Cross Versus Cross: the Kirchenkampf and the Holocaust
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The Suppression of Jewish Culture by the Soviet Union's Emigration
\\server05\productn\B\BIN\23-1\BIN104.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-JUL-05 11:26 A STRUGGLE TO PRESERVE ETHNIC IDENTITY: THE SUPPRESSION OF JEWISH CULTURE BY THE SOVIET UNION’S EMIGRATION POLICY BETWEEN 1945-1985 I. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL STATUS OF JEWS IN THE SOVIET SOCIETY BEFORE AND AFTER THE WAR .................. 159 R II. BEFORE THE BORDERS WERE CLOSED: SOVIET EMIGRATION POLICY UNDER STALIN (1945-1947) ......... 163 R III. CLOSING OF THE BORDER: CESSATION OF JEWISH EMIGRATION UNDER STALIN’S REGIME .................... 166 R IV. THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES: SOVIET EMIGRATION POLICY UNDER KHRUSHCHEV AND BREZHNEV .................... 168 R V. CONCLUSION .............................................. 174 R I. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL STATUS OF JEWS IN THE SOVIET SOCIETY BEFORE AND AFTER THE WAR Despite undergoing numerous revisions, neither the Soviet Constitu- tion nor the Soviet Criminal Code ever adopted any laws or regulations that openly or implicitly permitted persecution of or discrimination against members of any minority group.1 On the surface, the laws were always structured to promote and protect equality of rights and status for more than one hundred different ethnic groups. Since November 15, 1917, a resolution issued by the Second All-Russia Congress of the Sovi- ets called for the “revoking of all and every national and national-relig- ious privilege and restriction.”2 The Congress also expressly recognized “the right of the peoples of Russia to free self-determination up to seces- sion and the formation of an independent state.” Identical resolutions were later adopted by each of the 15 Soviet Republics. Furthermore, Article 124 of the 1936 (Stalin-revised) Constitution stated that “[f]reedom of religious worship and freedom of anti-religious propaganda is recognized for all citizens.” 3 1 See generally W.E. -
Antisemitism and the Left
2 Marx’s defence of Jewish emancipation and critique of the Jewish question The Jew … must cease to be a Jew if he will not allow himself to be hindered by his law from fulfilling his duties to the State and his fellow-citizens. (Bruno Bauer, Die Judenfrage)1 The Jews (like the Christians) are fully politically emancipated in various states. Both Jews and Christians are far from being humanly emancipated. Hence there must be a difference between political and human emancipation. (Marx and Engels, The Holy Family)2 Capitalism has not only doomed the social function of the Jews; it has also doomed the Jews themselves. (Abram Leon, ‘Toward a Solution to the Jewish Question’)3 Within the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the perspectives of Jewish eman- cipation and the Jewish question were synthesised to the extent that emancipation was justified in terms of solving the Jewish question. Within the French Revolu- tion, the inclusive face of universalism that was articulated in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was synthesised with the terror directed at those labelled ‘enemies of humanity’. In both the Enlightenment and the revolutionary tradition, however, there were alternative ways of thinking about Jewish emancipation that sought to break radically from the prejudicial assump- tions of the Jewish question. In the nineteenth century, the synthesis of Jewish emancipation and the Jewish question was to be torn apart. On the one hand, the Jewish question was set in opposition to Jewish emancipation; on the other hand, Jewish emancipation was justified independently of the Jewish question.4 The tensions contained in the eighteenth-century synthesis could no longer be held in check. -
French Protestant Churches and the Persecution of the Jews in France Michael R
