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Home , Fusion (phonetics), Grammaticalization, Loi (surname), Suzhou dialect

Phonological reduction and : Examples from the dialect of Hui’an

Weirong CHEN* & Wuxiang **

INTRODUCTION Grammaticalization has been a hot topic in , as can be seen from a great deal of work which has been done during the past three decades, e.g. Lehmann (1982), Heine & al. (1991), Traugott & Heine (1991), and Hopper & Traugott (2003). As proposed by Hopper & Traugott (2003: xv), grammaticalization is ‘the change whereby lexical items and constructions come in certain linguistic contexts to serve grammatical functions, and, once grammaticalized, continue to develop new grammatical functions’. More specifically, the changes that a grammaticalizing item undergoes in the process of grammaticalization usually involve at least three different areas of : morphosyntax, and (Heine & Reh 1984; Ansaldo 1999; Heine & Kuteva 2007). In this , we will focus on , paying special attention on Sinitic , languages of isolating and tonal type, which have been comparatively neglected within the literature.

In the literature of such as Trask (1996) and Campbell (1999), phonological change refers to all types of change in pronunciation and falls into two types: (a) non-phonemic change: the change in the sequence of

* The University of International Business and Economics, . E-mail: lotuscwr@ gmail.com ** Institute of Linguistics, The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, China. E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements : An earlier version of this study was presented at IACL-20 in on August 29, 2012. This research was partially supported by a postgraduate studentship from the University of Hong Kong, by the ERC project “Sinotype” under grant agreement n0230388, by the Major Program of the National Social Science Foundation of China (Grant No. 14ZDB098), by the Valency-Reducing Phenomena projects based at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University (HKPU 4-ZZAP and RGC GRF PolyU Project No. 154055/14H), by an internal grant from the University of International Business and Economics, (UIBE XK2014303), and by the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities in UIBE (13QD21). We wish to thank the editors and anonymous reviewers, and Prof. Stephen Matthews, Prof. Hilary Chappell, Prof. Alain Peyraube, Prof. -Ren Huang, Prof. Shengli Feng, Prof. San Duanmu, Dr. Foong Ha Yap, Dr. Umberto Ansaldo, Dr. Picus Ding, Dr. Jian Wang, Dr. Hilario de Sousa, and Dr. Xuping Li for their valuable comments.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 08:49:58PM via free access 166 Weirong Chen & Wuxiang Wu speech sounds making up the pronunciation of a particular such as and ; and (b) phonemic change: the change which affects the number of in the language (Trask 1996: 52-76; Campbell 1999: 19). Phonological change observed in grammaticalization, however, is often characterized as reduction: loss in phonological substance, e.g. loss of phonological segments such as , and loss of supra-segmental properties such as tone1 (Lehmann 1982; Heine & Reh 1984: 16-27; Hopper & Traugott 2003: 154; Heine & Kuteva 2007: 34-43). Thus, phonological reduction2 has been regarded as a symptom of grammaticalization (Heine et al. 1991; Hopper & Traugott 2003; Heine & Kuteva 2007). However, phonological reduction is neither peculiar to grammaticalization (it may be normal phonological change), nor necessarily involved in grammaticalization (Hopper & Traugott 2003; Schiering 2006; Heine & Kuteva 2007).

More and more attention is being paid to grammaticalization in since Peyraube 1991 (e.g. Wu & Hong 2003; Ansaldo & Lim 2004; Shen et al. 2007). However, little research has been done to systematically study phonological reduction involved in grammaticalization, or, in other , study phonological reduction from the perspective of grammaticalization. For example, Xing (2012) presents an overview of recent developments in the study of grammaticalization in Chinese, yet, it has almost nothing about phonological reduction.

Previous studies on phonological reduction involved in grammaticalization in Sinitic languages include Jiang (1999), Ansaldo & Lim (2004) and Schiering (2006). Jiang (1999) examines phonological reduction involved in grammaticalization of zhuo着 ‘attach’ with examples from Mandarin and varieties. In discussing grammaticalization and typology, Ansaldo (1999: 23-24) mentions that ‘When looking at grammaticalization processes in Sinitic…we find that…phonological reduction often does not occur’. This may be true when we look at Sinitic languages in general, especially compared to some other languages in the world. This, however, may require a systematic examination of phonological change involved in grammaticalization in different varieties of Sinitic languages. Interestingly, Ansaldo & Lim (2004) find that grammatical show phonetic erosion, primarily in terms of duration and vowel quality, when compared to their lexical counterparts in and in Singapore. In Schiering (2006), serves as an example of tonal languages where prosodic and segmental reduction such as neutralization of tonal contrasts and vowel centralization are involved in .

Unlike Ansaldo & Lim (2004) which focuses on reduction in terms of duration and vowel quality etc., this paper focuses on more ‘typical’ phonological reduction such as the loss of vowel or , and fusion. We find ample

1 Tone is traditionally regarded as a prosodic feature. However, Duanmu (2000) argues that tone can be considered as a segmental feature. 2 The term ‘phonetic reduction’ is often used as an alternative term of ‘phonological reduction’ in the literature of grammaticalization.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 08:49:58PM via free access Phonology and grammaticalization 167 examples of phonological reduction which are clearly related to grammaticalization in the Southern Min dialect of Hui’an, a variety of Southern Min spoken in Hui’an County in Fujian province of China and grouped into the Quan (Quanzhou)-Zhang (Zhangzhou) subgroup of the Southern Min dialect family. In this dialect, at least three types of phonological reduction involved in grammaticalization have been attested: segmental erosion, tone reduction and syllable fusion, based on an examination of a series of lexical and grammatical morphemes, as will be shown in the following sections. When compared with other Sinitic languages, we find that some cases of phonological reduction can also be attested in other Sinitic languages, though other cases not. In this study, we not only present examples of phonological reduction, but also further explore the relationship between phonological reduction and grammaticalization, in particular between tone neutralization (a type of tone reduction) and grammaticalization. On the one hand, this study attempts to answer the question whether grammaticalization is the only factor for tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes. On the other hand, we look at grammaticalization paths involving grammatical morphemes and compare tones of grammatical morphemes and their other functions. This study, at least some of the case studies, will also show that phonological reduction is preceded and triggered by other processes involved in grammaticalization, such as semantic change.

