Profiles of Poverty(Low Res)

Prof Prof iles of Although Lebanon is classified as a middle-income country, poverty remains a predominant challenge and is manifested in various ways. Going beyond the mere analysis of poverty from an income perspective, this unique study succeeded in drawing the various typologies of poverty in Lebanon, distin- guishing between the rural and urban settings, Lebanese and non-Lebanese citizens. Increased inequalities and disparities may lead to negative social, economic, and political consequences that may have a destabilizing impact on societies. Consequently, the findings of the report reconfirm the urgency for appropriate socioeconomic policies, strategies, and programs that re- Poverty spond to the needs of vulnerable groups, especially those who are challenged by tenure insecurity and poor housing conditions in informal urban areas. Dania Rifai, UN-Habitat Lebanon, Programme Manager

This is a timely contribution to the literature on poverty in Lebanon. Poverty research, and the subject of poverty itself, are fairly recent in Lebanon and date back to late 1990s, an indicator of the hitherto paradigm that poverty is nonexistent in the country. Here, this volume shows the wide spectrum of those

marginalized in Lebanon, groups that are unheard of or often seen as some- • Davidson Julie • Das Rupen one else’s malaise. By voicing the voices of those on the margins of the margin, this book brings us closer to the reality of the poor of Lebanon. Policymakers and development practitioners should read this book … and open their ears. Nasser Yassin, PhD, Development Planning Specialist and Professor at the Faculty of Health Sciences, American University of Beirut

This book is an honest and objective, yet appealing, account of both Lebanon and the Palestinians living in Lebanon. The detailed facts and descriptions are an insightful representation of the historical situation, which has build up to create the difficulties that the refugees face today. This book is not only enjoyable to read, but also allows the reader to visualize the human dimensions of poverty and marginalization facing the Palestinian population today. Olfat Mahmoud, Director, Women’s Humanitarian Organization with Niamh Flemming-Farrell (ed.) Flemming-Farrell Niamh with This report represents important and innovative work to understand the root causes of poverty in Lebanon. Interviews with over 400 men and women, girls and boys, lends real authenticity to the findings that Lebanon has a profound poverty issue. Understanding the causes of this poverty is the first step in finding a solution, which will enable all children in Lebanon to achieve their full potential … Conny Lenneberg, Regional Leader, World Vision International, Middle East & Eastern Europe Rupen Das is director for community development with LSESD and senior Profiles of advisor capacity building, international programs for CBM.

Julie Davidson is a development practioner and researcher based in Beirut. Niamh Fleming-Farrell is a writer and editor based in Beirut. Poverty The human face of poverty in Lebanon

Rupen Das • Julie Davidson • with Niamh Fleming-Farrell (ed.) Profiles of Poverty The human face of poverty in Lebanon

All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopy, recording, scanning, or other – except for brief quo- tations in critical reviews or articles, without the prior written permission of the publisher.

Published in Mansourieh, Lebanon, by Dar Manhal al Hayat

Photographs of the cover and on pages 400, 441 (top) were included with the permission of Tahaddi Association. Photographs on pages 153, 157, 158, 163, 180, 434, 435 were included with the permission of Rasha Makki. Photograph on page 38 was included with the permission of Heather McGuffin.

Edited by Niamh Fleming-Farrell

Cover and interior design by Dar Manhal al Hayat, Production Department B.O Box: 165 Mansourieh, El Metn-Lebanon Telephone: +961 4 401922 Fax: +961 4 532481 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.Dar-Manhal-Alhayat.com TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements 11 Guidance notes 15 Acronyms 17 Arabic words and colloquialisms 21

1. Introduction 25 Part 1. Poverty in rural Lebanon Map of rural communities studied 75 2. Poverty in rural Lebanon 77 3. Mareh and Bajaa, north Lebanon 83 4. Wazzani, south Lebanon 123 5. Jmeijme, south Lebanon 149 6. Arab el Harouq, Bekaa Valley 191 Part 2. Poverty in urban Lebanon Map of urban communities studied 227 7. Poverty in urban Lebanon 229 8. Hay el Tanak, Tripoli 235 9. Hay el Gharbeh, Beirut 265 10. Karm el Zeitoun, Beirut 297 Part 3. Refugees in Lebanon Map of refugee communities studied 339 11. Refugees in Lebanon 341 12. El Buss and Jal el Bahr, Palestinian communities, Tyre 347 Part 4. Conclusion 13. Conclusion, patterns of poverty 423

Color photographs 430 Appendices I – Lebanon timeline 449 II – Methodology 457 III – Community assessment tool 465 IV – Tenure systems and their characteristics 475

Bibliography 479 Biographies 493 List of figures and tables

1.1 Sustainable Livelihoods Framework 36 3.3 Health indicators for Akkar 101 1.2 Simple, complicated, and complex problems 37 3.4 Infrastructure in Akkar 104 1.3 Map of Lebanon 41 5.1 Tobacco production by region 165 1.4 HDI ranking and other characteristics of selected countries 46 5.2 Age distribution of working children in tobacco production 168 1.5 Millennium Development Goal 1: Eradicate Hunger 6.1 Nutritional status of Bedouin children aged 6-10 and Poverty 47 years in Lebanon and Syria 208 1.6 Millennium Development Goal 2: Achieve Universal 9.1 Estimated size of the Dom population in selected Primary Education 49 areas of Lebanon 272 1.7 Millennium Development Goal 3: Promote Gender Equality 11.1 2011 UNHCR planning figures for Lebanon 342 and Empower Women 51 12.1 Percentage breakdown by occupation of those employed 363 1.8 Millennium Development Goal 4: Reduce Child Mortality 52 12.2 Highest education achievement levels 368 1.9 Millennium Development Goal 5: Improve Maternal Mortality 53 12.3 Selection of disabilities and behavioral problems found 1.10 Millennium Development Goal 7: Environmental Sustainability 54 among 451 Paestinian children with disabilities in the three 1.11 Distribution of households, as a percentage of total households camps in the Tyre area 372 in the mohafazat, according to the Living Conditions Index 56 12.4 Percentage of Palestinians and Lebanese populations with access to health insurance 392 1.12 Distribution of households according to the Living Conditions Index in the six most deprived cazas compared to the national 12.5 Main health care service providers for Palestinians Lebanon 393 average and the least deprived caza 57 II.a Total number of interviews and participants 461 1.13 A selection of cazas in descending order of their share of II.b Participants broken down by role within the community 462 individuals classified as having a low degree of satisfaction 58 III.c Percentage of interviews conducted in each community 463 1.14 Income-related indicators 60 1.15 Education indicators 61 1.16 Housingindicators 62 1.17 Water and sewage indicators 63 1.18 Distribution of population between poor and non-poor categories 64 3.1 Livelihood and economic indicators for Akkar 95 3.2 Education indicators for Akkar 97 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Studies like Profiles of Poverty start with a frustration of not understanding something. Perry Mansfield, the former national director for World Vision Leba- non (WVL) and a colleague from my own World Vision days, shared the perplexing questions about poverty in Lebanon as we talked of our frustrations with many development organizations and their different perceptions of Lebanon. We also recognized that the dynamics of poverty and marginalized groups were having a profound effect in the region. Those frustrations and questions were the genesis of this project. Perry’s commitment to make sure that this study got started was what made the difference. A study such as this, which involves hundreds of interviews in eight very diverse locations in the country, was only made possible because of key individuals and supporters. I am indebted to Julie Davidson who in addition to contributing at every stage of the writing of this book, did much of the secondary data research and guided the field research teams in each of the locations. Her hard work and dedication to the project, as well as her cultural and social sensitivity throughout the interviews are qualities that make her an extremely valuable colleague and co-author. Most of the photographs used were taken by her, unless otherwise acknowledged. I am grateful to Dr. Nabil Costa, the Executive Director of the Lebanese Society for Educational and Social Development (LSESD), for his willingness to see the project move ahead and for providing me the time and encouragement to ensure that it was completed. His own concerns for those in need are reflected in the wide range of activities that LSESD is involved in. I also want to acknowledge the support provided by Alia Abboud (Director for Development and Partner Relations) and Rene Khodr (Senior Accountant) at LSESD. Gordon King, the Director of the Sharing Way at CBM, a colleague, former boss, and a friend on a similar journey was instrumental in making sure that we