French Protestant Churches and the Persecution of the Jews in France Michael R. Marrus Generally speaking, French Protestantism was inevitably more sensitive to the predicament of the Jewish minority in France than the Catholic majority. Numbering about 600,000 on the eve of the war, Protestants were divided into several confessional groups, gathered under the umbrella of the Fédération Protestante de France. Themselves a minority, Protestants had a long history of being outside the religious mainstream and carried a historical memory of fierce persecution during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Further, they often had Jewish or German-sounding names, and of course were normally unable to produce baptismal certificates, useful in proving that the bearer was not Jewish. Ever since the advent of the Vichy regime, as pressure mounted against Jews and Freemasons, Protestants harbored fears of “a new clericalism,” of which they too might become victims. In the summer of 1941, Pastor Marc Boegner, president of the Fédération Protestante, heard widespread rumors that Protestants were next on Vichy’s list of enemies. Along with a handful of other Protestants, Marc Boegner was among the first to protest Vichy's anti-Jewish legislation. Of Alsatian background, and profoundly patriotic, Boegner was widely respected at Vichy as a figure of international standing. His words could not be ignored. Under instructions from the Eglise Réformée de France, of which he was also the head, he expressed his objectives in two letters, sent in March 1941, one to the head of government Admiral François Darlan (himself of protestant origins) and the other to Isaïe Schwartz, then Grand Rabbi of France. -
Univerzita Karlova Filozofická Fakulta Diplomová
UNIVERZITA KARLOVA FILOZOFICKÁ FAKULTA Ústav filosofie a religionistiky Studijní obor: religionistika DIPLOMOVÁ PRÁCE Radical Paganism: Contemporary Heathens in Search of Political Identity Bc. Martina Miechová Vedoucí práce: Tereza Matějčková, Ph.D. 2019 Prohlašuji, že jsem práci vypracovala samostatně, že jsem řádně citovala všechny použité prameny a literaturu a že práce nebyla využita v rámci jiného vysokoškolského studia či k získání jiného nebo stejného titulu. V Praze dne 29.7.2019 ........................................ Poděkování Tereza Matějčková, Ph.D. mě podpořila povzbuzujícími konzultacemi, podnětnými připomínkami a trpělivostí během doby, kdy práce vznikala. Jagodě Mackowiak vděčím za přátelskou podporu a Mgr. Veronice Krajíčkové za neocenitelnou radu v začátcích. Nepřímo se o mou práci zasloužil i Adam Anczyk, PhD, který ve mně vzbudil zájem o téma novopohanství a jeho transformace v dnešní společnosti. Všem bych tímto ráda upřímně poděkovala. ABSTRAKT Tato práce si klade za cíl zmapovat vývoj politického myšlení Severského novopohanství a určit faktory, které vedou k politizaci konkrétních typů novopohanských skupin a k jejich příklonu k pravicovému radikalismu. První kapitola po úvodu sestává ze čtyř případových studií, z nichž každá představuje jiný typ skupiny z pohledu místa a okolností vzniku, kontextu, v němž se se vyvíjela jejich náboženská a politická přesvědčení, a ze způsobu legitimizace jejich případného politického aktivismu. Následující dvě kapitoly se soustředí na analýzu historických souvislostí, které zapříčinily rozdílné ideologické směřování skupin v rámci dvou hlavních typů Severského pohanství, Ásatrú a Odinismu, a to ve dvou odlišných kulturních prostředích Evropy a Spojených Států. Závěrečná kapitola přináší syntézu zkoumaných skupin ve vzájemných souvislostech spolu s jejich historickým pozadím; tato syntéza pak nabízí možnou interpretaci procesu jejich radikalizace. -
On the Jewish Question” (1843)
KARL MARX, “On the Jewish Question” (1843) In: The Marx-Engels Reader. Edited by Robert Tucker, New York: Norton & Company, 1978. p. 26 - 46. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ The German Jews seek emancipation. What kind of emancipation do they want? Civic, political emancipation. Bruno Bauer replies to them: In Germany no one is politically emancipated. We ourselves are not free. How then could we liberate you? You Jews are egoists if you demand for yourselves, as Jews, a special emancipation. You should work, as Germans, for the political emancipation of Germany, and as men, for the emancipation of mankind. You should feel the particular kind of oppression and shame which you suffer, not as an exception to the rule but rather as a confirmation of the rule. Or do the Jews want to be placed on a footing of equality with the Christian subjects? If they recognize the Christian state as legally established they also recognize the regime of general enslave- [27] ment. Why should their particular yoke be irksome when they accept the general yoke? Why should the German be interested in liberation of the Jew, if the Jew is not interested in the liberation of the German? The Christian state recognizes nothing but privileges. The Jew himself, in this state, has the privilege of being a Jew. As a Jew he possesses rights which the Christians do not have. Why does he want rights which he does not have but which the Christians enjoy? In demanding his emancipation from the Christian state he asks the Christian state to abandon its religious prejudice. -
Die Neue Er2iehung Und Der Neue Mensch 41
INHALT Vorwort 9 ErsterTeil: 1933 bis 1937 11 Zeittafel 12 DIE RELIGIONSPOLITIK HITLERS GEGEN DIE KATHOLISCHE KIRCHE IM JAHRE 1933 15 Hitlers Angst vor dem politischen Katholizismus 15 Das Reichskonkordat als innen- und auBenpolitisches Propagandamittel Hitlers 16 Die politischen Vorteile, die Hitler vom Konkordat erhoffte 17 Vorwurfe gegen den Papst wegen AbschluB des Konkordats 18 DIE KIRCHE IM SOG DER GLEICHSCHALTUNG 21 Der aus der Zeit vor 1933 bestehende Gegensatz zwischen katholiseher Kirche und dem Nationalsozialismus 21 Hitler zeigt nach auBen Entgegenkommen 22 Derfruhe Beginn des Kirchenkampfes 23 Die Bischofe protestieren gegen den Kirchenkampf und die Verletzung der Menschenrechte 23 Hitler belugt den Breslauer Kardinal 26 Konkordat oder nicht 27 DER KIRCHENKAMPF VERSCHARFT SICH NACH ABSCHLUSS DES REICHSKONKORDATS 29 Unsicherheit in historischen Darstellungen 29 Hitlers Haltung zur katholischen Kirche 30 Hitler laBt im engen Kreis die Maske fallen 32 DIE VOLLSTRECKER DER RELIGIONSPOLITISCHEN PLANE HITLERS 34 Heinrich Himmler, Reichsfuhrer SS und Chef der Deutschen Polizei 35 Der gefurchtete Gestapochef Reinhard Heydrich 36 Martin Bormann, der zweite Mann nach Hitler 38 Alfred Rosenberg, der Chefideologe der nationalsozialistischen Weltanschauung 38 DIE NEUE ER2IEHUNG UND DER NEUE MENSCH 41 Hitler als Erzieher der Deutschen 41 Grundsatze der NS-Erziehung 42 DIE DEUTSCHEN BISCHOFE UNTER HITLERS PARTEI UND STAAT 45 Die Bischofskonferenzen 45 Adolf Kardinal Bertram, der Vorsitzende der Fuldaer Bischofskonferenz 1859-1945 48 Michael -
ISAGUE Off HATIONS C.13.M.12.1936.XII. (Communicated, to the Council and Members Geneva, January 7Th, 1936. of the League). RESI
ISAGUE Off HATIONS C.13.M.12.1936.XII. (Communicated, to the Council and Members Geneva, January 7th, 1936. of the League). RESIGNATION Off M r . JiMES G. MCDONALD, HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR RBFJGS3S (-JEWISH AMD OTHER) FROM GERM&flY. Ko te by the Secretary-General. The Secretary-General of the League of Nations has the honour to transmit to the Council a letter dated December 27th, 1935, with annexes, from Mr. James G. McDonald, resign ing the office of High Commissioner for Refugees (Jewish and Other) from Germany. The original document sent by Mr. McDonald, which is appended to this note, is written in English. It is accom panied by a French translation of the letter of resignation, but not, at present, by a translation of the annexes. It is being communicated in this state to avoid any delay; a French translation of all the documents transmitted will be despatched in due course. O.l&M 13.3 936 ,XIT Annex . __ LETTER OF RESIGNATION OF JAMES G. McDONALD High Commissioner for Refugees Qewish and Other) Coming from Germany ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS With an Annex containing an analysis of the measures in Germany against “ Non-Aryans ”, and of their effects in creating refugees London, December 27th, 193j LETTER OF RESIGNATION JAMES G. McDONALD High Commissioner for Refugees (Jewish and Other) Coming from Germany ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS With an Annex containing an analysis of the measures in Germany against “ Non-Aryans ”, and of their effects in creating refugees London, December 2jtb, PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY HEADLEY BROTHERS 109 KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C.2 AND ASHFORD, KENT TABLE OF CONTENTS Letter of Resignation p. -