The rest of this paper is organized as follows. In section 1, we give an introduction to tone and in Hui’an. In section 2, we examine segmental erosion observed in grammaticalization, and make a comparison with phonological reduction in Jiang (1999). In section 3, two types of tone reduction observed in grammatical morphemes will be examined: neutral tone for grammatical morphemes (section 3.1) and tone for grammatical morphemes (section 3.2). In section 4, we present examples of syllable fusion observed in grammaticalization. Section 5 will give a conclusion.

1. TONE STRESS IN THE HUI’AN DIALECT There are seven citation tones in Hui’an, as shown in Table 1 below.

Table 1. Citation tones in the Hui’an dialect Tone Classical tone Pitch description Examples number categories 1 Yin ping 33 mid level hue1 ‘follower’ 2 Yang ping 24 low rising kiŋ2 ‘poor’ 3 Yin shang 54 high falling kɔ3 ‘old’ 4 Yang shang 22 low level si4 ‘yes’ 5 Yin qu 31 mid falling si5 ‘four’ 6 Yang qu 31 mid falling hɑi5 ‘harm’ 7 Yin ru 54 high falling checked kiǝp7 ‘urgent’ 8 Yang ru 34 mid rising checked liǝp8 ‘enter’ † Note: Tone 5 (yinqu) and tone 6 (yangqu) have merged into one tone in modern Hui’an dialect.

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As with other Min varieties, in Hui’an, the last or word in a word or phrase, usually retains its citation tone, while the preceding morphemes(s) or word(s) have to undergo , unless the last morpheme or word is in a neutral tone. The general tone sandhi rules are shown in Table 2 below.

Table 2. General tone sandhi rules in the Hui’an dialect

Classical Yin Yang Yin Yang Yin Yang Yin Yang tone ping ping shang shang Qu qu ru ru categories Citation T1(33) T2(24) T3(54) T4(22) T5(31) T7(54) T8(34) tone T4(2 Sandhi tone T1(33) T4(22) T2(24) T4(22) T3(54) T8(34) T4(22) 2)

In Southern Min, there exist some morphemes whose tones are short and light, and cannot be grouped into one of the seven or eight citation tones since they do not possess any of the citation tones. Tones of these morphemes are traditionally regarded as neutral tones. This is different from the term qingsheng in the literature of Chinese linguistics, since qingsheng has at least been used in two ways, meaning (a) an unstressed syllable and (b) a neutral tone ( & Wang 2005: 107). Neutral tone in Southern Min does not vary depending on its adjacent syllable, unlike neutral tone in Mandarin Chinese where the pitch of neutral tone is determined by the tone pitch of its preceding syllable, though neutral tone in Mandarin Chinese also refers to those which cannot be grouped into one of the citation tones (Chao 1968: 36; Li & Thompson 1981: 9). Neutral tone in Southern Min falls into two types: (a) neutral tone involving lexical items and (b) neutral tone involving grammatical morphemes (see section 3).

Whether there exists ‘stress’ in Sinitic languages is controversial in the literature. Most linguists nowadays agree that stress is attested in Sinitic languages (Cheng & Zeng 1997; Duanmu 2000; Schiering 2006). The strongest evidence of stress comes from changes of tone, e.g. the stressed syllable retains citation tone, the mid-stressed syllable undergoes tone sandhi, whereas unstressed do not have tonal contrast (in a neutral tone) (Cheng & Zeng 1997: 244). This is also true for the Hui’an dialect. Another point to be noted is that stress in Sinitic languages is strongly related to the grammatical status of a morpheme: function words often do not carry stress and are attached to their adjacent lexical words, unlike content words (cf. Feng 2000).

2. SEGMENTAL EROSION Segmental erosion refers to the loss of a phonological , i.e. the loss of a or vowel. This is related to ‘whole-segment processes’ in Trask (1996: 66), which ‘involve, not just changes in the nature of segments, but a change in the number or ordering of segments’. Segmental erosion associated with grammaticalization in Hui’an involves both the initial and final segment of a

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 08:49:58PM via free access Phonology and grammaticalization 169 grammaticalized item.3 The loss of an initial segment can be exemplified by the grammaticalization of khɯ5, a motion meaning ‘go’ as in (1).

(1) len3 suin1 khɯ5 4 2PL first go ‘You go first.’

As illustrated by example (1), the initial segment of khɯ5, i.e. kh, has to be retained when khɯ5 functions as a motion verb. Khɯ5 is grammaticalized as a verbal complement, a purpose and a comparative marker. When taking on these grammatical functions, khɯ5 can be reduced to ɯ5, i.e. its initial kh can be lost. An example is given in (2).

(2) kia2 (kh)ɯ5-4 hit7-8-taʔ7 take go there ‘Take (it) there!’

In (2), khɯ5 functions as a verbal complement indicating the direction of the action kia2. In addition, khɯ5 can be reduced to ɯ5, i.e. the initial segment kh can be lost.The difference between khɯ5 as a motion verb and khɯ5 as a grammatical item such as a verbal complement, as shown in (1) and (2), clearly suggests a connection between segmental erosion and grammatical, as opposed to lexical morphemes.

Another point to be noted is that form divergence derives from segmental erosion, i.e. a distinction between khɯ5 and ɯ5, helps to disambiguate between khɯ5 functioning as a motion verb and a directional complement, as demonstrated by (3) below.

(3a) tsau3 khɯ 5-4 hit7-8-lai4 run go that-inside ‘Go inside there by running.’

(3b) tsau3 (kh)ɯ 5-4 hit7-8-lai4 run go that-inside ‘Run into there.’