13 had funding for the research for this project. Terry Smith, the Director of In- The team at Dar Manhal Al Hayat has been invaluable in providing the ternational Partnerships at CBM, provided encouragement by his acknowledg- flexibility, support and creativity that was necessary to ensure that the study got ment of how vital this study is. Terry was instrumental in accessing part of the into print. There is deep appreciation for the work of Sawsan Tannoury, Naji funding for this publication. I also want to acknowledge the funding provided Gedeon, Michelle Enkiri, Rana Haddad and Salam Koborsi. by German Baptist Aid towards the publication, in particular Birgit Fischer and Dania Rifai, (Program Manager at UN Habitat), Nancy Hilal (Urban Plan- Frank Wegen. ner/Capacity Building Coordinator also at UN Habitat), and Rabih Shibli of The project was conducted jointly with World Vision Lebanon, who gra- the Center for Civic and Community Engagement were very helpful in aiding us ciously and liberally assigned staff for the field research. Besides accounting for identify communities that could be studied, providing contacts with key people staff time, WVL organized and funded the logistics of the field research. The and general information about the diversities and issues present in Lebanon. WVL team included Nisreen Abou Mrad, (Programme Officer, South), Cyn- David Maassarany, an intern from Humber College’s International Develop- thia Kadri, (Programme Officer, Bekaa), Joelle Semaan, (Programme Officer, ment program, assisted with many of the interviews in the Bedouin community Refugees), Lara Ghaoui, (Programme Officer, Beirut), Janine Ayoub (WV intern in the Bekaa. David Peck, the Executive Director of SoChange in Canada, beat the time of the study), and Aline Rahbany (Research and Learning Officer). lieved in the importance of understanding the dynamics of poverty and was Each of them brought a strong dedication and commitment to address issues of willing to provide assistance at a critical point in the project. poverty and development. Their ability to translate during the interviews, con- There were organizations and people in each of the communities that were tribute their own insights and analysis, and continue providing information and generous with their time and open with their insights and experiences. While clarification during the follow up and writing process proved to be invaluable. there were many, some went out of their way to provide information and fa- Chris Palusky (WVL operations director) and Samar Abboud (WVL Design, cilitate the interviews. Tahaddi Association, which works in Hay el Gharbeh, Monitoring and Evaluation manager) were wise colleagues who helped us navi- allowed us to interview all their staff as well as set up many of the interviews. gate through interesting times. Their commitment and support for the project Abu Fuad in Hay el Tanak was passionate about the problems that his commu- cannot be underestimated. Anita Delhaas, the new director for World Vision nity faces and was very generous with his time and insights, and spent numerous Lebanon has been very encouraging in her support for the project ever since she hours trying to explain the difficult legal issues they are dealing with. assumed her role. World Vision Lebanon was one of the funders of this publica- This study is about enabling the marginalized and poor to have a voice. There tion. is a heartfelt appreciation for the people we interviewed, who opened up their There were others at World Vision Lebanon who provided support, handled homes to us (often when we came unannounced), and shared their hearts with a variety of issues as they arose, and assisted the field teams. These included, us by telling their stories, which were very often stories of lifelong struggles and Fady El Chidiak (Supply Chain Manager), Colette Rizk (Office & Board Coor- hardships. I do not believe the methodology that we chose would have been pos- dinator), Najat Kandalaft (Finance Reporting Officer), Moussa Barakat (Devel- sible in every country, but with the “Arab hospitality” ingrained in this country’s opment Facilitator in Bint Jbeil), Rasha Makki (Development Facilitator in Bint culture we were welcome in every village and area that we visited, and treated Jbeil), Roni Jarjour (Sponsorship Field Coordinator in Bint Jbeil), Rania Said as if we were longtime friends. We (the authors and many members of the field (Project Coordinator in Marjayoun), Ahmad Jahjah (Development Facilitator teams) can honestly say that some of the interviewees became friends, and long in Akkar), Corinne Sakr, (Development Facilitator), Norma Wakim (Akkar Area after the study is printed we will continue to visit them. It is to these people that Manager), Hanna Swidan (South Area Manager), Khalil Sleiman (Bekaa Area this study and publication is dedicated. Manager), and Clovis Obeidy (Sponsorship Field Coordinator in Bekaa). Every publication is in need of a good editor, who is able to make sure that thoughts are communicated clearly. It is an added bonus if she believes in the Rupen Das issues being studied. Niamh Fleming-Farrell was an invaluable part of the team Beirut, Lebanon as she helped us think through how to communicate certain sections more clear- November 2011 ly, in addition to spending countless hours editing the entire document numerous S.D.G. times. From an editorial perspective, a fresh set of eyes as submission dates loom is incalculably important. Hardy Calvert provided not only keen eyes but also re-energized the project with his perspective and clarity of thought.

14 15 GUIDANCE NOTES

Reading the book There is no one intended audience for this book. It was written in the hope that it be accessible to and insightful for a diversity of readers: development professionals, public officials, donors, and people interested in learning more about Lebanon or poverty in general. The first chapter (the Introduction) is more technical than the others, and while it provides a general context and overview of the situation in Lebanon and the methodology used to complete the study, it is not essential reading for everyone. The subsequent chapters are discrete case studies and can be read independently, and not necessarily in the order they are provided. Given the nature of the research methodology adopted, it was inevitable that some questions would yield conflicting or confusing responses. The individuals interviewed sometimes contradicted themselves or their neighbors. At other times, biases present in the ideas, thoughts, and vocabulary used by both key informants and local community members may seem apparent. When possible the authors attempted to provide explanations for these discrepancies; however, such clarification was not always possible or desired. Sometimes, it was decided, these divergent perspectives and comments are revealing of the complexities of the situations within the communities studied, and therefore prove enlightening rather than perplexing or bewildering. A timeline can be found in Appendix I.

16 17 Usage of Arabic ACRONYMS

As most of the names of geographical locations have been transliterated from Arabic, it is possible to find other spellings for the same town, village, or area. Additionally, for some cities there is an English name and an Arabic name in common usage – for example, the city of Sur is called Tyre in English. In cases such as this, the English versions have been used throughout the book.

References

The term “key informant” is used quite a lot throughout the course of the book. This term refers to anyone who may have specific knowledge or expertise about a community or subject. Key informants could be locals living in the community (for example, elders particularly aware of the history of the area) or people from outside of the community (for example, NGO workers who have spent considerable time working within the community). Due to the sensitive information that both key informants and locals provided throughout the interviews, very few real names are used in the actual book. ACF Action Contre la Faim /Action Against Hunger This allowed the participants to speak more freely and without fear of retribu- AUB American University of Beirut tion. For this reason either pseudonyms or descriptions are used instead. CAS Central Administration of Statistics When no reference is provided (either within the text to a key informant or specific local community member or in an endnote to an external source), the CBM Canadian Baptist Ministries information is taken from the interviews conducted in the community. CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child Unless otherwise noted, the costs of health care and educational services DfID Department for International Development were based on information provided by the community and were not independently verified with the service providers. DPT Diptheria, Pertussis, and Tetanus Vaccine Endnotes are found at the end of each chapter. DRC Danish Refugee Council EU European Union Human capital GDP Gross Domestic Product

Usually in line with the framework adopted, education and aspects of livelihoods GTZ Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (German Tech- would be discussed under human capital in the “Assets and vulnerabilities” sec- nical Cooperation), now known as GIZ – Gesellschaft für In tion of each chapter. However, given that each has an independent section in ternationale Zusammenarbeit the profile the community, it is generally not discussed again under assets and HDI Human Development Index vulnerabilities in order to avoid unnecessary repetition. HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus / Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome HRW Human Rights Watch ICARDA International Center for Agriculture Research for Dry Areas IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development ILO International Labour Organization

18 19 IMC International Medical Corps UBN Unsatisfied Basic Needs ISF Internal Security Forces UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights IUD Intrauterine Device UN United Nations LAU Lebanese American University UNDP United Nations Development Programme LSESD Lebanese Society for Educational and Social Development UNFPA United Nations Population Fund MC Mercy Corps UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees MDG Millennium Development Goal UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund MDW Migrant Domestic Workers UNIFIL United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon MEHE Ministry of Higher Education UNIPAL Universities’ Trust for Educational Exchange with MENA Middle East and North Africa Palestinians MIRSAD Multi-Initiative on Rights: Search, Assist and Defend UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency MMR Maternal Mortality Rate USAID United States Agency for International Development MoH Ministry of Health UXO Unexploded Ordinance MoPH Ministry of Public Health WB World Bank MoSA Ministry of Social Affairs WHO World Health Organization MPI Multidimensionality Poverty Index WVL World Vision Lebanon NGO Non-Governmental Organization NRC Norwegian Refugee Council NSSF National Social Security Fund PARD Popular Aid for Relief and Development PC Popular Committee PLA Participatory Learning and Action PLO Palestine Liberation Organization PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal PRCS Palestinian Red Crescent Society PTSD Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder SHAP Special Hardship Assistance Program SLA South Lebanon Army STD Sexually Transmitted Disease TB Pulmonary Tuberculosis TBA Traditional Birth Attendant Tdh Terre des hommes

20 21 ARABIC WORDS AND COLLOQUIALISMS

ain spring; source of water autocar a small bus used to take children to school bedu slang term for referring to Bedouins, from the word “Bedouin,” which refers to people who traditionally lived in the Baida baida desert; literally means white baik a ruler of the administrative area under the Ottoman Empire; could have been Lebanese or Turkish benzene fuel for cars and heaters burghol crushed wheat caza district chankleesh a strong type of cheese often served with hot spices corniche a road bordering the sea with a wide pedestrian walkway

22 23 haj mukhtar the pilgrimage to the holy site of Mecca that Muslims should undertake once mayor during their lifetime, if they are financially able to do so mulokhieh Haraket al Mahrumin another type of mallow plant (Jew’s Mallow) Movement of the Deprived narguileh haram a water pipe commonly used to smoke tobacco in the Middle East religiously, haram means prohibited; colloquially, it is used when feeling pity Nawar or when sympathizing with someone a derogatory term used to refer to the Dom community (equivalent of hummous “gypsy” in English) chick peas panadol fellaheen paracetamol farmers quwaiseh foul sage, clary beans Ramadan iftar also known as the Holy Month when Muslims fast from sunrise to sunset the first meal after breaking the Ramadan fast at sundown seleq laban white beet yoghurt sheikh labneh literally, “elder,”; Arab leader or chief of tribe; leader in a Muslim commu- a thick yoghurt nity or organization often seen as having religious knowledge kafala souq guarantee (referring to a Lebanese sponsoring and taking responsibility for a market migrant domestic worker) tabouleh khobeze a salad made of parsley, mint, green onions, tomatoes, lemon juice, olive oil, a plant in the mallow family and cracked wheat kteer taboon a lot, many a convex hotplate originally made with clay but now made of metal and used marameyeh for cooking bread (and in older times for cooking many food types) sage tanak manoushe tin a type of flat baked bread (akin to a pizza base) spread with various toppings wasta and commonly eaten for breakfast in the Middle East connections, influence mohafazat zatar province or governorate thyme mouneh zinco a way of preserving foods which is used to store fresh produce for the winter metal sheeting often used as building material

