3719 400 2985 2984 4 3 اﻧﺴﺎن 3720 125 3398 3397 1 3 اﻧﺴﺎن 3721 121 3248 3247 1 4 )ﺮDد(اﻧﺴﺎن 3722 549 646 6 5 اﻧﺴﺎن 3723 407 3213 4 5 اﻧﺴﺎن 3724 617 3921 6 5 اﻧﺴﺎن 3725 514 3309 5 6 اﻧﺴﺎن 3726 405 3186 4 11 اﻧﺴﺎن 3727 441 482 5 12 اﻧﺴﺎن 3728 534 58 6 13 اﻧﺴﺎن 3729 392 2525 4 13 اﻧﺴﺎن 3730 129 3566 3565 1 18 17 اﻧﺴﺎن 3731 609 3501 6 18 اﻧﺴﺎن 3732 499 2558 5 20 اﻧﺴﺎن 3733 79 1374 1 21 اﻧﺴﺎن 3734 304 3219 3 21 اﻧﺴﺎن 3735 517 3595 5 21 اﻧﺴﺎن 3736 454 994 5 22 اﻧﺴﺎن 3737 469 1470 5 24 اﻧﺴﺎن 3738 562 1438 6 30 اﻧﺴﺎن 3739 509 3115 5 30 اﻧﺴﺎن 3740 103 2493 1 2 ﻣﺮﺳﻼت 3741 173 1339 2 10 ﻣﺮﺳﻼت 3742 399 2907 4 38 ، 14 ، 13 ﻣﺮﺳﻼت 3743 291 2840 3 16 ﻣﺮﺳﻼت 3744

223

A B C D E 515 3427 5 38 ﻣﺮﺳﻼت 3745 454 994 5 44 ﻣﺮﺳﻼت 3746 125 3405 1 3 ﻧﺒﺄ 3747 632 4754 6 6 ﻧﺒﺄ 3748 214 3281 2 7 ﻧﺒﺄ 3749 87 1671 1 8 ﻧﺒﺄ 3750 93 1921 1 8 ﻧﺒﺄ 3751 394 2684 4 9 ﻧﺒﺄ 3752 139 3870 1 9 ﻧﺒﺄ 3753 399 2907 4 17 ﻧﺒﺄ 3754 175 1413 2 18 ﻧﺒﺄ 3755 175 1420 2 18 ﻧﺒﺄ 3756 130 3600 1 25 ﻧﺒﺄ 3757 126 3421 3420 1 38 ﻧﺒﺄ 3758 236 408 3 40 ﻧﺒﺄ 3759 185 1807 2 40 ﻧﺒﺄ 3760 438 335 5 14 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3761 596 2891 6 14 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3762 110 2793 1 16 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3763 387 2328 4 24 23 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3764 152 306 2 25 24 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3765 487 2036 2035 5 25 24 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3766 199 2526 2525 2 25 24 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3767 261 1557 3 24 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3768 482 1809 5 24 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3769 497 2445 5 24 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3770 102 2459 1 24 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3771 525 4129 5 24 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3772 489 2100 5 39 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3773 76 1264 1 41 40 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3774 609 3500 6 41 40 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3775 112 2922 1 40 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3776 113 2962 2960 1 40 ﻧﺎزﻋﺎت 3777 217 3505 2 2 1 ﻋﺒﺲ 3778 191 2068 2066 2 6 1 ﻋﺒﺲ 3779 431 73 5 1 ﻋﺒﺲ 3780 379 2081 4 1 ﻋﺒﺲ 3781 192 2072 2 10 8 ﻋﺒﺲ 3782 235 373 3 17 ﻋﺒﺲ 3783 547 567 6 19 ﻋﺒﺲ 3784 106 2594 1 22 ، 21 ﻋﺒﺲ 3785 470 1500 5 35 34 ﻋﺒﺲ 3786 265 1781 3 36 34 ﻋﺒﺲ 3787 272 2175 2172 3 36 34 ﻋﺒﺲ 3788 241 613 3 34 ﻋﺒﺲ 3789 