ACCH Quarterly Vol. 18, No. 1, March 2012 Letter from the Editors: March 2012
ACCH Quarterly Vol. 18, No. 1, March 2012 Letter from the Editors: March 2012 Dear Friends, This issue of our quarterly journal marks the beginning of its third year in its new format. As an independent venture, not funded by anybody, our aim is to provide you, our readers, with evaluations of new publications in the field of contemporary church history, i.e. from the beginning of the twentieth century to the present. Our aim is to do this as soon after publication as possible in order to assist your teaching and research. Our team of a dozen editors is drawn from both Europe and North America. Our mandate is to be both ecumenical and international. Because most of us began with an interest in Germany, the affairs of the German churches are frequently examined. But, at least in some sense, this is not fortuitous. For the German churches, Catholic, Protestant and Free Churches, provided striking examples of the perils and dangers for Christian witness during Germany’s subjection to two rival totalitarian systems in the past century. That is why we welcome our Berlin colleague, Manfred Gailus’ review of Martin Greschat’s survey of Protestantism in the Cold War, and Mark Ruff’s comment on the recent article by Olaf Blaschke on the Roman Catholic Kommission für Zeitgeschichte (Commission for Contemporary History). At the same time we ask you to note the positive steps taken to improve Catholic-Jewish relations, as recorded in the collected speeches of Pope John Paul II. We also bring you notice of some other aspects of Vatican diplomacy. -
Al(T-Right) Father? Germanic Neopaganism, Nordic Nationalism, and Modern Reception of Old Norse Religion and the Vikings
Al(t-Right) Father? Germanic Neopaganism, Nordic Nationalism, and Modern Reception of Old Norse Religion and the Vikings Trevor Kieser Master’s Thesis in Viking and Medieval Norse Studies Department of Linguistics and Scandinavians Studies (ILN) University of Oslo Spring 2019 - 30 Credits ii Al(t-Right) Father? Germanic Neopaganism, Nordic Nationalism, and Modern Reception of Old Norse Religion and the Vikings Trevor Kieser Master’s Thesis in Viking and Medieval Norse Studies – MAS4091 Department of Linguistics and Scandinavians Studies (ILN), University of Oslo Spring 2019 - 30 Credits iii © Trevor Kieser 2019 Al(t-Right) Father? Germanic Neopaganism, Nordic Nationalism, and Modern Reception of Old Norse Religion and the Vikings Trevor Kieser http://www.duo.uio.no/ Printer: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo iv Summary The purpose of this paper is to examine the modern reception of Old Norse religion and the image of the Vikings in a Nationalist context. I briefly describe the Old Norse pagan religion, as well as several extant sources on Old Norse pagan beliefs, before moving on to investigating the Germanic Neopagan movement which started in the late nineteenth to early twentieth century. In order to explain this, however, there needs to be a necessary understanding of the creation and development of the Germanic völkisch movement, which directly led to Germanic Neopaganism. Out of völkisch thinking came the modern-day forms of Germanic Neopaganism, manifesting chiefly in Asatru. Its relation to nationalist thinking and its focus on the Nordic gods have drawn comparisons between Asatruers and Nazis, but this line of thinking is unfair and diminishes the faith of all Asatruers. -
Communism's Jewish Question