24 25 INTRODUCTION

A picture is a powerful thing. As the old adage goes “a picture paints a thousand words”; although, in the case of Lebanon it could well be amended to “a picture paints (or obscures) a thousand statistics.” Pictures inspire impressions that can eclipse tomes of quantitative documentation – either confirming their content entirely or obliterating it completely. For a number is just a number, and what it represents, without lived experience, can prove hard to grasp. In Lebanon and Beirut there is often a gaping chasm between the numbers – the figures and statistics compiled and released by development agencies – and the reality of the country as it is experienced by visitors – be they tourists, businessmen, or even international donors. This study is undertaken with the aim of filling that chasm by altering the standard picture of Lebanese prosperity to include the very real poverty almost a third of the country’s population lives in every day. Beirut’s rise as a tourist attraction can be traced to the second half of the 19th century when, with its idyllic setting and expanding infrastructure, it became a destination of choice for European travelers. In 1847, two decades after he first served in the city, Henri Guys, the former French consul, described Beirut as having “consulates from almost every nation, commercial establishments, hotels, well-stocked stores, a European pharmacy, and finally a casino – a luxury that only ports of the first rank can permit themselves.”1 Three years later the French writer and photographer Maxime du Camp described the city as “incomparable,” waxing poetic on: “ … the country that surrounds it, the forest of parasol pines, the road bordered with nopals, myrtle, and pomegranate trees in which chameleons run; the view of the Mediterranean and the aspect of the wooded summits of the Lebanon that draw the purity of their lines on the sky.”2

26 27 INTRODUCTION 1

He concluded that the city was “a retreat for the contemplative, for the disil- if there are not more deserving recipients for their aid elsewhere. The reality is lusioned, for those who have been wounded by existence; it seems to me that one that Lebanon has done such a good job of restoring its image that visitors must can live happily there doing nothing but looking at the mountains and the sea.”3 employ concious effort to observe the persistence of a very real poverty and need Such reviews of the city, along with the opening of its port to steam ships, in the city and country. drew visitors to what would eventually become known as “the Paris of the Middle There are dark threads and shadows that weave throughout the fabric of East,” a city whose residents were eager to show it off to the world. This period Lebanese society. One such thread is revealed in the 2008 UNDP country study in the country’s history perhaps also proved to be the beginning of the creation on Lebanon which states that 20.59 percent of the population is poor and an of Lebanon’s “public” or “tourist” face. additional 7.97 percent is extremely poor,5 totaling 28.56 percent6 – more than In the intervening 160 years, Lebanon’s popularity amongst international a quarter of the population – living below the poverty line. The extremely poor travellers has been derailed for significant periods by conflict and instability, are “clustered far below the upper poverty line.”7 These figures become even especially while the Civil War raged from 1975-1990. However, the past two more concerning when one considers that foreign populations living in Lebanon decades, and particularly the past five years have seen the country work toward (such as migrant workers and Palestinian refugees), who are often more likely to a return to its former glory. As postwar reconstruction has neared completion, be living in poverty, were not included in their calculation. economic growth has been steady, and travel writers and publishers have once Who are these poor and where do they live? In a country that is blessed again branded Lebanon’s capital as a vacation hotspot. with water, fertile soil, an industrious people, a thriving tourist industry, and a Indeed, when visitors land in Beirut a top-10 destination is what greets them. huge global Diaspora, why is more than a quarter of the population poor? What They are awed by the city’s gleaming and growing skyline. A new highway lights unseen factors shed light on the causes of poverty in Lebanon? What dynamics the way from the airport to Downtown, Beirut’s central district which in its pre- are at play that are not easily explained by economic indicators alone? What do vious incarnations was a busy trading souq and part of the “green line”4 during these poor look like and what are the realities of their lives? the country’s 15-year civil war. Now, however, it is a pristine hive of wealth and Answering these questions is a challenge due to the complexity of Lebanon’s glamour. Today those who stroll the newly reconstructed city center encounter a development context. First, because of Lebanon’s recent volatile history, signifi- range of high-end retail stores, upmarket hotels, and luxury vehicles. Other cen- cant data collection was not initiated until close to the end of the Civil War in tral districts are lined with new bars and restaurants, and after dark an audible 1990. Therefore most of the initial baseline data, to which current data can be buzz proclaims the city’s active nightlife. The coast and mountains du Camp compared, was not available until the mid to late 1990s. Since then there have gazed upon in poetic bliss are now known for their luxurious resorts and private been a number of attempts to collect data across various sectors, but some gaps beach clubs. Beirut and Lebanon are marketed as the home of liberty and luxury still exist. In addition, many of the documents in current usage stem from the in the Arab world, and increasingly it takes a discerning visitor to see beyond same core surveys, conducted by the same institutions (or their contractors). This what is illustrated in brochures and promotional material. has resulted in reports citing the same sources and deriving similar conclusions. Deliberate steps have, perhaps understandably, been taken to conceal the These overlapping national and multinational reports and surveys have created aspects of the country that are inconsistent with the image it wishes to sell to its the only statistical basis for understanding poverty in Lebanon, yet this basis is tourists. The main route from the airport no longer passes the Palestinian refu- insufficient. gee camps and poor suburbs of South Beirut, while the government has painted What has been missing from previous research has been the voice of the poor homes visible from the inter-city highway to improve the appearance of the city and how they understand and experience their poverty. The quantitative and as it is approached from the north. As a result of efforts such as these, visitors’ statistical data and analysis available for Lebanon needs to be balanced with an first impressions, and often only impressions, are that there is little need in the understanding of the human face of poverty – the narrative of the poor. This country and that the population’s energy and dynamism are yielding postive narrative serves to balance the standard image of Lebanese prosperity and con- effects across the country. There is a sense that any outstanding destabilizing tributes to a more accurate picture of the country as a whole. issues in Lebanon are to be found in the realm of politics and security, and that The ultimate objective of this study is to provide that narrative. It will, how- those are the only issues that need to be addressed. This has even, on occasion, ever, start with an analysis of the quantitative data and indicators currently used been the impression of international donors who have come to Lebanon with to understand poverty and development in Lebanon before narrowing down to the specific objective of assessing projects to contribute their money to; they see look at the human face of poverty in specific communities. a picture of a city that clearly appears to be back on its feet and ask themselves

28 29 INTRODUCTION 1

1. Methodology as to have a framework with which to analyze what was being said. In selecting these tools and developing this framework, a range of models of poverty which went beyond quantitative and economic models and indicators was explored. It In order to address the gap in knowledge on poverty in Lebanon, the Leba- was essential that the tools and framework chosen provide a lens through which nese Society for Educational and Social Development (LSESD) and World Vi- the issues surrounding poverty could be seen as part of complex social systems sion Lebanon (WVL) decided to study eight different communities – four rural, not easily explained by simple linear cause and effect analysis. Lessons from three urban, and a refugee community – across the country. The research team Chaos Theory explain some of the dynamics of complex systems, while the endeavored to select a group of communities representative of the country’s main tools used for data collection were chosen from the Participatory Rural geographical, ethnic, religious, and political diversity with a view to providing as Appraisal (PRA) methods. textured a portrayal as possible of poverty in Lebanon. The final selection was These tools included open-ended and semi-structured interviews. Pre- made following significant secondary data review and thorough discussions with identified key sectors were explored during conversations with the community many individuals knowledgeable in the field. (See appendix II for more specific members, focus groups, and in key informant interviews through a set of ques- methodological information.) tions developed using the United Kingdom’s Department for International De- velopment’s (DfID) Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets and Robert Chambers’ The communities studied were: model of poverty (see section “Frameworks to understand poverty”). Based on the information gained and the comments of the communities, this framework Rural communities enabled the questions to be adapted as the interviews progressed in order to ad- • Mareh and Bajaa (located in Akkar in the north) dress interviewees’ most prevalent concerns. The other PRA techniques that were used were community-transect walks • Wazzani (located in Marjayoun in the south) to understand the layout of the community, the resources available and chal- • Jmeijme (located in Bint Jbeil in the south) lenges faced, as well as direct observations and participant observations. The initial thought was to use the transect walks to carry out community mapping. • Arab el Harouq (a Bedouin community located in the Bekaa Valley) However, due to the unstable political environment and the potential repercussions of completing a mapping exercise, this was not undertaken. The fieldwork Urban communities was supported by reviews of secondary data. The research took place over the • Hay el Gharbeh (located in Beirut) course of one year. The chapters are written in a manner that allows the poor to speak, define • Hay el Tanak (located in el Mina, outside Tripoli, in the north) their reality, and articulate their own perceptions of themselves. These percep- • Karm el Zeitoun (located in Beirut) tions are then analyzed as part of a complex social system. In the chapters that follow, an analysis of poverty in these communities is presented alongside indi- Refugee community vidual narratives in which community members define how they perceive poverty. While many live in deplorable conditions, are marginalized, and often have • El Buss and Jal el Bahr (a Palestinian camp and gathering8 located very little that they can call their own, what became very evident through the in Tyre in the south) interviews is that most had a very good understanding of their situation. They The objective of studying these communities was to understand understand the context in which they are living, they are able to provide accu- the dynamics of poverty and allow the groups affected a voice to de- rate histories and descriptions about their situations, and they were often keen to scribe the realities of being poor. The responses vary from community to outline possible solutions. community. The hope is that this study will provide the context for better logical problem analysis9 of the causes and effects of poverty in Lebanon, which will in turn inform and enhance efforts to address this poverty. In order to complete an assessment of this manner, it was important to employ the right tools and methodology to allow the poor to speak and also so