535 97 6 1 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3790 182 1631 2 1 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3791 173 1339 2 3 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3792 406 3205 4 7 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3793 181 1630 2 11 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3794 225 6 3 20 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3795 214 3266 2 22 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3796 562 1438 6 29 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3797 509 3115 5 29 ﺗﮑﻮﯾﺮ 3798 489 2100 5 6 اﻧﻔﻄﺎر 3799 270 2081 2078 3 10 ﻄﺎر◌ّ اﻧﻔ 3800 55 644 643 1 7 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3801 · ◌ّ 193 2106 2 7 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ · ◌ّ 3802 322 4237 4236 3 13 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3803 · ◌ّ 215 3380 2 15 14 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3804 · ◌ّ 25 34 1 14 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3805 · ◌ّ 55 644 643 1 18 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3806 · ◌ّ 557 1129 6 18 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3807 · ◌ّ 192 2106 2 18 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ · ◌ّ 3808 292 2848 3 18 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3809 · ◌ّ 516 3594 5 18 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3810 · ◌ّ 437 306 5 25 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3811 · ◌ّ 456 1010 5 25 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3812 · ◌ّ 251 1111 3 25 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3813 · ◌ّ 109 2726 1 25 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ · ◌ّ 3814 413 3451 4 25 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3815 · ◌ّ 37 323 1 26 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3816 · ◌ّ 609 3500 6 28 27 ®© ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3817 · ◌ّ 543 419 6 36 ®©ﻣﻄﻔﻔ 3818 180 1616 2 1 اﻧﺸﻘﺎق 3819 182 1630 2 1 اﻧﺸﻘﺎق 3820 62 765 1 6 اﻧﺸﻘﺎق 3821 90 1825 1 6 اﻧﺸﻘﺎق 3822 564 1499 6 16 اﻧﺸﻘﺎق 3823 505 2794 5 25 اﻧﺸﻘﺎق 3824 61 744 1 1 ﺑﺮوج 3825 621 4204 6 1 ﺑﺮوج 3826 109 2722 1 11 ﺑﺮوج 3827 114 2977 1 20 ﺑﺮوج 3828 437 317 5 22 21 ﺑﺮوج 3829 71 1067 1 22 21 ﺑﺮوج 3830 375 1850 4 22 ﺑﺮوج 3831 377 1962 4 22 ﺑﺮوج 3832 588 2642 6 22 ﺑﺮوج 3833 598 3004 6 22 ﺑﺮوج 3834 270 2081 2078 3 4 ﻃﺎرق 3835 490 2115 5 7 5 ﻃﺎرق 3836 507 2990 5 10 9 ﻃﺎرق 3837 131 3605 1 10 9 ﻃﺎرق 3838 151 292 2 9 ﻃﺎرق 3839 552 820 6 9 ﻃﺎرق 3840