When preceded by a motion verb such as tsau3, khɯ5 may be interpreted as a motion verb as in (3a), or a directional complement as in (3b). The initial

3 The loss of an initial and a final segment is called ‘aphaeresis’ and ‘’ respectively in Trask (1996: 66). 4 Abbreviations used in this paper are listed below: 1: first person, 2: second person, 3: third person, CL: classifier, CM: complement marker, CON: continuous aspect, DEL: delimitative aspect, DM: discourse marker, EVC: extent verbal complement, EXP: experiential aspect, GEN: genitive, INCH: inchoative aspect, LOC: locative, NMLZ: nominalizer, PL: plural, PROG: progressive, PRT: particle, PVC: phase verbal complement, QUAN: quantifier, RVC: resultative verbal complement, SFP: sentence-final particle, SG: singular, SUF: suffix.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 08:49:58PM via free access 170 Weirong Chen & Wuxiang Wu segment of khɯ5 can be lost in (3b), but not in (3a). Thus, the formal distinction between khɯ5 and ɯ5 helps distinguishing the use as a motion verb from the use as a verbal complement.

Not only the initial segment, but also the final segment can be lost. The grammaticalization of kau5 provides an illustration of segmental erosion such that only one vowel is left. Kau5 is originally a verb meaning ‘arrive’, as in (4).

(4) i1 kau5 lɔʔ0 3SG arrive SFP ‘He has arrived.’

Kau5 can be grammaticalized as a verbal complement marker in the reduced form a5/ka5, as in (5a), or as an extent complement in the reduced form a3, as in (5b).

(5a) huat7-8 (k)a5-3 bo2-4-un2 Send CM not.have-leisure ‘So busy with sending (messages).’

(5b) ɑŋ2 a3 red EVC ‘Very red.’

In (5a), (k)a5 serves as a complement marker followed by the complement bo2- 4-un2 which describes a state resulting from the action huat7. Kau5 has been reduced to ka5 and even a5. In (5b), a3, a reduced form of kau5, is an extent complement indicating the extent of being red. Unlike the reduced form ɯ5of khɯ5 mentioned above, the reduced forms of kau5, i.e. (k)a5 and a3, have basically taken the place of kau5. That is, divergence from the lexical source is at an advanced stage, if not complete.

This example shows a loss of the final segment (u), followed by a loss of the initial segment (k), i.e. kau5 > ka5 > a3. In other words, more than one segment in a word may be lost during grammaticalization, which not only simplifies the pronunciation, but also distinguishes different functions. Both segmental erosion and tone change are attested in this example. However, segmental erosion (kau5 > ka5) precedes tone change (tone 5 > tone 3 in ka5 > a3), which suggests that segmental erosion can occur without tone reduction. In other words, segmental erosion is not necessarily triggered by a loss of tone.

A question arises: what indeed triggers segmental erosion involving kau5 and khɯ5. As mentioned above, when used as a , none of the segments of kau5 and khɯ5 can be lost, whereas when functioning as a grammatical morpheme, both kau5 and khɯ5 undergo segmental erosion. It is clear that a change of grammatical status triggers segmental erosion in kau5 and khɯ5. For example, in (4) above, kau5 functions as a verb and thus carries stress. In this context, segmental erosion does not take place. (5a) is verb-complement

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 08:49:58PM via free access Phonology and grammaticalization 171 construction in which kau5 functions like a linker linking the verb huat7 and the complement bo2-4-un2. In this case, kau5 is a and does not carry stress. The lack of stress due to a change of grammatical status triggers the process of segmental erosion, and thus the reduced form (k)a5, rather than the full form kau5, occurs in the verb-complement construction in (5a).

Segmental erosion observed in kau5 and khɯ5 is not reported in their counterparts in Mandarin Chinese. However, other reduction involving phonological segments can be attested, though in a different way. According to Jiang (1999), the adposition 的 (.de) in Beijing Mandarin is a phonologically reduced form of the verb zhuo 着 ‘attach’. This phonological reduction involves a change of consonant from geminate to simplex, i.e. zh(tş) > d (t), which is a type of ‘lenition’ in Trask (1996: 55). This case also involves a centralization of the final, i.e. uo > e (ǝ). Similarly, the continuous aspect marker ǝ in Boshan Mandarin is also derived from zhuo. This case involves not only a centralization of the final, but also segmental erosion (a loss of the initial). A similar but simpler case involves the perfective aspect marker le, derived from the verb liao ‘complete’. In other words, the grammaticalization of liao from a verb to a perfective aspect marker is accompanied by a process of phonological reduction from liao to le, which involves a neutralization of the final.

3. TONE REDUCTION As mentioned in section 1, citation tone, sandhi tone and neutral tone are associated with different degrees of stress: citation tone occurs in stressed syllables, sandhi tone occurs in mid-stressed syllables, whereas neutral tone occurs in unstressed syllables. When the tone of a morpheme involves a change from its citation tone to a neutral tone, we usually say that a (complete) loss of tone is involved. This process is traditionally regarded as ‘tone neutralization’, since it involves a neutralization of tonal contrast (Schiering 2006). Similarly, when the tone of a morpheme involves a change from citation tone to sandhi tone, we can say that an erosion of tone is involved (though the tone is not completely lost). For example, in Hui’an, sandhi tone generally occurs following the tone sandhi rules. However, in some cases, sandhi tone is used even when the concerned morpheme appears in a position which would not call for a sandhi tone by the regular rule, which shows that the tone of the morpheme has undergone a change from citation tone to sandhi tone, and thus the morpheme has undergone a process of tone erosion. In the following, we attempt to examine these two types of tone reduction involved in grammaticalization, i.e. (a) using neutral tone for grammatical morphemes, and (b) using sandhi tone for grammatical morphemes.