30 31 INTRODUCTION 1

• Educational status: this is measured by the adult literacy rate and The value of a narrative approach the gross enrollment rate, which are the combined rates at the pri- “…our literate technological culture has convinced us that truth cannot be commu- mary, secondary, and tertiary levels. nicated [through stories]. Stories may be used to illustrate truth but not communicate 13 it. One example of this belief is the approach used to teach history. To understand • GDP per capita: this is an indicator of the standard of living. the political foundations of American history, students study the writings of Thomas However, the weaknesses of the HDI have proven similar to those of poverty Jefferson or read the Federalist Papers or the treaties of Locke and Rousseau. Narra- lines, in that the measure and index is at a national level and it informs very tive historical accounts, anecdotes and eyewitness descriptions only provide illustra- little on specific local contexts. tions of concepts and ideas contained in such volumes. However, these stories do not and cannot be used to communicate ideas. The crucial ideas can only be communi- The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are an international initiative cated analytically and logically, and not narratively! focused on improving the basic development indicators in all countries. The Mil- “While analytical and logical presentations are sometimes required and beneficial, lennium Declaration, to achieve the agreed upon goals and targets by 2015, was the assumption behind such presentations is often one of disdain for narrative as the ratified by 191 countries.14 The MDGs are not only targets that the UN member means for communicating major ideas. states have agreed upon; they are also an attempt towards a multidimensional “… However, more people in culture are influenced, not by papers and books by phi- understanding of poverty. The value of the MDGs is that the targets are country losophers, ethicists or commentators, but by the artistic communication of their ideas in the media … In other words, it is the stories and ideas taught by stories that influence specific and not universal. So, for example, “reducing the maternal mortality people …” rate by three quarters” is a target for all countries. But the implementation is based on the baseline of the existing maternal mortality rate (MMR) in each spe- Source: Borden, “Is there really one big idea in that story?” p. 68 cific country against which the target is measured, and not in comparison with other countries. These can be used at specific community levels as well. 2. Frameworks to understand poverty Millennium Development Goals The following section outlines applicable quantitative and qualitative poverty Goal 1: Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger models and frameworks. Goal 2: Achieve universal primary education Much of the focus in the study of poverty has been on quantifiable measures. Goal 3: Promote gender equality and empower women The basic premise is that “Poverty has to be given a scientifically acceptable Goal 4: Reduce child mortality universal meaning and measurement.”10 Easily measurable indicators such as Goal 5: Improve maternal health low income and low consumption are used to define poverty. Globally accepted Goal 6: Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases Goal 7: Ensure environmental sustainability poverty lines, such as the percentage of the population living on $111 a day or Goal 8: Develop a Global Partnership for Development living below the national poverty standard, are widely used and are collated at a national level. “So the analysis of deprivation and poverty comes to be narrowed Jeffery Sachs, who was instrumental in the development of the MDGs, to what can be measured and available in statistics. This has its uses. It enables distinguishes between three degrees of poverty: central planners to make comparisons between regions and districts and between different times.”12 However, while the poverty lines inform the broad context, “… extreme (or absolute) poverty, moderate poverty and relative poverty. they rarely have any validity at specific community levels and/or in understand- Extreme poverty means that households cannot meet basic needs for sur- ing the causes and the dynamics of poverty. In order to complement the quanti- vival. They are chronically hungry, unable to access health care, lack the amenities of safe drinking water and sanitation, cannot afford education for tative and statistical analysis of poverty, it is important to move beyond perceiv- some or all of the children, and perhaps lack rudimentary shelter – a roof to ing poverty as purely a deprivation or deficit either materially or economically. keep the rain out of the hut, a chimney to remove the smoke from the cook The Human Development Index (HDI) went beyond the the concept of pov- stove – and basic articles of clothing such as shoes. Unlike moderate and erty lines to include three dimensions. These are: relative poverty, extreme poverty occurs only in developing countries. Mod- erate poverty generally refers to conditions of life in which basic needs are • Life expectancy at birth: this serves as an indicator of the popula- met, but just barely. Relative poverty is generally construed as a household tion’s health and longevity. income level below a given proportion of the average national income.”15

32 33 INTRODUCTION 1

approach. The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the The “bottom billion” 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) provide the legal basis for Paul Collier focuses on countries that are poor rather than on individuals or the obligation of the international community (including national governments, communities. Referring to the “bottom billion” who are the people in the international institutions, and civil society) to ensure that everyone has the right poorest countries, Collier writes, “The countries at the bottom coexist with the to basic human security. Some of the fundamental rights identified by the Uni- twenty-first century, but their reality is the fourteenth century: civil war, plague, versal Declaration of Human Rights which are directly related to poverty are: ignorance. They are concentrated in Africa and Central Asia, with a scatter- • All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimina- ing elsewhere.”16 He describes them as having an average life expectancy of tion to equal protection of the law. (Article 7) 50 years, compared to 67 years in most developing countries. Infant mortality • Everyone has the right to a nationality. (Article 15) is 14 percent compared to four percent, while long-term malnutrition among children is 36 percent versus 20 percent in most developing countries.17 • Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favorable conditions of work, and to protection against un- When using poverty lines, such as a single economic indicator, the HDI, or employment. Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to a basket of indicators such as the MDGs, the assessment of poverty is against a equal pay for equal work. Everyone who works has the right to just normative standard. These standards are internationally or nationally accept- and favorable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an ed standards or targets that allow planners and development specialists to assess existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, the type and level of poverty in any given nation. Poverty based on normative by other means of social protection. (Article 23) standards is the gap between the accepted standard and what actually exists. For • Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the example, the three HDI indicators can be explained as a score on a scale of 0-1. health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, If the indicators provide an HDI score of 0.9 or above then the country is con- clothing, housing and medical care, and necessary social services, sidered to be a “very high human development” country – a globally accepted and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, standard. Any country that receives lower than 0.9 is considered to be in one of disability, widowhood, old age, or other lack of livelihood in circum- the “developing” country categories.18 stances beyond his control. Motherhood and childhood are entitled However, the assessment of poverty, in order to be useful and insightful to to special care and assistance. (Article 25) development practicioners, also needs to be relative. When assessed in relative • Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in terms, poverty is not determined against normative standards but in comparison the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall with communities in surrounding areas, regions, districts, provinces, or coun- be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made tries. For example, the HDI can also be used to demonstrate relative poverty by generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible comparing the various countries’ ranks. Countries are ranked, in descending to all on the basis of merit. Education shall be directed to the full de- order, based on their HDI scores. This allows the comparison of countries within velopment of the human personality and to the strengthening of re- a group, for example neighboring states, countries with similar socioeconomic spect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote conditions, geographic characteristics, etc. understanding, tolerance, and friendship among all nations, racial, However, normative and relative measures are not the only ways to assess or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United poverty. Poverty can also be assessed by how it is felt by a particular community. Nations for the maintenance of peace. Parents have a prior right to In this context, reality is defined by the community itself and they identify what choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children. their needs are, rather than needs being identified on the basis of national or (Article 26)19 international standards or in comparison with surrounding areas or regions. As thinking moved beyond poverty lines, social and political justice were Amartya Sen, an economist, combines economic indicators with the idea of seen as integral to addressing poverty. Poverty was no longer understood solely social justice and challenges the concept that poverty can be measured only by a as a matter of low income or poor living conditions. A lack of social and po- single indicator like low income. Instead he introduces the concept of capabili- litical justice came to be considered one of the key reasons for poverty. Much ties (“substantive freedoms”) that enable the individual to have the quality of life of the discussion around poverty is now framed using a human rights-based that they choose. He writes:

