ORAL HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND POLITICAL INTEGRATION IN IJEBU

TUNOE OOUWOl3l UNIVERSITY OF

I

The Ijebu are a subgroup of the Yoruba of southwestern . In precolonial times they established a single kingdom under the Awujale (the titular head) whose seat of government was the town of Ijebu-Ode. Structurally, the kingdom was composed of geographical divisions, each of which was identified by a name. Some of them were characterized by close socioeconomic and political ties effected through the joint control of a political association, the Pampa society, which coordinated commercial, communal, and military activities in the area.' Three such divisions form the focus of this paper: Ijebu- Igbo, Imusin, and Ago-Iwoye. The British colonial administration engendered a process of politi- cal integration in these three areas as they were each brought under a single ruler; the purpose of this paper is to highlight how Ijebu oral historical traditions were employed to give support to this integrative process., but first, an identification of the areas concerned.

II

The Ijebu-Igbo area is composed principally of five distinct settle- ments or towns: Okesopin, Ojowo, Atikori, Oke-Agbo, and Japara. Okesopin is accorded primacy as the oldest of the settlements. The term Ijebu-Igbo (forest) is an allusion to the forested nature of this area of Ijebu. The Imusin area, made up of about fifty very small settlements, is subdivided into two geographical groups: the northern group, called

'For the Pampa society and the political structure of the in general see O.T. Oduwobi, "A Historical Study of Administrative and Political Developments in Ijebu, 1892-1960," (Ph.D., University of Lagos, 1995),29-41.

History in Africa 27 (2000), 249-259. i" · 250 Tundc Odmoobi

Ikatun, and the southern group or Ikasi. The term Imusin means the area of the akee apple ilmu. place or area; Isin: akee apple). The name Iwoye was used for a collection of seven towns which before the nineteenth century occupied the north-central area of Ijebu. As a result of Ijebu and Egba military clashes in the 1830s, the Iwoye were forced to shift their location by about ten kilometers southeastwards, where they established seven new settlements. The new location was called Ago Meleki (i.e., Meleki's camp) after the name of the figure who led the emigrants to the site, but it was changed to Ago-Iwoye in 1946.2 The seven constituent towns of Ago- Iwoye are Ibipe (considered the leading settlement), Isa muro, Idode, Odosinusi, Igan, Imosu, and Irnere.

III

At the commencement of colonial rule in Ijebu, Ijebu-Igbo, Irnusin, and Ago-Iwoye were, for administrative convenience, turned into po- litical units, as each was brought under a head, designated baale. In Ijebu-Igbo the ruler of Okesopin, a non-hereditary position, was ap- pointed the ex-officio baale of Ijebu-Igbo beca use of the primacy tra- ditionally accorded Okesopin as the earliest inhabited settlement in the area. In Imusin appointment to the post of baale alternated be- tween the two subdivisions of the lltatun and the Ikasi, while in Ago- Iwoye the office rotated among the rulers of the constituent towns of the area. The post of baale was therefore essentially non-hereditary in character. For, while the baale of Irnusin and Ago-Iwoye were ap- pointed on a rotational basis, the ruler of Okesopin, the ex-officio baale of Ijebu-Igbo, was a non-hereditary officeholder. The conversion into political units, through the policy of establish- ing a centralized headship for the erstwhile territorial groups, became gradually reinforced through a process of transforming the central agency into the status of the more prestigious and respected heredi- tary crowned head or .' By the end of the 1920s, local agitation for the resuscitation of defunct hereditary titles for the headships of the three areas under consideration in this paper had begun. These were the Orimolusi for Ijebu-Igbo, the Oloko for Imusin, and the Ebumau/e for Ago-Iwoye. A crucial role was played in this process of political integration by the rising educated elite, who viewed such unity as a better means of advancing territorial group interest under the colonial dispensation. They therefore formed associations to champion the cause of their re-

"Ir was also usually abbreviarcd as Ago (camp), rhe rerm mostly used in colonial records. This cpjice was filled jrom among the town's senior titleholders. "The obn is rraditionally superior in rank ro the baale. -40 '. Oral Traditions and Political Integration in ljcbu 251 spective areas. These were the Ijebu-Igbo Patriotic Society, Ago Pro- gressive Union, and the Ijebu-Imusin Progress Society, formed respec- tively in 1922, 1926, and 1932. Through these associations, members of the educated elite were involved in the agitation for the resuscita- tion of hereditary titles for paramount headship in their respective ar- eas. As one of their number later reminisced:

After the advent of the British, certain significance and prominence were accorded to crowned chiefs and villages and towns under them, with the result that many areas formerly having no crowned chiefs did all things possible to get crowns.'