3.1. Neutral tone for grammatical morphemes

As mentioned above, a typical example of tone reduction is ‘tone neutralization’, i.e. a non-neutral tone is reduced to a neutral tone. We have also mentioned in section 1 that neutral tone in Southern Min falls into two types: (a)

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 08:49:58PM via free access 172 Weirong Chen & Wuxiang Wu involving lexical items; and (b) involving grammatical morphemes. The existence of type (a) neutral tone suggests that tone neutralization is not necessarily associated with grammaticalization, while type (b) suggests a correlation between tone neutralization and grammaticalization, since grammatical morphemes are normally derived from lexical morphemes with non-neutral tones via grammaticalization in the history of a language, as shown by kau5 and khɯ5 above. Besides these two contexts, Cheng (1997b: 234-238) mentions another two factors that determine the occurrence of tone neutralization in Beijing Mandarin and Taiwanese Southern Min: position in a construction and presence of semantic focus. In the following, we attempt to see whether tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes in Hui’an is affected by their positions in a clause and/or the semantic focus involved. In other words, we aim to answer the question whether grammaticalization is the only factor for tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes in Hui’an. We attempt to answer this question by examining each type of grammatical morpheme which undergoes tone neutralization in section 3.1.1, and then we will further explore the relationship between tone neutralization and grammaticalization in section 3.1.2.

3.1.1. Grammatical morphemes involved : In Hui’an, grammatical morphemes which undergo tone neutralization include: (a) all sentence-final particles; (b) some aspect markers and aspectual expressions; (c) some verbal complements; (d) pronouns; (e) nominal suffixes; and (f) the nominalizer.5

(a) Sentence-final particles: Like in Mandarin Chinese (Li & Thompson 1981: 238) and other Southern Min varieties such as Taiwanese (Cheng 1997a: 109), all the sentence-final particles in Hui’an are in a neutral tone, which may be because they are highly grammaticalized compared to other grammatical morphemes, and are always placed at the end of the sentence. Two examples are given in (6), where a0 is used to suggest an interrogative speech act and ɔ0 shows that the speaker is certain about what he says.

(6a) lɯ3 e2 a0 2SG GEN SFP ‘Yours?’

(6b) tsit7-8 -liã3 kǝ5-4 poʔ8 ɔ0 this-CL excessively thin SFP ‘This piece of clothing is too thin.’

5 Wang (1996: 104, 109-113), Zhou & Ouyang (1998: 35) and Cheng (1997a: 102, 111- 114) mention that quantitative phrases following a verb (phrase) may be in qingsheng. For example, sǝʔ lŋ ku in Quanzhou can be interpreted as ‘say two sentences’ or ‘say something’ when lŋ ku ‘two sentences’ is in non-qingsheng and qingsheng, respectively (Wang 1996:111). We are not sure whether qingsheng is used by them to refer to neutral tone only or both neutral tone and unstressed syllables. In Hui’an, when following a verb (phrase), such quantitative phrases are not in a neutral tone, since they still retain their original tone contour, even though their tones are a bit lighter and shorter than the original tones and thus can be regarded as being unstressed.

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Sentence-final particles in some other Sinitic languages do not undergo tone neutralization. For example, no sentence-final particle in Cantonese has been reported to show tone neutralization (Matthews & Yip 1994). This is probably associated with the phonological properties of Cantonese, since neutral tone seems not to be involved in other grammatical morphemes either, as pointed out by Matthews & Yip (1994: 22): ‘the neutral tone assigned to many grammatical words in Mandarin does not exist as such in Cantonese’. In Wu, some sentence-final particles such as ba are in a neutral tone, whereas others not, e.g. lǝʔ23 take on tone 7 (yang ru tone) (Wang 2011: 318-330, 28). This may suggest that the process of tone neutralization of sentence-final particles in Suzhou Wu has not yet been completed. Further research is needed to examine tone realization of sentence-final particles in Sinitic languages.

(b) Aspect markers and aspectual expressions: In Hui’an, aspect markers and aspectual expressions which can be in a neutral tone include the continuous aspect marker leʔ, the experiential aspect marker tioʔ, the inchoative aspect marker khai0, tse for delimitative aspectual meaning, and loi for continuative aspectual meaning. Take the continuous aspect marker leʔ as an example.

(7a) pak7 leʔ0 (lɔ0) tie CON (SFP) ‘Being tied/have been tied.’

(7b) tsǝ4 leʔ7-8 sǝʔ7 sit CON talk ‘Talk while sitting.’

The aspect marker leʔ is normally directly preceded by a verb and followed by a pause or sentence-final particle as in (7a), or placed between two as in (7b). In other words, leʔ can be used either at the final position of a phrase, or at a non-final position. It is in a neutral tone when used at the final position of a phrase as in (7a), and in its sandhi tone when occurring at a non-final position as in (7b). This shows that tone neutralization of the aspect marker is affected by its position in a clause.

Other aspect markers such as the progressive and habitual aspect marker leʔ and boʔ7 for prospective aspect are not in the neutral tone, since they are always followed by a verb (phrase), rather than occur at the final position of a phrase. Examples are given in (8), where the progressive aspect markers leʔ and boʔ7 for prospective aspect are in their sandhi tone (as expected based on their position), instead of neutral tone.

(8a) leʔ7-8 kɑŋ3-2 lɯ3 e2-4 phai3-2-ue5 PROG speak 2 SG GEN bad-words ‘(We) were speaking ill of you.’

(8b) boʔ7-8 loʔ8-4 hɔ4 lɔ0 want fall rain SFP ‘It is going to/about to rain.’

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Similar cases have been attested in other Southern Min varieties such as the Quanzhou and varieties and Taiwanese (Wang 1996: 105, 108; Zhou & Ouyang 1998: 35; Cheng 1997a). For example, the continuous aspect marker le in Xiamen is in a neutral tone unless followed by other elements. The aspect markers in Mandarin Chinese such as the perfective marker le, the durative aspect marker zhe and the experiential marker guo are also in a neutral tone (Li & Thompson 1981: 184-232). However, these markers take on a neutral tone in all contexts, i.e. their neutral tone is not affected by their positions in a clause, unlike those in Hui’an as illustrated by (7). This may suggest that the aspect markers in Mandarin Chinese are more grammaticalized than those in Hui’an, and the process of tone neutralization has been completed in Mandarin Chinese, but not in Hui’an. This is compatible with the fact that a typical perfective aspect marker such as le can be attested in Mandarin Chinese, but not in Hui’an (Chen 2011: 168-169). The difference between Hui’an and Mandarin Chinese may also be related to their phonological properties, which, however, requires further examination.