34 35 INTRODUCTION 1

“…in analyzing social justice, there is a strong case for judging individual • physical weakness – lack of strength and having too many depen- advantage in terms of the capabilities that a person has, that is, the substan- dents26 tive freedoms he or she enjoys to lead the kind of life he or she has reason to value. From this perspective, poverty must be seen as the deprivation of Chambers stresses: basic capabilities rather than merely as lowness of incomes, which is the “The simple definition of the bad condition – poverty – is made, then, not standard criterion of identification of poverty.”20 by the poor, from their experience, but by the well-off, for their convenience. The need planners and academics have for a single scale of numbers nar- John Friedmann’s model of empowerment uses the household as the basic rows, distorts and simplifies their perceptions. Deprivation and poverty economic and political unit. He identifies eight bases of social power in order for come to be defined, not by the changing and varied wants and needs of the a household to be productive. These are: financial resources, social networks, ap- poor, but by the static and standardized wants and needs of professionals. propriate information, surplus time over subsistence requirements, instruments Conceptually, professionals are then caught in their own reductionist pov- of work and livelihoods, social organization, knowledge and skills, and defensible erty trap. Poverty becomes what has been measured.”27 life space. For Friedmann, the poor are empowered by gaining access to these Chambers sought to understand poverty as perceived by the poor and was 21 assets. Drawing from his extensive field experience, Jayakumar Christian moves key in the development of Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) techniques, now beyond indicators and symptoms of poverty to an understanding of its nature sometimes also referred to as Participatory Learning and Action. PRA tech- and causes. He identifies power and powerlessness as critical factors that influ- niques enable the poor to define their own reality and to express their needs. ence poverty. He builds on Friedmann’s model of empowerment (or disempow- DfID’s Sustainable Livelihoods Framework builds on Chambers’ model of house- erment) and focuses on the worldviews of the poor and the non-poor as elements hold poverty. The framework seeks to understand and analyze the livelihoods of 22 that cause poverty. the poor. It is an attempt to define elements of the system that actually affect the Paulo Freire connects oppression with poverty and identifies lack of aware- well-being of individuals. “In essence it is a way of putting people at the center of ness or “conscientization” as the reason why people remain in poverty. Reflect- development, thereby increasing the effectiveness of development assistance.”28 ing on one of his interviews he said: In doing so it tries to define the context within which poverty exists. DfID clearly “The peasant is emotionally dependent. He can’t say what he wants. Before admits that the framework has limitations in representing reality but tries to pro- he discovers his dependence he suffers. He lets off steam at home, where vide a way of thinking about the livelihoods of the poor. It highlights the fact he shouts at his children, beats them, and despairs. He complains about his that the poor operate within the context of vulnerability (shocks, trends, and wife and thinks everything is dreadful. He doesn’t let off steam with the boss seasonality), but that they have access to assets and resources (“poverty reducing because he thinks the boss is a superior being. Lots of times, the peasant gives vent to his sorrows by drinking.”23 factors”) that may help them mitigate or reduce the effects of vulnerability. “These gain their meaning and value through the prevailing social, institu- Freire goes on to say, “This total dependence can lead the oppressed to what tional and organizational environment. This environment also influences 24 Fromm calls necrophilic behavior: the destruction of life – their own or that of livelihood strategies – ways of combining and using assets – that are open their oppressed fellows.”25 to people in pursuit of beneficial livelihood outcomes that meet their own The most significant developments in the understanding of poverty, moving livelihood objectives.”29 beyond poverty lines, were made in the work of Robert Chambers at the Insti- tute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex. He describes poor households as having a particular set of attributes: • material poverty – lack of assets

• vulnerability – lack of reserves, lack of choices, and easy to coerce

• powerlessness – lack of influence, lack of social power, and susceptible to exploitation

• isolation – lack of assets, lack of education, and excluded from institutionalized systems

36 37 INTRODUCTION 1

insights to understand reality. While using cause and effect models to analyze Figure 1.1: Sustainable Livelihoods Framework problems has considerable value in designing effective short-term relief and development projects, such models are limited in predicting medium- to long-term results and changes. This is simply due to the complexity of factors that affect specific problems.

Figure 1.2: Simple, complicated, and complex problems

SIMPLE COMPLICATED COMPLEX

Sending a rocket to Baking a cake Raising a child the moon

Rigid protocols have lim- Rigid protocols or formu- The recipe is essential. ited application or are las are needed. counter-productive.

Source: Df ID , “Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets” (1999) Sending one rocket in- Raising one child pro- Recipes are tested to as- creases the likelihood that vides experience but is no Livelihood assets that individuals or households possess are multifaceted and sure easy replication. the next will also be a suc- guarantee of success with are more than just financial assets. The assets include: cess. the next one. • Human capital – skills, knowledge, amount and quality of labor available, High levels of expertise Expertise helps but only and educational achievement No particular expertise is and training in a variety when balanced with re- required, but experience • Social capital – networks, relationships of trust, reciprocity and exchange, of fields are necessary for sponsiveness to the par- increases success rate. and informal safety net success. ticular child.

• Physical capital – infrastructure, tools, and equipment A good recipe produces Key elements of each Each child is unique and nearly the same cake ev- rocket must be identical must be understood as an • Natural capital – land, water, marine and wild resources, and biodiversity ery time. to succeed. individual. • Financial capital – types of savings, availability of liquid assets, remittances, income, and other inflows of money The best recipes give There is a high degree of Uncertainty of outcome (These are visually represented in Figure 1.1 and are further explained in DfIDs good results every time. certainty of outcome. remains. “Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets.”)30 A good recipe notes the Success depends on a Can’t separate the parts Poverty is embedded in complex social systems that are dynamic and change quantity and nature of blueprint that directs both from the whole, essence over time. As a result, any study or analysis of poverty is only a snapshot in time the “parts” needed and the development of the exists in the relationship and space. It is therefore more appropriate to understand poverty as a “com- specifies the order in separate parts and speci- between different people, plex” problem rather than a “complicated” problem. As indicated in the chart which to combine them, fies the exact relation- different experiences, dif- below, “complicated” problems require solutions that have a standardized blue- but there is room for ex- ship in which to assemble ferent moments in time. perimentation. them. print with fairly rigid protocols and formulas that are easily duplicated in another context with minor adjustments. This works well in the sciences and engineering Source: Westley, Zimmerman & Patton (2007) where natural laws are predictable and algorithms define and predict reality. In order to understand “complex” problems such as poverty, Chaos Theory, Social problems do not respond to the rules of natural laws, though social psy- which draws from fluid dynamics (convections) and fractal geometry, offers an in- chology, sociology, anthropology, and political science do provide theories and sight that incorporates multiple variables and their impact upon each other over

38 39 INTRODUCTION 1 time and space. Because Chaos Theory has its roots in physics, there is a desire is a mix of order and randomness. “Chaos contains hidden order to develop unifying principles that explain the dynamics of systems. However, … By its very nature chaos may seem uncontrollable. Yet the very there are limits to its utility when applied to social systems that do not operate on opposite is true. Precisely because tiny nudges to a chaotic system natural laws but rather on social and political dynamics. What follows are some can have such potent effects, these systems are highly responsive.”32 insights on poverty and development from Chaos Theory:31 To initiate change beyond the horizon of predictability it is critical • Poverty and its key physical indicators (such as food and livelihood to understand the new dynamics operating as a result of the initial insecurity, lack of access to healthcare and education, inadequate change, before nudging the system again. This implies that social safe water and sanitation facilities, inadequate shelter or housing), change has its own momentum that responds to the factors identi- social and political indicators (such as marginalization, isolation, fied above. This momentum has to be understood and seen as part powerlessness, and voicelessness), and indicators describing assets of the process of social change. Planning, after the initial interven- and capabilities, exist within a system that is influenced by historical, tion, then has to be responsive and iterative as the context evolves. economic, political, environmental, social, and cultural (religion and Poverty is a complex problem that is not static. This study of eight communi- values) factors. Poverty can only be understood when the influence ties in Lebanon has attempted to move beyond seeing poverty only on the basis of each of these factors on the community and on the way poverty of poverty lines towards understanding poverty in a specific local context, incor- is manifested is analyzed. porating diverse models of analysis from Chambers, DfID, and Chaos Theory. However, poverty changes and evolves over time, as the system within which it • Small changes within the system can have a disproportionate effect. exists is dynamic – therefore each case study is unique and temporal. For example, a deterioration in the quality or quantity of water available can have a cascading impact on health, livelihoods, food security and more. Each element within the system does not have 3. Poverty and development in Lebanon equal influence. The type of influence each element has on the system can change over time. In the past 100 years Lebanon has experienced a great deal of turbulence. Leba- non was under French Mandate from 1920 until it gained independence on • The study of fractals within Chaos Theory shows that there are November 22, 1943. The 15-year Civil War (1975-1990), which included not patterns within chaos that are replicated from the microscopic level only civil strife but also the invasion and occupation of the country by Israel to the macro level. When related to the study of society, and par- and a strong Syrian presence, devastated the nation economically, socially, and ticularly of poverty, this expresses itself as smaller patterns that re- politically. The war created major population movements that changed the de- flect patterns of larger problems. For example, the level and type of mographics of the country. The conflict ended with the Ta’if Accord, which malnutrition among children under five years of age may reflect a promised a more equitable political system. The Israeli occupation of southern pattern of malnutrition in the larger population. Lebanon, which started in 1982, continued until May 2000. The assassination of In initiating change in a community where poverty is prevalent, Chaos former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri in February 2005 precipitated the withdraw- Theory provides some insights: al of Syrian forces from the country. The country was yet again badly affected • Change is rarely linear. Most of the time it is nonlinear. by the July 2006 war with Israel, which lasted 34 days. The following year, the • Changes in complex systems can only be predicted over the very Lebanese army fought Sunni extremists at Nahr el Bared refugee camp, outside short term. Chaos Theory introduces the concept of a horizon of the northern city of Tripoli. In 2008, the political confidence of the country was predictability. Beyond the short term, the multiplicity of factors shaken when protests and clashes between the government and the Hezbollah- influencing the system makes predicting and planning for specific led opposition commenced on May 7 and did not end until the Doha agreement change impossible. This has implications for the present planning was signed on May 21. In spite of these setbacks, Lebanon has continued to tools that are being used that require one to identify medium-term rebuild. and long-term changes with appropriate indicators to measure the For a small country, Lebanon has great political, religious, and ethnic com- desired changes. plexity. It is widely accepted that Lebanon has a population of approximately 4 million,33 although no accurate statistics exist as there has been no recent census. • Beyond the horizon of predictability is chaos, not disorder. Chaos