The principal medium for the establishment or advancement of claims was oral historical traditions. But as A.I Asiwaju has observed (much on the same lines as the preceding quotation):

In the era of European rule, particularly British rule, when govern- ment often based most of its decisions over local claims upon the evi- dence of traditional history, a good proportion of the data presented tended to be manipulated deliberately. The Indirect Rule policy com- mitted the British to giving high regard to African customs and tradi- tions, which were unwritten. At the same time, British rule acceler- ated the establishment of a market-oriented economy and accentu- ated the rate at which customary positions, particularly political of- fices, were being monetized. It is for this reason that the era of British Indirect Rule in , as elsewhere in Africa, has generally proved over-productive of political myths and legends about which the historian must be careful.'

It is on this note of warning that, in the next section, an attempt is made to examine the authenticity of oral historical traditions em- ployed to support the movement for the resuscitation of defunct titles.

IV

Of the three titles in question, two-the Orimolusi and Oloko-have variants of the same tradition. The two versions, which deal with early Ijebu history, will be highlighted and examined alongside other relevant ones in chronological order. The Ebumau/e, the third title, will then be discussed. In 1906 a British colonial officer at Ijebu-Ode, citing "Native tra- dition" on the arrival in Ijebu from Ile- of Obanta, the legendary founder of the Ijebu kingdom, stated:

4D.A. Odurayo, An Introspection into the History of Ije[JII-III1/1sin (Iicbu-Irnusin, 1978),16. 'A.I. Asiwajlf,'''Political Motivation and Oral Historical Traditions in Africa: The Case of Yoruba CrownSlf1900-1960," Africa}6(1976), 114. . 252 Tuudc Cduioobi

The town of Ijebu-Ode is said to have been founded by 3 brothers who came from lIe-lfe and from two of them the town takes its name, Ajebu and Olode." The third founder-ancestor named Osi, was described as the ruler but was forced to abdicate in favour of Obanta ... said to be the eldest son of the Oni of lfe.?

The local historian D.O Epega, writing in 1919, also reported this tradition, but added that the displaced Osi (rendered in the alterna- tive form, Osin) sought to immortalize his name. This he did by utter- ing on imprecation to the effect that peace would elude the reign of any future successor to the throne who failed to be conferred with au- thority in his name. It thus became the practice to salute a newly- elected Awujale with chants of "owa Osi," (Osi's authority) at coro- nation.. x Another version of the tradition is contained in the historical ac- count of the origins of Ijebu-Igbo and the Orimolusi title published in 1927.9 Osi, according to this story, had two sons. The elder of the two, Onayelu, was a hunter who operated in the area which subse- quently became known as Ijebu-Igbo. While in the forest one day, Onayelu received news of his father's death. As the heir apparent, he hastened home, only to discover that his junior brother-whose name is unstated in the account-had seized the throne. Disappointed at be- ing thus wrongly deprived of his rights, he accused the usurper thus: lu/o (iran oye si mi (literally, "you have denied me of my title"). Thereafter Onayelu's brother was nicknamed Of iran, (abbreviated from Onayelu's statement) to signify his act of usurpation. J() Onayelu, the story continues, was persuaded by the chiefs to re- turn to his hunting forest and establish a permanent settlement over which he would be the ruler. For this purpose, he was given a share of the royal regalia. Onayelu resigned himself to his fate with the follow- ing statement: ni 0 mo enti yio ni asiki (one would come into