As in Mandarin Chinese, some aspect markers in other Sinitic languages are in a neutral tone and their neutral tone is not reported to be affected by positions, e.g. the perfective marker tsɿ in Suzhou Wu, the experiential aspect marker kuɔ0/kuɔʔ0 in Anyi Gan, and the inchoative aspect marker ts‘o0 lo0 in Xiuning Hui (Zhang 1996). Thus, the fact that tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes is affected by their positions in a clause may be a distinctive phenomenon of Southern Min.

(c) Verbal complements: Verbal complements with a neutral tone include directional, resultative, phase and extent complements. Compared to the continuous aspect marker leʔ, the directional complements in Hui’an show a greater syntactic distribution. The distinction between the final and non-final position of a phrase seems not to be able to cover the distribution of neutral and non-neutral tone observed in directional complements. For example, like the aspect marker leʔ, directional complements have to be in the neutral tone when directly preceded by a verb and followed by a pause or sentence-final particle, as in (9a), an example of the directional complement lai. As illustrated by (9b), lai is also in a neutral tone when followed by a quantitative phrase.

(9a) kau1 lai0 (lɔ0) hand.in come (SFP) ‘Hand in.’ (9b) bsaŋ5 lai0 lŋ4 tsiaʔ7 send come two CL ‘Send two (chicks) here.’

In (9b), lai is in a neutral tone, though followed by a quantitative phrase. In this case, lŋ4tsiaʔ7 does not carry stress, since the quantitative phrase in Hui’an is normally unstressed when functioning as an object, with its tone a bit lighter and shorter than the original tone, though is not in a neutral tone like the sentence- final particle lɔ0 (see footnote 6). (9b) is used in the context where the speaker

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 08:49:58PM via free access Phonology and grammaticalization 175 only mentions an event that someone has sent two chicks here, without involving the speaker’s stance. However, when used in the context where the speaker is surprised at or unhappy with the number of chicks, lai is no longer in a neutral tone, but in its sandhi tone and lŋ4tsiaʔ7 is stressed with a heavier and longer tone, compared to its unstressed counterpart. In other words, tone neutralization of lai is affected by the semantic focus of the clause and the speaker’s stance.

When followed by syllables with full tone, lai is not in a neutral tone, as in (10).

(10) liǝp8-4 lai2-4 tshu5-4-lai4 enter come house-inside ‘Come into the house.’

In (10), unlike the quantitative phrase, the locative word tshu5-4-lai4 ‘home’ is stressed and in full tone. In this case, lai does not undergo tone neutralization. Interestingly, lai is not in a neutral tone either when separated from the preceding verb by other elements, even though it is placed at the final position of a construction.

(11a) saŋ5-4 pan2-4 sio1-tsiu3 lai2 send QUAN hot-alcoholic come ‘Send a bottle of wine here.’

(11b) thueʔ8-4 taʔ7-8 lai2 take here come ‘Bring (it) here.’

(11c) thueʔ8-4 bue4 lai2 take can.not come ‘Cannot bring (it) here.’

In (11), lai is separated from its preceding verb by the object pan2-4 sio1-tsiu3 ‘a bottle of wine’, the locative word taʔ7 ‘here’ and the negative word bue4 ‘cannot’, respectively. In these contexts, lai is not in a neutral tone, but in its citation tone. This may be related to the different degree of dependence of lai on its preceding verb. When directly preceded by a verb and followed by a pause or sentence-final particle as in (9a), lai is the only constituent that occurs with its preceding verb kau1 in the verb phrase and functions like an enclitic, depending on the verb semantically and phonologically. When separated from the verb by other elements as in (11), it is apparent that the relationship between lai and the verb is not that close as that in (9). In this context, lai functions more like an independent morpheme, rather than an enclitic, and thus carries stress and retains its citation tone. In other words, lai may show different degrees of grammaticalization when directly preceded by the verb as in (9) and when separated from the verb as in (11).

Similarly, the resultative complements derived from motion verbs (e.g. lai2 ‘come’, khɯ5 ‘go’, khi3lai0 ‘come up’, and kǝ5lai0 ‘come over’) and the verb si3 ‘die’ are in the neutral tone when directly preceded by a verb and followed by a

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 08:49:58PM via free access 176 Weirong Chen & Wuxiang Wu pause, sentence-final particle or quantitative phrase. Take the resultative complement khɯ as example:

(12a) tsiaʔ8 khɯ0 (lɔ0) eat go (SFP) ‘Be eaten/has been eaten.’

(12b) tsiaʔ8-4 khɯ0 lŋ4 tǝ5 eat go two CL ‘Eat two pieces of (meat).’

As with lai in (9b), khɯ in (12b) is in a neutral tone, since it is followed by a quantitative phrase (i.e. lŋ4 tǝ5 ‘two pieces’), unless it is used in the context where the speaker is surprised at the amount of meat the other person has eaten.

Khɯ is not in neutral tone when not directly preceded by the verb, as in (13), where it is separated from its preceding verb by bue4 and sã1 uã3, respectively.

(13a) tsiaʔ8-4 bue4 khɯ5 eat can.not go ‘Cannot eat (it).’

(13b) tsiaʔ8-4 sã1 uã3 khɯ5 eat three bowl go ‘Eat three bowls of (rice).’

When the object is not encoded by a quantitative phrase, it is usually placed before the verb functioning as a topic, such as hit7-8uã3-2bãi1‘that bowl of rice’ in (14), where khɯ is followed by a pause or sentence-final particle, and is in a neutral tone.

(14) hit7-8 uã3-2 bãi1 tsiaʔ8 khɯ0 (lɔ0) that QUAN rice eat go (SFP) ‘He has eaten that bowl of rice.’

In Hui’an, there are two phase complements (phase complements are verbal complements which indicate the achievement of an action or a state), i.e. khɯ and tioʔ, derived from the verb khɯ5 ‘go’ and tioʔ8 ‘touch, reach, get’, respectively. The phase complement khɯ is always in a neutral tone since it is typically directly preceded by a stative verb and followed by a pause or sentence-final particle. Tone neutralization concerning the phase complement tioʔ, however, depends on its position, like the resultative complement khɯ mentioned above. Examples are given in (15) and (16).