40 41 INTRODUCTION 1

About 87 percent of the population lives in urban areas, with about 1.8 million in the greater Beirut area.34 Lebanon is comprised of 18 recognized religious Figure 1.3: Map of Lebanon communities, including Maronite Catholic, Greek Orthodox, Sunni, Shiite, Druze, Alawite, Armenian Orthodox, and others.35 This diversity has led to considerable amounts of sectarian conflict as groups often pursue their own interests above that of the state. Lebanon is also home to several foreign populations and ethnic groups, many of whose members are not naturalized Lebanese: • 400,000-1 million Syrians36

• 260,000-280,000 Palestinian refugees37

• 200,000 migrant domestic workers38

• 100,000-150,000 Bedouins39

• 50,000 Iraqi refugees40 A population of Dom, numbering in the thousands, also resides in Leba- non, though the exact numbers are unknown due to a lack of research on the community.41

Geographically, Lebanon covers an area of 10,400 km2 with a 225 km coastline. The country is divided into six mohafazats. These are Bekaa, Beirut, North Lebanon, South Lebanon, Mount Lebanon, and Nabatieh.42 The smallest governorate in the country, Beirut, is home to almost half the entire country’s population, while only 13.6 percent of the population lives in the Bekaa, the largest governorate by geographical size and a predominantly rural area.43 This uneven distribution of the population makes development planning a challenge. The imbalance leads to complaints that urban areas are attracting more development resources (both public and private) at the expense of rural areas. Lebanon is a land of extremes and contrasts, and this is reflected in its devel- A view of the Mohammad el Amin mosque in central Beirut opment profile. In some studies Lebanon is seen as an “upper-middle income”

42 43 INTRODUCTION 1 country (in the Arab Human Development Report 2009) with relatively good indica- ernment to complete the necessary implementation steps in order to decrease tors, while according to other sources (such as in the 2009 Human Development the negative effects on social and economic conditions that accompany political Report), it is still seen as a “developing” country, that requires improvement in instability. many key areas. The situation is further complicated by the lack of reliable and consistent data on which to base any thorough analysis of the situation. 4. Assessment of poverty and development in Lebanon Development planning in Lebanon Data collection in Lebanon has been intermittent and flawed. A Save the Chil- In post-Civil War Lebanon, government efforts to develop policies addressing dren document states, “Due to the politicization of demography – and the politi- poverty did not begin until 1996. UN agencies, in a series of reports, stated cal impact of the sectarian ratio – accurate demographic statistics in Lebanon that 9 percent of the population was categorized as living in absolute poverty are scarce and existing statistics should be understood as approximations.”46 and that 29 percent of the population lived below the national poverty line. Additionally, the statistics are based on data collected from Lebanese commu- Initially the government took objection to these findings and asked the Ministry nities and do not always include other groups within the country, such as the of Social Affairs (MoSA) to conduct its own survey on poverty in Lebanon. How- Palestinians or foreign workers. As mentioned, no recent population census has ever, the results confirmed the UN’s findings. In 2000 Lebanon was among the been conducted. The last complete census was conducted in 1932 by the French 191 countries that adopted the MDGs and committed to achieving their goals, Mandate government and there have been no comprehensive updates for fear with agreements to issue periodic reports. To date, reports have been issued in of upsetting the delicate sectarian balance.47Very little data collection, regarding 2003 and 2008. either the population or the development situation in the country, was completed Reforms and Social Action Plan, 2005-2007 during the lengthy Civil War, contributing to the gap in historical baseline data available. Since then, key national and multinational studies and surveys have The government elected in the May/June 2005 parliamentary election commit- provided a statistical base that can be built upon to address poverty reduction. ted to delivering a new medium-term fiscal and economic reform package, as The first major post-Civil War assessment, The Mapping of Living Conditions in well as a Social Action Plan, to be presented to international donors by the end Lebanon was completed in 1997 by MoSA and the UNDP. This was based on the of 2006. The government spent the first part of 2006 finalizing the plan, which results of the Population and Housing Survey, which was published by MoSA and the would decrease Lebanon’s high sovereign debt and create sustainable economic United Nations Population Fund in 1996. This study, among other things, identi- growth. The package also outlined measures to include the vulnerable and poor fied deprivation levels and significant disparities between different regions of the groups in Lebanon, providing social protection and safety nets for the first time country. This was followed in 2006 by the Comparative Mapping of Living Condi- in Lebanon’s history. The government worked to engage the public and weigh tions between 1995 and 2004, which used data from the 2004-05 National Survey of national opinion of the new reforms through a series of debates, which helped to Living Conditions and Household Budget Survey. The 2006 study tracked and analyzed refine the reforms and created broad national support for the plan before it was the changes in deprivation levels over a 10-year period since the first mapping. presented at the donor conference.44 However, the outbreak of the July 2006 war There have been numerous other studies completed since then, based on these qualitatively changed the course of this plan. initial reports. While the program was adapted to a recovery and relief plan following the Of particular importance are two recent documents by the International 2006 war, the government remained committed to implementing the original Poverty Center. The 2007 national report Poverty, Growth and Income Distribution in plan, with some necessary adjustments based on post-war needs assessments. Lebanon and the 2008 Country Study remain the most important profiles of pov- Under the Social Action Plan the government committed itself to creating a erty based on money-metric measures in Lebanon (see section “A money-metric Social Development Strategy within the first two years of the program, intended measure of poverty” at the end of the chapter).48 However, gaps in information not only create social safety nets and protection but also to move towards policies still exist across the various development sectors as well as across geographical re- that would target poverty and regional discrepancies. The medium-term pro- gions. Many of these surveys derive similar conclusions as they were conducted gram was presented at the Paris III conference in July 2007 and over $7 billion by the same organizations and institutions, and stem from the original “living was secured, mostly in the form of concessional loans.45 conditions” surveys. This has created an incestuous relationship between the However, due to political instability in the following years, the implementa- documents, which in turn has generated the need for new and varied techniques tion of the plan has been limited. Many UN bodies have called on the gov- to be used in the assessment of poverty in Lebanon.

44 45 INTRODUCTION 1

Poverty in Lebanon in relation to normative standards was only included in the assessment for the first time in 2005, most likely because the Civil War made monitoring development indicators impossible. Since Despite the fact that there are shortcomings to normative frameworks, they do 2005, Lebanon’s HDI value has remained steady at 0.80. However, in the 2009 play an important role in putting poverty in Lebanon in context on an interna- Human Development Report, the country’s ranking dropped three places from tional and national scale. #80 in 2006 to #83 in 2007.49 Lebanon was not included in the 2010 ranking Human Development Index because of a lack of data; however, the report does provide some information on Lebanon.50 The HDI began measuring development indicators in 1980; however, Lebanon There are four categories of achievement within the HDI. Countries that achieve an HDI value higher than 0.90 are considered “developed” and the rest of the countries are considered “developing.” In the 2009 report, within the “developing” countries, Lebanon just barely qualifies for the category of “High Human Development,” which includes countries with an HDI value of 0.8-0.899 (see Figure 1.4). Jordan, Syria, and Egypt all fall into the category of “Medium Human Development,” which is classified by an HDI ranking of 0.5-0.799. The final category is the “Low Human Development” category; it consists of countries that have an HDI of less than 0.5.51 (This methodology was changed in the 2010 version of the HDI report.)52 Figure 1.4 compares Lebanon to both highly developed countries and its neighbors based on their HDI rankings and a selection of other characteristics. As evident from the data, Lebanon is still far behind achieving the indicator values of the countries falling in the developed category. Life expectancy is almost 10 years less than in Norway, France, the United States, and the United Kingdom. At 89 percent, the adult literacy rate is almost 10 percent lower than that of these countries, and combined gross enrollment rates are 20 percent less than in Norway. Lebanon’s GDP per capita is $25,000-$43,000 less than the GDPs of the “developed” countries.53 While Lebanon fares better in many categories than its neighboring countries, there are still some reasons for concern. Though Lebanon has a higher HDI ranking and HDI value than Jordan, Syria, or Egypt, the life expectancy at birth is lower than in both Jordan and Syria. Jordan also has a higher adult literacy rate and combined gross enrollment rate than Lebanon. However, Lebanon far out-performs Jordan, Syria, and Egypt in the GDP per capita category; Leba- non has a GDP of over $10,000. The next highest value is Egypt’s at $5,349; however, the cost of living in Lebanon is much higher than in its neighboring countries.54 As mentioned previously, Lebanon failed to improve its HDI value over the three years from 2005 to 2007, and its HDI ranking actually dropped three points from 2006 to 2007.55

Place de l’Etoile, Downtown, Beirut

46 47 INTRODUCTION 1 -

59 Analysis of specific development sectors and Millennium Development Goals N/A N/A 9.6% 16.7% 10.6% 13.7% 12.5% 12.6% The most recent report, released in 2008, outlines the accomplishments achieved since the baseline MDG data was collected in 2000, as well as the changes since the first report was produced in 2003. The MDG reports constitute one of the Expenditure on educa Expenditure expendi - government (2006-2007) ture tion as a % of total most important data sets for understanding national poverty data against nor-

58 mative standards. The following is an analysis of various development sectors in Lebanon using the MDGs and other recently published reports.60

i. Hunger and poverty 9.5% 5.9% 7.3% 16.7% 19.1% 16.5% 11.3% 17.9% Indicators for both money-metric measures of poverty and the Unsatisfied Basic Needs (UBN) approach to measuring satisfaction in Lebanon have improved since the end of the Civil War (see Figure 1.5). Some of the improvement may expenditure (2006) expenditure Expenditure on health Expenditure as a % of total government be due to demographic changes; the average size of households has decreased and the age structure of the population has changed. While the first two rows in the table below demonstrate poverty based on upper and lower poverty lines,