"National Archives, (NAI) IjeProf. 912, Letter Book, 1904-1908, W. Stanley Hem," A Report on the District of Ijebu-Ode for the New Civil Service List," 1 October 1906. 7Ibid. "D.O. Epega , lure Itan Ijebu ati muon IlII tniran (A History of Ijebu and Some Other Towns) (2d cd.: Lagos, 1934), 11. I have not been able to lay hands 011 the 1919 edi- tion. 'J.A.B. Osinyemi, S.A.Banjo, and 1.0. Osopale, ltue ltan IjelJII Moillsi tabi liebu-l gbo (A History of Ijebu Molusi Otherwise Known as Ijebu-Igbo) (n.p., n.d.). For the date of publication see S.A. Banjo's evidence in M.A. Macauley, "Report of a Commission of Inquiry into Certain Matters Relating to the Orimolusi Chieftaincy of Ijcbu-Igbo, ", 1956, para.123 [Orimolusi's palace papers). The book was reprinted twice in 1960, with some additional information under the title lu/e ltan Iiebu-Igbo (A History of Ijebu-Igbo). KI "Osinyemi et al., Iw.ntall ljebu Mohlsi, ~; Oral Traditions and Political Integration ill ljcbn 253 prosperity and fame if so destined) from which Orimolusi, the title assumed by Onayelu on settling at Ijebu-Igbo, was derived. Onayelu's philosophical pronouncement was, however, intended to invoke re- tributive justice on his brother; for Of iran died without a male heir. He was consequently succeeded by Obanta, who had arrived in Ijebu- Ode shortly before his death.'! The tradition of Osi and the arrival of Obanta are also reported in a document which community leaders in Imusin submitted to local British colonial officials in 1933.12 The document, titled "History of Oloko, the King of Irnusin," related that Imusin was the first area to be settled in Ijebu. The earliest ancestors were migrants from Ile-Ife under the leadership of one Osifaderin, titled Oloko, who was re- ported to be the eldest son of , the progenitor of the Yoruba. Other notable personalities in Osifaderin's train were two of his sons, Osinumesi and Olode, and a hunter called Ajebu. These three figures subsequently left Imusin to found Ijebu-Ode. The name of Ijebu-Ode was derived from Ajebu and Olode, while Osinumesi was appointed as the ruler of the newly-established settlement. Osinurnesi is said to have had two sons, Onayelu and Of iran, men- tioned in the Ijebu-Igbo story. Osifaderin was later succeeded in Imusin by another son called Odute, during whose reign Obanta arrived in Ijebu. Osinumesi had also been succeeded in Ijebu-Ode by the heirless Of iran. Odute ad- vised Obanta to proceed to Ijebu-Ode, where he would be made the new ruler, but that in taking over power he should pay homage to Osifaderin's primacy. Accordingly, Obanta, on receiving the mantle of authority at Ijebu-Ode, instituted the 'owa Osi' salutation, the name Osi supposedly being a shortening of Osifaderin. Two similar accounts chronicle the traditions about early Ijebu his- tory. They are, in fact, modified and amplified versions of the tradi- tion as recorded in 1906 and by Epega. The first of the two is con- tained in a document submitted by Ijebu-Ode community leaders to local British officials about early 1937 (hereafter the 1937 docu- ment).!' The other account, written by T.O Ogunkoya, was published in 1956.14 The earliest settlers in Ijebu are said to have originated

"Ibid.,3. '!H.M. Martindale, "Commission of Inquiry Appointed to Inquire into the Political and Administrative Relations between the Awujale of Ijebu-Ode and the Akarigbo of ljebu-Rerno," December 1937, Exhibit G.73. lilt is entitled" A Brief History of Ijebuland with Special Reference to the Origin of the Akarigbo Chieftaincy." (From the private papers of the late Chief T.A. Fowokan, the Olisa of Ijebu-Ode.) The document was specifically a response to a government deci- sion late in 1936 to establish the western sections of Ijebu (called Remo) as a separate 10c:11 government area. 14T.O. Ogunkojti, "The Early History of Ijebu," [ournal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 111 (December 1956),48-53 .. 254 Tuudc Oduioobi from a place called Wadai under the leadership of one Olu-Iwa and his two principal companions, Ajebu and Olode. Before reaching Ijebu, the migrants stopped over at lie-He where, according to the 1937 document, Oduduwa, the lie-He king, gave his daughter, Gborowo, as wife to Olu-Iwa. Ogunkoya, however, records that it was the other way round-that Gborowo was Olu-Iwa's daughter given in marriage to Oduduwa , Both sources agree, however, that Gborowo's marriage (whether to Olu-Iwa or Oduduwa ) resulted in the birth of Ogborogan, who subsequently became popularly known by the nickname of Obanta. Ogunkoya further reports that on the arrival of the migrants in Ijebu, Olu-Iwa directed Ajebu to mark out the boundary of Ijebu ter- ritory, while he charged Olode with matters concerning the develop- ment of the premier settlement. And "so well did Ajebu and Olode do their work," Ogunkoya wrote, "that the new town was named after them Ajebu and Olode, now corrupted and called Ijebu-ode." 15 There is no mention in the 1937 document of the tasks assigned by Olu-Iwa to Ajebu and Olode, but it is stated:

Ajebu and Olode had the honour of having the country and its capi- tal called after their respective names; thus the whole nation is called "Ijebu" after Ajebu and the capital city which was formerly called ILE- ODE i.e., the 'home of Olode' was called after Olode.