224

A B C D E 467 1395 5 9 ﻃﺎرق 3841 370 1644 4 9 ﻃﺎرق 3842 570 1886 6 9 ﻃﺎرق 3843 492 2211 5 9 ﻃﺎرق 3844 421 3654 4 9 ﻃﺎرق 3845 522 3969 5 9 ﻃﺎرق 3846 125 3398 3397 1 3 ´اﻋ 3847 213 3248 2 4 ´اﻋ 3848 287 2786 3 7 ´اﻋ 3849 195 2298 2 8 ´اﻋ 3850 383 2199 4 13 ´اﻋ 3851 282 2539 3 19 18 ´اﻋ 3852 374 1766 4 12 ﻏﺎﺷﯿﮫ 3853 412 3407 3406 4 17 ﻏﺎﺷﯿﮫ 3854 569 1848 6 20 ، 18 ﻏﺎﺷﯿﮫ 3855 220 3731 2 7 6 ﻓﺠﺮ 3856 389 2451 4 8 6 ﻓﺠﺮ 3857 250 1094 3 14 ﻓﺠﺮ 3858 410 3338 4 14 ﻓﺠﺮ 3859 625 4528 6 14 ﻓﺠﺮ 3860 399 2914 4 16 ﻓﺠﺮ 3861 99 2235 1 20 ﻓﺠﺮ 3862 122 3281 1 21 ﻓﺠﺮ 3863 151 274 2 23 ﻓﺠﺮ 3864 67 879 878 1 23 ﻓﺠﺮ 3865 90 1825 1 24 ﻓﺠﺮ 3866 444 557 5 28 27 ﻓﺠﺮ 3867 602 3117 6 28 27 ﻓﺠﺮ 3868 51 571 1 28 ﻓﺠﺮ 3869 170 1170 2 28 ﻓﺠﺮ 3870 464 1262 5 28 ﻓﺠﺮ 3871 403 3071 4 28 ﻓﺠﺮ 3872 108 2660 1 30 29 ﻓﺠﺮ 3873 103 2501 1 29 ﻓﺠﺮ 3874 412 3417 4 29 ﻓﺠﺮ 3875 412 3417 4 30 ﻓﺠﺮ 3876 88 1713 1 4 1 ﺑﻠﺪ 3877 229 130 3 6 ﺑﻠﺪ 3878 113 2962 2960 1 8 ﺷﻤﺲ 3879 104 2518 2516 1 13 11 ﺷﻤﺲ 3880 331 4669 3 13 ﺷﻤﺲ 3881 104 2527 1 14 ﺷﻤﺲ 3882 152 300 2 1 ﻟﯿﻞ 3883 436 256 5 4 ﻟﯿﻞ 3884 44 488 1 7 5 ﻟﯿﻞ 3885 99 2235 1 11 ﻟﯿﻞ 3886 152 295 2 1 ﺿ¨ 3887 200 2537 2 1 ﺿ¨ 3888 152 300 2 2 ﺿ¨ 3889 152 302 301 2 3 ﺿ¨ 3890 355 929 4 7 6 ﺿ¨ 3891 451 784 5 7 ﺿ¨ 3892 125 3398 3397 1 7 ﺿ¨ 3893 109 2751 1 10 ﺿ¨ 3894 ú Ä » 1 2 70 148ح» 3895 ú Ä » 1 4 970 355ح» 3896 ú Ä » 1 5 1066 457ح» 3897 ú Ä » 1 3 2356 277ح» 3898 ú Ä » 1 6 2862 595ح» 3899 ú Ä » 5 6 5 361 439ح» 3900 ú Ä » 5 6 3 990 247ح» 3901 ú Ä » 5 6 2 1836 187ح» 3902 ú Ä » 5 6 3 2302 275ح» 3903 ú Ä » 5 6 6 3520 610ح» 3904 ú Ä » 5 6 3 3763 313ح» 3905 ú Ä » 6 6 2284 580ح» 3906 454 962 5 5 4 ﺗ ® ß© 3907 128 3528 1 5 4 ﺗ ® ß© 3908 556 1006 1005 6 4 ﺗ ® ß© 3909 364 1275 4 4 ﺗ ® ß© 3910 423 3758 4 4 ﺗ ® ß© 3911 368 1525 4 5 ﺗ ® ß© 3912 505 2794 5 6 ﺗ ® ß© 3913 543 424 6 8 ﺗ ® ß© 3914 87 1671 1 2 1 ﻋﻠﻖ 3915 70 1015 1 5 3 ﻋﻠﻖ 3916 241 594 3 4 ﻋﻠﻖ 3917 500 2587 5 5 ﻋﻠﻖ 3918 485 1966 1965 5 7 6 ﻋﻠﻖ 3919 298 3011 3 7 6 ﻋﻠﻖ 3920 420 3619 4 7 6 ﻋﻠﻖ 3921 321 4200 3 7 6 ﻋﻠﻖ 3922 631 4728 4727 6 7 6 ﻋﻠﻖ 3923 533 43 6 8 ﻋﻠﻖ 3924 29 100 1 15 ﻋﻠﻖ 3925 241 604 3 15 ﻋﻠﻖ 3926 134 3686 1 15 ﻋﻠﻖ 3927 337 10 4 19 ﻋﻠﻖ 3928 229 127 3 19 ﻋﻠﻖ 3929 171 1210 1 19 ﻋﻠﻖ 3930 131 3613 1 19 ﻋﻠﻖ 3931 225 8 3 4 ﻗﺪر 3932 ◌ّ 300 3060 3 1 ﯿﻨﮫ ﺑ 3933 ◌ّ 425 3834 4 1 ﯿﻨﮫ ﺑ 3934 ◌ّ 454 994 5 8 ﯿﻨﮫ ﺑ 3935 ◌ّ 109 2722 1 8 ﯿﻨﮫ ﺑ 3936