$4,091 $4,511 $5,349 the following two rows use the satisfaction of Lebanese citizens across various $33,674 $45,592 $35,130 $10,109 $53,433

$US) (2007) indicators to provide proxy measures of poverty. Despite the fact that all of the GDP per capita (PPP

- indicators for measuring poverty have improved, there is still a long way to go

56 before the 2015 MDG targets for Lebanon are met.61 57 95.4% 92.4% 89.2% 78.0% 78.7% 65.7% 76.4% 98.6% Figure 1.5: Millennium Development Goal 1: Eradicate Hunger and Poverty gross enroll (2007) Combined ment ratio in education 2015 1995 2004 Target 10.1% Population living under lower poverty 8.0% 4.0% 99.0% 99.0% 99.0% 89.6% 91.1% 83.1% 66.4% 99.0% line ($2.4/day) (1997)

(2007) 33.7% Adult literacy rate (% aged 15 and above) Population living under upper poverty 20.6% 10.3% line ($4/day) (1997) - Individuals living in very low condi- 81.0 79.1 79.3 71.9 72.4 74.1 69.9 80.5 6.6% 4.2% 3.3% tions Life ex (2007) pectancy at birth Individuals living in low conditions 34.0% 25.5% 17% 0.961 0.956 0.947 0.803 0.770 0.742 0.703 0.971 Prevalence of underweight children 3.0% 3.9% 1.5% (2007) HDI value Source: UNDP, “Millennium Development Goals: Lebanon Report 2008” (2009a) p.11, 15

One of the targets for the first MDG is to “halve, between 1990 and 2015,

the proportion of people who suffer from hunger.” According to the MDGs, 8. France 13. USA 21. UK 83. Lebanon 96. Jordan 107. Syria 123. Egypt (2007) 1. Norway

HDI ranking the prevalence of underweight children increased from 3 percent in 1995 to 3.9 Figure 1.4: HDI ranking and other characteristics of selected countries 2009” (2009b) p.171-173 Report “Human Development UNDP, Source:

48 49 INTRODUCTION 1 percent in 2004. However, the 2008 MDG report inexplicably classifies Lebanon as having “achieved and exceeded” its 2015 target.62 Figure 1.6: Millennium Development Goal 2: Achieve Universal Primary Education The Arab Human Development Report 2009 is more critical; it states that Leba- 2015 2000 2007 non is one of the only countries in the world where the prevalence of under- Target nourishment has increased from the period of 1990-1992 to 2000-2004. The Net enrollment in primary 91.5% 97.1% 100% report goes on to explain that Lebanon is moving away from achieving the first education (2001-2002) (2005-2006) MDG (eradicating hunger.) The same report states that in a survey completed Proportion of students who 96.3% in Lebanon, almost 60 percent of people responded that they had difficulty ob- 95.3% 100% have completed grade 5 (2003) taining food. This may be attributed to a minor decrease in food per capita availability, as well as the “atmosphere of tension” in Beirut when the survey was Literacy rate of the 15-24 97.5% 100% completed in 2008.63 years age group Protein-caloric malnutrition is rare, except in specific groups such as refu- 64 Literacy rate of the (15+) 88.3% gee populations; however, micronutrient deficiencies are more prevalent. The 86% rate of exclusive breast-feeding is still considered low. Less than 25 percent of years age group (2005) children under the age of four months are exclusively breast-fed, and only 2.6 percent of children are breast-fed until the end of their first year.65 Source: UNDP, “Millennium Development Goals: Lebanon Report 2008” (2009a) p.21 ii. Education Private schools have a large presence in Lebanon. This trend developed Lebanon has made significant improvements in the field of education since the during the 1980s when many were dissatisfied with the low quality of education end of the Civil War and has very high rates of school enrollment. Preschool provided by the public school system.75 Private school enrollment now accounts attendance has increased and primary education66 is almost universal, reaching for more than 50 percent of the students in primary schools. This number in- an enrollment rate of 97 percent in 2005-2006 (see Figure 1.6). Lebanon is “very creases to 57.6 percent in intermediate levels.76 likely to achieve” the MDG of having all children enrolled in primary school by The tuition for private schools is often much higher than that of public the year 2015.67 The rate of students completing primary school and enrolling schools; however, many would argue that so too is the quality of the education in secondary school is also increasing.68 The 2009 HDI report indicates that the received. There is a large discrepancy between the two systems on many levels, combined gross enrollment ratio for primary, secondary, and tertiary education including the curriculum, the quality of teachers, recreational activities offered, is 78 percent.69 The children most at risk of never attending school are girls in information and science labs available, etc. The public curriculum has been con- rural areas and children with disabilities. Although Lebanese Law 686 requires sidered irrelevant for continuing further education, and is ill-suited for the labor compulsory education and free primary education for all children up to age 12.70 market’s needs.77 Accordingly, there are major disparities between the learning in practice many children with disabilities are excluded from accessing schools. achievements of those students who attend public school and those who attend The MDGs noted a need for new practical measures for children with special private school.78 needs in Lebanon.71 There are extremely high dropout and repetition rates in Lebanon, especially According to the 2008 MDG report, the literacy rate between the ages of 15 within the public school system. In public schools the dropout rate is 22 percent and 24 years is 97.5 percent (See Figure 1.6) This number decreases significantly and the repetition rate is 48 percent.79 Those who cannot afford to study at pri- to 88.3 percent when analyzing the literacy rate of the entire population over vate schools are forced to attend a public school, where they receive a lower qual- the age of 15.72 Lebanon’s overall literacy rate is still far below that of developed ity of education. Due to the poor education received, many students drop out countries, which are all considered to have a literacy rate of 99 percent. The early, continuing the cycle of poverty.80 The high repetition rate also contributes fact that the Lebanese literacy rate remains comparatively low is related to low to an increased financial burden for students’ families, who must pay for tuition adult female literacy rates in the state. Illiteracy is especially high among elderly repeatedly. women in rural areas.73 Adult (age 15+) illiteracy rates have decreased from 14 The government’s “Education for All Plan” includes early childhood educa- percent in 2000 to 11.7 percent in 2005. While the overall literacy rate is de- tion plans.81 However, even though there are over 245 nurseries in the country, creasing, female illiteracy (measured at 16.6 percent) is still much higher than 64 percent of them are found in Beirut, and only 9 percent are public. This is a male illiteracy (measured at 6.4 percent).74

50 51 INTRODUCTION 1 major source of regional discrepancy within the education system as there are limited regulations for nurseries and preschools and this sector is decentralized Figure 1.7: Millennium Development Goal 3: Promote Gender Equality and from the main education branch within the government. These institutions are Empower Women characterized by low quality education as well as high rates of communicable 2015 82 1995 2005 diseases. Target As of 2006-2007 Lebanon was spending 9.6 percent of total government 83 Ratio of girls to boys in primary, expenditure on education. While expenditure in this area has increased sig- 93 100 100 secondary, and tertiary education nificantly since the end of the Civil War, it is still much lower than in developed countries, neighboring countries, and even countries classified as “low human Source: UNDP, “Millennium Development Goals: Lebanon Report 2008” (2009a) p.29 development” in the HDI ranking. However, it is important to consider total national expenditure on education, which reveals all spending on education, in- While many females are attaining high levels of education in Lebanon, this cluding spending by public, private, family, and community sources. This figure is not reflected in the makeup of the active labor force. Females only account for 84 is closer to 10-11 percent of the GDP, which is considered very high by both 22.3 percent of working individuals between the ages of 15 and 65, while males 85 international and regional standards. As private institutions account for over 50 account for 73.4 percent. Female employment is still characterized by positions percent of student enrollment rates, the majority of expenditure on education is of low authority and decision-making. Females tend to work as office employees, coming from sources other than the government, yet results and achievements service workers, and unskilled laborers. Males work more often as managers, of the education sector in Lebanon are not commensurate with the high level of skilled workers, and drivers.91 Female participation in parliament remains weak, 86 financial input. This is especially true in rural areas as there are large regional with women holding only 4.7 percent of the seats.92 There are no women serving 87 discrepancies in spending between the mohafazats. in the current cabinet of Prime Minister Najib Miqati. The education sector is characterized by the following: i) low internal ef- ficiency; ii) an oversupply and misallocation of teaching and administrative iv. Public health staff; iii) fragmented and inefficient financing of the sector leading to inequali- The health care system in Lebanon has many inefficiencies, yet it still manages to ties; and iv) a costly vocational and technical education sub-sector hampered by produce acceptable indicators. Life expectancy, maternal mortality rates (MMR), weak linkages to the labor market. Additionally, the Ministry of Education and infant mortality, and under-five mortality are all satisfactory, falling somewhere Higher Education (MEHE) operates as three separate sub-sectors and its institu- in the middle range when compared with other Arab countries. The level of tional/legal framework does not support effective management of the education spending on health care as a percentage of total government expenditure, 11.3 sector.88 percent, which is low compared to developed countries.93 However, spending on iii. Gender Equality health care as a whole is much higher, at 12 percent of GDP. This value is higher than most Arab countries as well as many developed countries, such as France The MDGs claim “Lebanon has made significant progress towards achieving and Canada.94 When considering the high expenditures in this context, health 89 gender equality in educational attainment.” Lebanon has a high overall net indicators are actually much lower than they should be.95 enrollment rate for both males and females (see Figure 1.7). As of 2004, females The health care system is highly dependent on services offered by private constitute a larger percentage of enrollment rates for all age groups except that institutions. During the Civil War the government was unable to keep up with of 25-29 year olds. Currently, there does not appear to be discrimination in the demand for health care and contracted private hospitals to provide services. access to education for females at any level. However, as mentioned previously, Today, 88 percent of the hospitals in Lebanon are private,96 and most govern- female illiteracy rates are higher than those of males, and the difference between ment funding goes directly to covering the costs of hospitalization in private the groups increases with age. Additionally, girls living in rural areas and belong- institutions. The private system is unregulated; therefore the quality of service 90 ing to marginalized groups are those most likely not to be enrolled in school. available at either public or private hospitals varies significantly. Regional disparities are prevalent in the quality of services. The health care sector is characterized by curative and specialist services. Public health programs such as disease prevention and health promotion, are weak due to lack of funding. Some of the 750 Non-governmental organization