The Olu Iwa-led migration is reported in the two accounts to have been followed by another, under the leadership of one Arisu, also from Wadai. Arisu was succeeded, according to the 1937 document, by Osinmore, described as Os in in Ogunkoya's account. Obanta ar- rived in Ijebu during Osinmore's reign and after a while the latter de- cided to yield authority to the newcomer. The 1937 document adds that it was agreed that Osinmore's name should be immortalized, hence the chants' of "own Osi" Ogunkoya, however, is silent on this Issue. The foregoing are some of the better-known versions of the tradi- tion concerning the early period of Ijebu history. To ease comprehen- sion, the essential points are graphically illustrated below. The contra- dictions center on two related issues: the identification of the charac- ters of the early arrivals in Ijebu, and the devolution of authority to Obanta, leading to the institution of the "own Osi" salutation. With regard to the first point, in the tradition reported in 1906 and by Epega, Ajebu, Olode, and Osi are associated as the founders of Ijebu. In the Imusin document (1933), Osifaderin and Osinumesi are listed with Ajebu and Olode as the Ijebu founding ancestors. And in the ,d l.IIbid.,409. Oral Traditions and Political Integration ill ljebu 255

1937 document and Ogunkoya's account, the apical forebears of the Ijebu are Olu-Iwa, Ajebu, and Olode." To dispel the confusion on this issue, the two figures of Olode and Ajebu, who feature recurrently together in the accounts, will be iso- lated for critical examination. The word ode, as it appears in Ijebu- Ode, was a dialectal term for capital.'? It was in this sense, for ex- ample, that the town of Ode-Ondo (capital of the ) and Ode-Itsekiri (capital of the Itsekiri kingdom) were originally called;" In modern Yoruba, ode translates as olu ilu, the premier or capital town.!" Hence the proper meaning of ode is only intelligible when used in the form "Ode-Ijebu," which, as contemporary evi- dence indicates, was applied in the early nineteenth century." Also, if the word ode means capital, its epithetical form, olode translates as "the head of the capital town." On the basis of the this, the claim re- ported by Ogunkoya that the historical personage called Olode was asked to perform his assignment within the Ijebu premier settlement, seems to be an allegorical allusion to the Awujale in his capacity as the ruler of the capital town of the Ijebu. The same line of argument is applicable to "Ajebu," which, as a term, might translate as "the head of Ijebu." Hence the claim that one Ajebu was asked to mark out the Ijebu boundary-i.e., charged with duties outside the premier settlement-might well be taken as an alle- gorical allusion to the Aioujale in his capacity as the Ijebu paramount ruler+' Thus, rather than associate "Olode" and "Ajebu" with the nomen- clatural derivation of Ode and Ijebu, as the traditions would have it, they more probably represent disused forms or titles by which the Awujale was addressed in his dual status as the ruler of the capital town, as well as the Ijebu paramount head. This suggestion, that "Olode" and "Ajebu" as they appear in the traditional are personi- fied titles, might be strengthened by a consideration of the traditional