(15a) khuã5 tioʔ0 (lɔ0) see pvc sfp ‘Have seen (it).’

(15b) khuã5 tioʔ0 tsit8-4 e2 see PVC one CL ‘See one (person).’

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(16a) khuã5-4 bue4 tioʔ8 see can.not PVC ‘Cannot see it.’

(16b) khuã5-4 tioʔ8-4 hit7-8 e2-4 laŋ2 see PVC that CL person ‘(I) saw that person.’

The extent complement si derived from the verb si3 ‘die’, indicating an extent of a state or an action, is usually directly preceded by a stative verb or an action verb, and followed by a pause, thus si is usually in a neutral tone, even though there is an alternative, i.e. stressed si3. An example is given in (17).

(17) khi5 si0 angry EVC ‘Very angry.’

In (17), si0 follows khi5 ‘angry’ and is in a neutral tone. There is an alternative with stressed si3, i.e. khi5-4 si3, which means ‘really angry’ and is used when the speaker wants to express a higher degree of anger. This is another example of interaction between tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes and semantic focus involved.

The fact that verbal complements are realized with different tones when used in different positions or contexts is also attested in other Southern Min varieties, though in a bit different way (Wang 1996, Zhou & Ouyang 1998, Cheng 1997, Lien 2001). For example, directional, resultative and extent complements in Quanzhou have to be in the neutral tone, unless they are followed by an object (Wang 1996: 103-104, 109).

According to Chao (1968: 436), the complement in Mandarin Chinese receives the main stress and does not take on the neutral tone. However, Chao (1968: 436) also mentions a few examples of complements with a neutral tone, e.g. săo gānjing ‘sweep clean’, guānshang ‘close up’, and kànjian ‘look, so as to perceive, -see’. Interestingly, as in Hui’an, a neutral-tone complement in Mandarin Chinese recovers its full tone in the potential form as in kàn de jiàn ‘can see’ (Chao 1968: 436).

(d) Pronouns: Pronouns in Hui’an are in a neutral tone when functioning as an object of a verb and followed by a pause, sentence-final particle, or quantitative phrase, unless they are the semantic focus. Examples are given in (18).

(18a) suin1 kɔŋ1-hi3 lɯ0 (a0) first congratulate 2SG (SFP) ‘(I) congratulate you first.’

(18b) khɔ5 i0 tsit8-4 paʔ7-8 give 3SG one hundred ‘Give him one hundred (yuan).’

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In (18a), lɯ ‘you’ functions as the object of the verb kɔŋ1-hi3 and is followed by a pause or the sentence-final particle a0. In this context, lɯ is usually in a neutral tone, unless the pronoun serves as a semantic focus and the whole sentence means that ‘I congratulate you first, and then the others’. In (18b), the third person pronoun i functions as the indirect object of khɔ5 ‘give’. In this case, the pronoun is usually in a neutral tone, unless it is the semantic focus and the whole sentence means something like ‘give him one hundred yuan, and give the others two hundred yuan’.

When followed by other elements such as the tsin2 ‘money’ in (19) below, the pronoun is not in a neutral tone.

(19) khɔ5 i1 tsin2 give 3SG money ‘Give him money.’

Similar phenomena are attested in other Southern Min varieties (Zhou & Ouyang 1998, Wang 1996, Cheng 1997a), but not reported in Mandarin Chinese (Li & Thompson 1981;), Cantonese (Matthews & Yip 1994) or other Sinitic languages (Li & Zhang 1999).

(e) Suffixes: Some suffixes such as thau, diminutive a, and locative piŋ, derived from the thau2 ‘head’, kã3 ‘child’ and piŋ2 ‘side’ respectively, can be in a neutral tone. Examples of thau and piŋ are given in (20).

(20a) bǝ3-thau0 tail- SUF ‘Back.’

(20b) lam2-piŋ0 south- SUF ‘South side.’

The suffix thau can be preceded by a noun, a localizer, an adjective and an action verb. Only the locative suffix thau as in (20a) is in a neutral tone. Similarly, not all occurrences of locative piŋ are in a neutral tone as in (20b), e.g. piŋ in tso3-2 piŋ2 ‘left side’ is in a second tone. In other words, tone neutralization of these suffixes has not yet been completed in Hui’an. Unlike in Hui’an, in Mandarin Chinese, the retroflex suffix er, the plural suffix men, the suffix zi derived from zĭ ‘child’ and the suffix tou derived from tóu ‘head’ always have the neutral tone (Li & Thompson 1981: 39-45).

(f) The Nominalizer: The nominalizer e0 is always in a neutral tone as in (21), where e0 follows the adjective aŋ2 ‘red’ and the verb phrase bue4tshai5 ‘sell vegetables’, respectively.

(21a) aŋ2 e0 red nmlz ‘The red one.’

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(21b) bue4 tshai5 e0 sell vegetable NMLZ ‘People who sell vegetables.’

This is expected since all current uses of e in Hui’an are grammatical in nature, while its lexical source is opaque (at least to native speakers). However, in the 1 2-4 1 genitive function e is in a second tone, as in i e kha ‘her leg’ [lit. 3SG-GEN leg], unlike its counterpart de in Mandarin Chinese, which is always in a neutral tone.

It can be seen from the analysis above that (a) grammaticalization seems not to be the only factor for tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes; (b) tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes in Hui’an is affected by their positions in a clause, unlike in Mandarin Chinese where it is little affected by position. This distinction may suggest differences in the degree of grammaticalization of the grammatical morphemes involved between Hui’an and Mandarin Chinese; and (c) tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes in Hui’an is also affected by semantic focus, which sometimes involves the speaker’s stance. More specifically, tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes follows basically the same rule when the process is affected by their positions: (i) V + PRT (+SFP/Quantitative phrase): when directly follows the verb and precedes a pause, a sentence-final particle, or an unstressed quantitative phrase, the grammatical morpheme is semantically and phonologically dependent on the verb, and functions like an enclitic, and thus is in a neutral tone; (ii) V + … + PRT: when separated from the verb by other elements, the grammatical morpheme cannot be phonologically dependent on the verb, and functions more like an independent morpheme, and thus is in its citation tone; (iii) V + PRT + full tone: when followed by syllables with full tone, the grammatical morpheme in some way semantically and phonologically related to its following elements, and thus is in its sandhi tone following the general tone sandhi rule.