225

A B C D E 122 3281 1 2 1 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3937 389 2419 4 1 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3938 389 2421 2420 4 4 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3939 122 3282 1 4 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3940 542 419 6 7 6 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3941 30 215 1 8 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3942 563 1495 6 8 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3943 570 1887 6 8 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3944 390 2458 2457 4 8 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3945 510 3152 5 8 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3946 610 3529 6 8 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3947 509 3140 5 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3948 510 3145 5 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3949 511 3183 5 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3950 516 3552 5 7 زﻟﺰﻟﮫ 3951 99 2235 1 8 ﻋﺎدﯾﺎت 3952 150 223 2 3 1 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3953 617 3962 6 1 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3954 167 1045 2 5 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3955 173 1339 2 5 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3956 181 1630 2 5 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3957 583 2393 6 5 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3958 461 1199 5 7 6 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3959 480 1798 5 7 6 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3960 67 880 1 9 8 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3961 480 1798 5 11 8 ﻗﺎرﻋﮫ 3962 320 4121 3 5 1 ﺗﮑﺎﺛﺮ 3963 240 506 3 1 ﺗﮑﺎﺛﺮ 3964 163 863 861 2 7 5 ﺗﮑﺎﺛﺮ 3965 320 4124 3 7 5 ﺗﮑﺎﺛﺮ 3966 212 3108 2 5 ﺗﮑﺎﺛﺮ 3967 127 3499 1 7 ﺗﮑﺎﺛﺮ 3968 605 3258 6 8 ﺗﮑﺎﺛﺮ 3969 551 770 6 2 ﻋØ 3970 469 1470 5 3 ﻋØ 3971 Ø 3 3 1853 266ﻋ 3972 ◌ُ 64 818 1 1 هﺰﻤD 3973 ◌ُ 217 3486 2 1 هﺰﻤD 3974 ◌ُ 78 1335 1 7 6 هﺰﻤD 3975 206 2909 2908 2 2 1 ﻓﯿﻞ 3976 290 2819 2818 3 5 1 ﻓﯿﻞ 3977 216 3443 3441 2 5 1 ﻓﯿﻞ 3978 469 1469 5 1 ﻓﯿﻞ 3979 154 350 349 2 5 3 ﻓﯿﻞ 3980 281 2522 2521 3 5 3 ﻓﯿﻞ 3981 350 785 4 3 ﻓﯿﻞ 3982 78 1317 1 3 ﻓﯿﻞ 3983 469 1469 5 4 ﻓﯿﻞ 3984 81 1432 1 4 ﻗﺮﯾﺶ 3985 456 1010 5 1 ﮐﻮﺛﺮ 3986 463 1234 1232 5 1 ﮐﻮﺛﺮ 3987 92 1904 1 1 ﮐﻮﺛﺮ 3988 516 3573 5 1 ﮐﻮﺛﺮ 3989 550 701 6 1 ﮐﺎﻓﺮون 3990 535 102 6 6 4 ﮐﺎﻓﺮون 3991 556 1052 6 6 ﮐﺎﻓﺮون 3992 522 3940 5 6 ﮐﺎﻓﺮون 3993 78 1316 1 1 ﻧØ 3994 574 2100 6 1 ﻣﺴﺪ 3995 99 2235 1 2 ﻣﺴﺪ 3996 458 1099 5 4 ﻣﺴﺪ 3997 263 1664 3 4 ﻣﺴﺪ 3998 449 764 5 5 ﻣﺴﺪ 3999 453 948 5 5 ﻣﺴﺪ 4000 358 1118 4 5 ﻣﺴﺪ 4001 171 1221 1 5 ﻣﺴﺪ 4002 596 2911 6 5 ﻣﺴﺪ 4003 222 3808 2 5 ﻣﺴﺪ 4004 330 4614 3 5 ﻣﺴﺪ 4005 262 1663 3 15 ﻣﺴﺪ 4006 550 701 6 1 اﺧﻼص 4007 511 3198 5 1 اﺧﻼص 4008 502 2634 5 2 اﺧﻼص 4009 256 1319 3 3 اﺧﻼص 4010 259 1435 3 3 اﺧﻼص 4011 184 1745 2 3 اﺧﻼص 4012 110 2762 1 3 اﺧﻼص 4013 620 4145 4144 6 3 اﺧﻼص 4014 548 626 6 4 اﺧﻼص 4015 300 3060 3 4 اﺧﻼص 4016 137 3771 1 4 اﺧﻼص 4017 425 3834 4 4 اﺧﻼص 4018 525 4112 5 4 اﺧﻼص 4019 456 1043 1042 5 4 1 ﻓﻠﻖ 4020 550 701 6 1 ﻓﻠﻖ 4021 67 914 1 1 ﻓﻠﻖ 4022 405 3191 3190 4 1 ﻓﻠﻖ 4023 309 3458 3 1 ﻓﻠﻖ 4024 405 3194 4 4 ﻓﻠﻖ 4025 550 701 6 1 ﻧﺎس 4026 389 2438 4 5 4 ﻧﺎس 4027 319 4059 3 4 ﻧﺎس 4028 4029

226

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