1(,"Brief History of Ijebuland," 1. 17M. d'Avezac-Macaya, Notice sur Ie pays et Ie pel/pie des Yebous en Afrique (Paris, 1845), 157. "The Ondo capital is now simply referred to as Ondo, while the Itsekiri now have their capital in Warri. It is instructive to note that the and the Yoruba dia- lects of Ijebu and Ondo are genetically close. See, 0.0. Akinkugbe, "A Comparative Phonology of Yoruba Dialects, Itsekiri and Igala " (Ph.D., University of Ibadan, 1978), 54 et passim. l"Another dialectal variant of ode is possibly ile which appears in Ile-Ife and , the capitals of the Ife and Ijesa kingdoms. Again, it is instructive that the Ife and Ijesa dia- lects are classified as sub-branches of a dialectal bloc. Ibid. 1Ud'Avezac-Macaya, Notice, 36; P.c. Lloyd, "Osifekunde of Ijebu" in P.D Currin, ed., Africa Remembered: Narratives by West Africans fr0111 the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison, 1967), 247. For the probable coining of the term "Ijebu-Ode" see Oduwobi, "Historical S[,(tUy," 40-41. 1lIn Yoruha kingdo.e1s, the king was .the ruler of both the capital and thestate. 256 Tuude Oduu/obi claim that Ogborogan, which is commonly regarded as an abridged form for Ogborogannida, was Obanta's original name." Reporting the recollections of an Ijebu who was enslaved in ca.1820, d'Avezac recorded that the king of Ijebu was usually addressed by the title of "Obrogoluda. "13 D' Avezac's rendition of the title apparently repre- sents his difficulty in reproducing "Ogboroganluda " (or Ogboro- gannida). Thus, rather than being the original name of Obanta , "Ogborogan," like "Ajebu " and "Olode," conceivably represents a disused form of addressing an Awujale. The next issue that calls for examination are the contradictory claims in the traditional accounts on the devolution of authority to Obanta as a result of which emerged the practice of the "ou/a Osi" salutation. The Ijebu-Igbo story (1927) traces the practice to an agreement between Obanta and Of iran, a son of Osi; the Imusin ver- sion (1933) describes itas a posthumous honor for Osifaderin, whose son, Osinumesi, is said to be the first ruler in Ijebu-Ode; while in the Olu Iwa-led migration story of the 1937 document Osinrnore is given as the name of the character who transferred power to Obanta , De- spite these contradictions, it is possible to discern a unity which is consistent with the tradition of Osi's abdication, as earlier reported in 1906, and by Epega. Hence the characters represented as Osifaderin and Osinumesi in the Imusin version are conceivably ingenious dupli- cations of Osi intended to accord one way or the other with the tradi- tion of Osi's abdication. Both names (Osifaderin and Osinumesi) might be used as abridged forms for Osi. In the Ijebu-Igbo story, the character named Of iran is somewhat a misrepresentation of Osi.24 The Osinmore of the 1937 document, identified as Osin by Ogunkoya, signifies (like Osifaderin and Osinumesi) another varia- tion for Osi. While, however, the central theme concerning Osi is that of dis- placement of authority, the historicity of the character need not be taken for granted. In Ijebu lexicon, the term osi, like olu, is normally used as a synonym for king (aba) or to imply royalty. Given this fact,

!!B.O Adebanjo, ltan Ida ljebu (A History of Ijebu) (Lagos, 1990), 6. !.Id' Avezac-Macaya, Notice, 95; Lloyd,"Osifekunde." 281. !41n an account of the hisrory of Ijebu-Igbo recorded in 1939, ir is claimed thar Of iran's original name, which was nor stared in rhe 1927 version, was Osimade. NAI, IjeProf. 2, File No. C.S4, vol.L, Ijebu-Igbo Chiefs and People ro Chief Commissioner, 10 April 1939. Bur the name Osimade looks suspiciously like a later arrempr to make the Ijebu- Igbo srory accord with rhe rradirionnl claim rhar Osi was rhe name of the reigning king in Ijehu on rhe arrival of Obanru. For one thing, the name Osimade, which could trans- late as "Osi seizes crown," suggests rhe act of usurpation from which Of iran is claimed ro have been derived; for another, the name Of iran is retained in lure Itan liebu-lgba, which, as c~flrer mentioned.tis the ririe of rhe 1960 edition of ltan ljcbu Molus! tabi ljcbu-l gbo published in 1927. . Oral Traditions and Political Integration ill ljeb« 257 and that the word ou/a connotes (state) authority, the refrain of "ou/a Osi" (literally, "royal authority") which accompanies the coronation of a newly-elected Au/ujale signifies the conferment of state power (awa) on the new king (asi).H Cast in the role of transferring power to Obanta therefore, "Osi." rather than being a historical figure pre- sumably represents an abstraction of political leadership in the pre- kingdom rimes." The import of the foregoing analysis has been to determine the au- thenticity of the traditions. For our purpose here, the review casts doubt on the Ijebu-Igbo and Imusin accounts, the purpose of which was to establish a historical claim for the existence of a central au- thority of crowned head status for the Ijebu-Igbo area under the Orimolusi, and the Olaka for the Imusin area. It is instructive in this connection that Onayelu, who was deprived of his title by his junior brother, is said to have taken a share of the royal regalia at Ijebu-Ode to legitimize his rule in Ijebu-Igbo. Osifaderin (Imusin) is reported to be a son of Oduduwa, an attribute of royalty. It is equally significant that the name Osifaderin, which may be translated as "Osi sojourns with a crown in his possession," also implies royal ancestry. The accounts on the origin of the Ebumaioe title associate it with the Ondo kingdom. The historical traditions are of two related strands. The first establishes a link with the Ondo kingdom from the cognomen "Eburnawe Idoko" (Ebumawe of Idoko), by which an Ebumaioe is designated. The origin of the Ebumau/e dynastic ances- tor is ascribed to Idoko, a quarter in the town of Ondo.F The Ondo link is strengthened in the other strand of the tradition with a claim, based on linguistic inferences, of consanguinity with the Ondo king- ship. The first Ebumau/e is described as a twin brother of the ancestor of the Osemawe (of Ondo), a female." The Ondo traditions, however, are silent on the claims made for the Ebumaioe title, especially with regard to its link with Ondo king- ship. With the exception of the version which describes the dynastic ancestor of the Osemaioe as a daughter of the ruler of the town of Epe in the Ondo kingdon~/90lll other versions associate the Ondo