3.1.2. The relationship between tone neutralization and grammaticalization : In this section, we further examine the relationship between tone neutralization and grammaticalization in Hui’an. Our hypothesis is that tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes occurs at the later stage(s) of grammaticalization paths. We will look at grammaticalization paths involving grammatical morphemes and will compare tones of grammatical morphemes and their other functions, with the examples from bo2 ‘not have’, tioʔ8 ‘touch, reach, get’ and khɯ5 ‘go’.

(a) bo2 ‘not have’: Bo2 is originally a verb meaning ‘not exist, not possess’, as in (22), where bo2 precedes the noun huaŋ1 ‘wind’ and indicates that the wind does not exist here.

(22) tsit7-8-taʔ7 bo2-4 huaŋ1 this-LOC not.have wind ‘There is no wind here.’

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In Hui’an, bo2 is grammaticalized as an , a resultative complement, a conjunction and a sentence-final particle, etc. However, it undergoes tone neutralization only when functioning as a sentence-final particle, which is at the end stage of the grammaticalization paths. An example of the sentence-final particle bo2 is given in (23), where bo0 follows a statement to form a yes-no interrogative.

(23) i1 siɔŋ2-4 lai2 bo0 3SG often come SFP ‘Did he come often?’

(b) tioʔ8 ‘touch, reach, get’: The verb tioʔ8 ‘touch, reach, get’ in Hui’an is grammaticalized as a , a resultative complement, a phase complement and an experiential aspect marker. The grammaticalization paths are shown in Figure 1.

tioʔ8 ‘touch, reach, get’  ‘correct, right’ (stative verb)  resultative complement  phase complement  experiential aspect marker.

tioʔ8 ‘touch, reach, get’  modal verb ‘should, have to’

Figure 1.Grammaticalization paths of tioʔ8 ‘touch, reach, get’ in the Hui’an dialect

Among these functions, tioʔ8 may be reduced to tioʔ0 only when functioning as a phase complement as in (15) above, or an experiential aspect marker as in (24). These two functions occur at the later stages of the grammaticalization paths.

(24) ua3 khɯ5 tioʔ0 lɔ0 1SG go EXP SFP ‘I have been there before.’

(c) khɯ5 ‘go’: The grammaticalization paths of khɯ5 ‘go’ in Hui’an are reproduced in Figure 2 from Chen (2011: 346).

khɯ5 ‘go’ motion verb  resultative complement  phase complement

khɯ5 ‘go’ motion verb  directional complement

khɯ5 ‘go’ motion verb  purpose marker / linker

Figure 2. Grammaticalization paths of khɯ5 ‘go’ in the Hui’an dialect

The verb khɯ5may be reduced to khɯ0 when functioning as a verbal complement, but not when functioning as a motion verb or purpose marker. This distinction is also associated with the positions of khɯ5 in the grammaticalization paths.

3.2. Sandhi tone for grammatical morphemes

As mentioned above, some grammatical morphemes in Hui’an have to be in the sandhi tone of their lexical sources, even when this is not triggered by regular

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(a) Pronoun and discourse marker laŋ4: In Hui’an, laŋ4 is originally a noun meaning ‘person, human being’, and has to be pronounced as laŋ4 (the sandhi form of laŋ2) when grammaticalized as a pronoun meaning ‘other’ as in (25a), and discourse marker as in (25b). In other words, the pronoun and discourse marker laŋ4 adopts the sandhi tone of laŋ2 as its regular tone.

(25a) tsɔŋ3 lɯ3 khɯ5, laŋ4 ket7 bo2-4 khɯ5 only 2SG go other all not.have go ‘Only you went (there); other people did not go (there).’

(25b) laŋ4 hit7-8-taʔ7 ɔ1-hǝ1 iǝm1 tsui3 DM that-LOC cement flood water ‘The water floods the cement there.’

(b) Extent complement a3: As mentioned above, kau5 ‘arrive’ in Hui’an is grammaticalized as an extent complement with the reduced form a3, in which the tone (3) is the sandhi tone of kau5. In other words, the extent complement a3 adopts the sandhi tone of kau5 as its tone.

Compared to the citation tone, the sandhi tone can be regarded as a reduced form since the citation tone usually exists in a stressed position while the sandhi tone exists in a mid-stressed position, as mentioned above. In addition, sandhi tones involve neutralization of tonal distinctions: only 5 distinctive contours appear in sandhi contexts, as shown in Table 2 in section 1 above. Note also that these sandhi tones (as exemplified by laŋ4 and a3) are used even when the morphemes concerned appear in positions which would not call for sandhi tones by the regular rules, as in (26) below where the extent complement a3 is placed at the end of the predicate thau5a3 ‘very strong’, and should therefore retain the citation tone of kau5 following the general tone sandhi rule in Table 2 above. They are thus indicative of grammaticalization.

(26) huaŋ1 thau5 a3 wind strong EVC ‘The wind is very strong.’

4. SYLLABLE FUSION

Syllable fusion refers to a combination of two syllables into one. In Hui’an, syllable fusion associated with grammaticalization involves the grammaticalization of compound words such as khi3lai0 ‘come up’ and tsit8-4 e5 ‘once’. Khi3lai0 is originally a directional denoting upward movement, as in (27), where khi3lai0 means moving from a lower floor of a house to a higher floor.

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(27) i1 khi3-lai0 a4 len3 loʔ8-khɯ0 3SG come up or 2PL go down ‘Did he come upstairs or you go downstairs?’