Communism’s Jewish Question Europäisch-jüdische Studien Editionen European-Jewish Studies Editions Edited by the Moses Mendelssohn Center for European-Jewish Studies, Potsdam, in cooperation with the Center for Jewish Studies Berlin-Brandenburg Editorial Manager: Werner Treß Volume 3 Communism’s Jewish Question Jewish Issues in Communist Archives Edited and introduced by András Kovács An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 License, as of February 23, 2017. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. ISBN 978-3-11-041152-2 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-041159-1 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-041163-8 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2017 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover illustration: Presidium, Israelite National Assembly on February 20-21, 1950, Budapest (pho- tographer unknown), Archive “Az Izraelita Országos Gyűlés fényképalbuma” Typesetting: -
Nascita E Sviluppo Dell'ordoliberalismo
SCUOLA NORMALE SUPERIORE CLASSE DI LETTERE E FILOSOFIA CORSO DI PERFEZIONAMENTO IN FILOSOFIA NASCITA E SVILUPPO DELL’ORDOLIBERALISMO DALLA CRISI DI WEIMAR ALLA REPUBBLICA FEDERALE TEDESCA 1929-1949 Candidato LORENZO MESINI Relatore Prof. CARLO GALLI Tutor Prof. ROBERTO ESPOSITO ANNO ACCADEMICO 2019/2020 NASCITA E SVILUPPO DELL’ORDOLIBERALISMO DALLA CRISI DI WEIMAR ALLA REPUBBLICA FEDERALE TEDESCA 1929-1949 Un sincero e doveroso ringraziamento a tutti coloro che hanno incoraggiato e sostenuto la realizzazione di questa ricerca. Ringrazio in primo luogo tutti i docenti della Scuola Normale che in vario modo hanno fornito il loro prezioso supporto durante gli anni trascorsi a Pisa: Roberto Esposito, per la fiducia con cui mi ha accolto nel programma di perfezionamento della Scuola; Michele Ciliberto, Daniele Menozzi e Silvio Pons per l’importante lavoro svolto nei seminari annuali di Storia della filosofia e Storia contemporanea. Senza di essi non avrei potuto consolidare in maniera adeguata le mie conoscenze storiche e il percorso di perfezionamento presso la Scuola sarebbe inevitabilmente risultato incompleto. Un ringraziamento particolare a Roberto Scazzieri dell’Università di Bologna, per aver seguito con preziosi consigli lo sviluppo del lavoro, per avermi introdotto sapientemente allo studio della storia dell’analisi economica e per l’importante soggiorno di ricerca che mi ha consentito di svolgere presso l’Università di Cambridge (UK); a Carlo Galli, infine, per il sostegno che mi ha fornito costantemente durante tutte le fasi del mio percorso. Al suo supporto e al suo insegnamento devo gran parte dei risultati conseguiti lungo il mio percorso formativo e di ricerca; a lui devo i miei più sinceri ringraziamenti. -
The Role of Antisemitism in the Expulsion of Non-Aryan Students, 1933-1945 Béla Bodo
The Role of Antisemitism in the Expulsion of non-Aryan Students, 1933-1945 Béla Bodo “The goal is achieved! No more Jews at German Universities,” read the headline of the main Nazi student paper, Die Bewegung, in late 1938. The author hailed the students as the vanguard of Nazism at the institutions of higher learning. The student journalist argued that students, rather than professors and academic administrators, had pioneered antisemitism at German universities before 1933. By putting pressure on the authorities to expedite the expulsion of Jews, the journalist concluded, students made an important contribution to the creation of the Nazi university in the Third Reich.1 This contemporary assessment of the role of students and professors stands in sharp contrast to the conclusions of modern historians. The two most important articles written on the expulsion process concentrate almost exclusively on the operation of the Nazi bureaucratic machine and on the fights between various party and state organizations, each trying to aggrandize itself by realizing its own agenda. They do not discuss, however, what happened to Jewish students at the local level during the months after the Nazi takeover in January 1933. Neither do they examine the roles and motives of Gentile students and professors in the expulsion process.2 Beside these articles, there are also a number of local studies that deal in passing with the fate of Jewish students. However, they tend to limit themselves to the description of events, to the listing of administrative measures, and to providing statistical data on the decline of the Jewish student population.3 As far as motivation is concerned, the books on the 1 Die Bewegung, 47 (1938), Bundesarchiv (BA) Koblenz, ZSg 129/152.