!'

The objective of the traditions of Ijebu-Igbo, Imusin, and Ago-Iwoye examined in this paper, was to establish claims of paramount headships over the three areas. The outcome of that aim was the re- vival of the Orimolusi as the titular head of Ijebu-Igbo in 1929, the Ebumau/e for Ago-Iwoye in 1931, and the Olaka for Imusin in 1949. However, while the Olaka was resuscitated as a crowned ruler, the Orimolusi and the Ebumaure were elevated to that status only in 1950 and 1948 respectively. These offices served as the foci of politi- cal integration for areas which in the precolonial times consisted of communities or towns that were independent of one another. But with traditional authorities having little relevance in the local administration of the post-independence era, centripetal ism is gradu- ally losing its appeal. Indeed most communities, however small, now

"'P.c. Lloyd, Yoruba Land Law (London, 1962), 99. ·1I./ohnson, History, 25 . .l!Uoyd, Yoruba Land Law, 99; Ogunsakiu, Ondo, 15-16 . .lIE.A. Kenya, Yoruba Natura! Rulers and their Origin (Ibadan, 1964), 94: "In the his- tory of Ondo Obaship, as narrated to me by the On do historical authorities themselves both in their capital town of Ode On do and ill the districts, during the years of my re- search tour of rhur ancient Yor uba territory called 'Ondoland, the elders did nor make any reference however shorr, to this traditional relationship between their oba and the Ebumawe of Ago lwoye." "Lloyd] "Osifekunde," 243. HAjibola, Ago-Iwo)'e, 19. Oral Traditions and Political Integration in ljcbu 259 desire to have their rulers elevated to crowned head status to signify local autonomy. Of the three areas in focus, this tendency is more no- ticeable in Ijebu-Igbo and Irnusin, where the paramount headships of the Orimolusi and the O/oka are being increasingly challenged or un- dermined .:\~ The vulnerability of the position of the Orimolusi and the Cloko vis-a-vis that of the Ebumau/e in their respective areas can be ex- plained by the nature of their historical antecedents. Until the office was reinstituted in 1931, the Ebumaioe was traditionally associated primarily with the political headship of the Ibipe section of Ago- Iwoye. In contrast, the Orimalusi and the Olaka lacked such political identification with any of the constituent units of their respective areas. Without a geopolitical base therefore, the Orimolusi and the O/aka constitute, under the progressive disposition towards decen- tralization, political aberrarions.:" In effect, the conception of political centralization inaugurated during the colonial period is, in Ijebu-Igbo and Imusin, yielding to that of territorial or confederal association of precolonial times. And, as a corollary, the historical traditions for- merly used to justify or establish a basis for political centralization, are now being remodified in line with new trends and realities."

"There is a growing clamor in Ijebu-Igbo for officially recognizing the heads of the area's five constituent divsiions as crowned rulers. In Imusin two such rulers are cur- rently involved in litigation against the paramountcy of the Oloko. 171 have examined the issue of the historical significance of the Orimolusi and Oloko titles elsewhere. But suffice ir to say here that the Orimolusi seems to have been a reli- gious or priestly..,vitle rhar lost its functional significance: while the Oloko, derived as a political title, seems ro have lost irs political significance from the circumstances by which it became defL,~ct. O. T. Oduwobi, .rA Historical Study," 165-167 and 21-22. "These form the basis of various petitions in current litigation regarding chieftaincy matters.