Khi3lai0 has been grammaticalized as a verbal complement and an inchoative aspect marker, and can be used to introduce a judgment. Khi3lai0 can undergo tone neutralization (Khi3lai0 > khi0lai0) and then be fused as khai0 when it takes on these grammatical functions.6 More specifically, the fused forms are disallowed when the directional complement khi3lai0 is separated from the preceding verb by other elements such as bue4 ‘cannot’ in (28), but is optional in other contexts, as in (29).

(28) pu2-4 bue4 khi3-lai0 float can.not up-come ‘Cannot float up.’

(29a) kŋ1 khi0-lai0 /khai0 (lɔ0) carry up-come (SFP) ‘Carry (it) up/has been carried up.’

(29b) puã1 khi3-lai0/khi0-lai0 /khai0 lŋ4 tǝ5-4 tɔʔ7 move up-come two CL desk ‘Carry two tables upstairs.’

(29c) puã1 khi3-lai0/khi0-lai0 /khai0 lau2-4tiŋ3 move up-come upstairs ‘Carry (it) upstairs.’

In (28), khi3lai0 indicates the inherent direction of the verb pu2 ‘float’, i.e. from under the water to above the water. This khi3lai0 is separated from the verb by bue4 ‘cannot’. In this context, khi3lai0 undergoes neither tone neutralization nor syllable fusion. In (29a), khi3lai0 indicates the direction of the elided object of kŋ1 ‘carry’. This khi3lai0 is directly preceded by the verb kŋ1 and followed by a pause or the sentence-final particle lɔ0. In this case, khi3lai0 not only undergoes tone reduction, i.e. tone 3 > neutral tone in khi3, but also can be further contracted to khai0. Though the form khi0lai0 is acceptable, the fused form khai0 is more common. In (29b) and (29c), khi3lai0 is directly preceded by the verb puã1 ‘move’, but followed by other elements such as the noun phrase lŋ4tǝ5-4tɔʔ7 ‘two desks’ and the locative word lau2-4tiŋ3 ‘upstairs’. Interestingly, in this context, both the original form and the reduced forms, i.e. all the three forms khi3- lai0/khi0-lai0/khai0 are acceptable. When the original form khi3-lai0 is used, the construction involves a contrastive reading, i.e. carry something upstairs, rather than downstairs. In other words, semantic focus is involved in this example. Examples in (29), where both the non-fused form and fused form can be used, show that the process of syllable fusion has not yet been completed in the directional complement khi3lai0.

6 Similarly, the directional compound verb loʔ8-khɯ5 ‘(go) down’ as seen in (27) has a contracted form loi0, which can express continuative aspectual meaning, as in kaŋ3 loi0 ‘continuing speaking’, as mentioned in section 3.1.1.

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Similarly, the directional complement khilai in other Southern Min varieties undergoes syllable fusion, though its contracted form is khiai (Zhou 2006: 18). This, however, may suggest that the syllable fusion observed in khi3lai0 in Southern Min is a gradual process, which can be shown as ‘khilai > khiai > khai’.

The fused form khai0 is obligatory when khi3lai0 takes on other grammatical functions such as being an inchoative aspect marker, which is typically preceded by a stative verb and followed by a pause or sentence-final particle, as in (30), where tua5 khai0 is interpreted as ‘begin to become big or bigger’.

(30) tua5 khai0 lɔ0 big inch sfp ‘It is getting bigger now.’

The counterpart of khi3lai0 in Mandarin Chinese, i.e. qĭlái, has directional, resultative and stative meanings and can be used to introduce a judgment. However, unlike khi3lai0in Hui’an, qĭlái does not undergo syllable fusion. Another example of syllable fusion involves the compound word tsit8-4 e5 ‘one time, once’, which is only used for expressing the frequency of an action, as in (31).

(31) phaʔ7 tsit8-4 e5 hit one time ‘Hit (him) once.’

In (31), tsit8-4 e5 functions as a complement of quantity indicating that the action phaʔ7 ‘hit’ is undertaken once. The meaning of ‘one time, once’ implies a short duration, which leads to tsit8-4 e5 being extended for expressing delimitative aspect. In addition, tsit8-4 e5 is contracted and loses its tone to become tse0, as in (32), where tse0 follows the verb kia2 ‘walk’ to express a short duration of the action of walking.

(32) kiã2 tse0 iau1 lɔ0 walk DEL hungry SFP ‘(I get) hungry after walking for a short while.’

Use of the phrase meaning ‘once’ to indicate delimitative aspect is attested in other Min varieties (cf. Li 1996: 213, Shi 1996: 191), and other Sinitic languages such as Liancheng Hakka (Xiang 1996: 71) and Anyi Gan (Wan 1996: 92). In all these Sinitic languages except Liancheng Hakka, the phrase meaning ‘once’ has undergone syllable fusion like tsit8-4e5 > tse0 in Hui’an as shown in (31) and (32).

5. CONCLUSION This paper has examined phonological reduction involved in grammaticalization in Sinitic languages, a topic which has not received much attention in previous studies. This paper shows ample examples of phonological

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This study has focused on three types of phonological reduction involved in grammaticalization: segmental erosion, tone reduction and syllable fusion. In terms of segmental erosion, both the initial and final segment of a grammaticalized item can be lost. Two kinds of tone reduction involving grammaticalization have been attested: (a) using neutral tone for grammatical morphemes; and (b) using sandhi tone for grammatical morphemes.

We have shown that grammaticalization seems not to be the only factor for tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes, which are also affected by their positions and semantic focus. This is different from Mandarin Chinese where tone neutralization is little affected by positions and semantic focus. This may be attributed in part to different degrees of grammaticalization of grammatical morphemes between Hui’an and Mandarin Chinese.

Our findings also show that tone neutralization of grammatical morphemes tends to occur at the later stages of grammaticalization paths. Syllable fusion typically involves the grammaticalization of compound words, and may be affected by the positions of compound words and semantic focus involved, like tonal neutralization of grammatical morphemes.

This study has also shown that cases of phonological reduction are not uncommon, since they are also attested in other Sinitic languages, based on a comparison between the Hui’an dialect and other Sinitic languages such as Mandarin and Taiwanese.

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