52 53 INTRODUCTION 1

(NGO) clinics across Lebanon provide health promotion programs; however, for percentage of women receiving prenatal care and having a skilled professional various reasons these initiatives have proved less successful than had been hoped present at the births of their children; it is therefore necessary to target areas with for.97 Additionally, the public and NGO health care systems are underutilized.98 low service provision to continue to decrease the current maternal mortality rate However, through improvements in public health, Lebanon has been able to and achieve the MDG target.103 decrease under-five mortality rates, from 35 per thousand in 2000 to 19.1 per The total fertility rate of women in Lebanon has decreased from 2.9 births thousand in 2004 (see Figure 1.8). Yet, there is still a worrying trend: 90 percent in 1995 to 1.9 births in 2004. Fertility rates are highest among the 25-29 age of under-five mortalities occur within the first four weeks of life. The causes of group.104 this include both biological factors and health care issues.99 Another leading cause of death for children under five is unintentional in- Figure 1.9: Millennium Development Goal 5: Improve Maternal Mortality juries. The average instance of unintentional injuries in the eastern Mediterra- 1990 2000 2004 nean region is only 3 percent of total deaths for children under five; Lebanon far 100 Maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 live 140.0 exceeds this average at 11 percent. N/A 86.3 births) (1993) Infectious diseases still cause morbidity and mortality in infants. The 2008 MDG report states that private sector immunization data is not available, making Proportion of births attended by skilled health N/A 96.0% 98.0% it is difficult to determine the exact number of infants who are fully vaccinated. personnel However, the 2010 Human Development Report states that 26 percent of 1 year olds Antenatal care coverage 87.1% 93.9% 95.6% are lacking the DPT vaccination and 47 percent are lacking the measles vaccination. These numbers are exceptionally high when compared to most other Source: UNDP, “Millennium Development Goals: Lebanon Report 2008” (2009a) p. 45 countries, including Jordan and Egypt.101 Lebanon has the highest number of reported cases of measles per 100,000 in the region, contributing to child mor- Even with the mentioned improvements, there remain significant problems bidity. Lebanon is not considered a high-risk country for tuberculosis (TB), and in this sector. Breast-feeding rates are exceptionally low. Hospitals do a poor job mother-to-child transmission of HIV is low.102 of initiating early breast-feeding, and there is a lack of awareness campaigns targeting mothers on this issue. Currently only 2.6 percent of mothers continue Figure 1.8: Millennium Development Goal 4: Reduce Child Mortality breast-feeding until the end of the first year. There are problems with maternal nutrition as well. The MDG report found that 16 percent of women of child- 105 2015 bearing age are anemic, and 27 percent have an iron deficiency. 1995 2004 Target Even more startling, cesarean section rates in Lebanon are the highest in the Arab region. There is a chance that due to an over-medicalization of the system Under-five mortality rate (per 1,000) 32.0 19.1 12.0 in Lebanon, cesarean sections are being over-prescribed.106 Infant mortality rate (per 1,000) 28.0 18.6 10.0 There is limited data regarding chronic diseases in Lebanon and no exact

Source: UNDP, “Millennium Development Goals: Lebanon Report 2008” (2009a) p. 37 statistics are available at this time. During the Civil War, there was an increase in artery-related diseases in Lebanon after the Civil War.107 Additionally, due to the aging population, and the increase in unhealthy lifestyles, Lebanon is witnessing Lebanon has made improvements in many aspects of maternal health over a decrease in infectious diseases and an increase in noncommunicable diseases.108 recent years, in an effort to reduce maternal mortality rates (MMR). The MMR The importance of psychological health is under represented in Arab countries; in Lebanon decreased significantly from 1993 to 2004; over that period, the rate however, many experience mental health problems due to the history of con- dropped from 140 to 86.3 per 100,000 live births. Improvements were seen in flict and instability in these countries. The Arab Human Development Report 2009 the proportion of births attended by skilled health professionals and in prenatal notes that there was a rise in artery-related diseases among the Lebanese popula- and postnatal care. Increased rates of contraceptive use and improved family tion during the Civil War. Acute mental health problems have been common in planning services also contributed to lowering the MMR (see Figure 1.9). The other conflict zones, though further studies are needed to confirm to what extent MDG target is to decrease the MMR by two thirds, to 26 per 100,000 live births, this affected the population in Lebanon. Similarly, the 2006 war is sure to have by 2015. The 2008 UNDP report expects that this is possible if services are caused psychological trauma to the populations most affected by it.109 continually improved in underserviced areas. Regional variations still exist in the

54 55 INTRODUCTION 1

Nationally, there are five public health insurance programs, as well as a multi- Poverty in Lebanon in relation to relative standards tude of private ones. The public programs are dependent on employment, while To understand the quantitative context of poverty in Lebanon it is necessary to the private schemes can be purchased.110 The MDG report states that 60-70 per- move beyond international comparative measures and to look at regional differ- cent of households do not have any form of health insurance.111 The National ences within Lebanon. The following section will briefly outline the differences Social Security Fund (NSSF) is the largest public health insurance provider in in Lebanon at both the mohafazat level, as well as on a smaller scale at the caza Lebanon. Nationally, the lowest levels of coverage are found in the agricultural level. pockets, meaning that the Bekaa and Nabatieh have the lowest percentage of The base survey for comparing poverty across different regions, The Mapping NSSF coverage.112 One study found that Lebanese residents have a higher than of Living Conditions in Lebanon, was completed by MoSA and the UNDP. The study average rate of chronic and recurrent diseases, sickness, and premature death, is based on the 1996 Population and Housing Survey and other studies and surveys most likely attributable to the lack of health insurance.113 completed around the same time. The study uses the Unsatisfied Basic Needs v. Environmental sustainability methodology, which assesses poverty based on “the extent to which the popula- Before 2006, Lebanon had been working to improve the environmental situation tion is deprived of one or more of the basic needs.”117 Once the basic needs in the country. However, the 2006 war increased environmental degradation. have been identified, indicators to measure the degree of satisfaction for each A World Bank (WB) study estimated the cost of environmental damage after the need are established and a threshold level for each indicator is defined. Based war to be $729 million.114 on this, a mathematical means is used to create a composite index, the Living Conditions Index. This index is a representation of basic needs deprivation as Figure 1.10: Millennium Development Goal 7: Environmental Sustainability well as an indirect measure of poverty. Houses are scored on 11 indicators, which are then combined into four categories: income-related, education, housing, and 1996 2001 2004 water and sewage. The total scores are then used to create an overall score, Proportion of the population with access 79.3% 67.0% and houses can be categorized according to a three-point or a five-point system to safe drinking water (three-points: low, intermediate or high satisfaction; five-points: very low, low, Proportion of population with access to 37.0% 67.4% intermediate, high, and very high satisfaction). Data is broken down by both wastewater networks mohafazat and caza, allowing for a detailed comparison of the governorates and Proportion of urban population living 45% sub-districts in Lebanon.118 in slums Source: UNDP, “Millennium Development Goals: Lebanon Report 2008” (2009a) p.62 Deprivation in Lebanon Access to safe drinking water remains an issue in Lebanon (see Figure 1.10), According to the index, 35 percent of the population, accounting for over 1 due to high demand, poor infrastructure leading to large losses of water, and million individuals, lives below the satisfaction threshold. This can be further water pollution. The MDGs state that over 50 percent of the population in broken down into those with a very low degree of satisfaction (6.8 percent of Lebanon does not have access to safe water for drinking and preparing food individuals) and those with a low degree of satisfaction (28.4 percent of individu- and 20 percent does not have proper sanitation, Access in the summer is very als). The largest proportion of individuals falls into the intermediate satisfaction limited, with 80 percent of households affected and receiving water for as little as category (42.2 percent). Only 22.6 percent of individuals have a high degree of a few hours a week. The situation is much better in the winter, but 50 percent of satisfaction, and just 3.3 percent have a very high degree of satisfaction. The households still have water supply problems. The agricultural sector accounts for extent of deprivation increases in the income-related and education categories, 70 percent of total water consumption in Lebanon.115 Although the proportion meaning that households have an easier time satisfying their housing and water of the population with access to wastewater networks has increased significantly, and sewage needs than they have satisfying their income-related and education many wastewater treatment plants do not function properly. needs.119 However, these numbers are disputed. The 2010 Human Development Report claims that 0 percent of the population is without access to improved water i. Deprivation by mohafazat services.116 This discrepancy may be attributed to the definition used for “safe According to the distribution of mohafazats by the Living Conditions Index drinking water” and “access to improved water services” or the data collection (see Figure 1.11), the area of Nabatieh is the most deprived, with over 50 percent problems mentioned earlier.

56 57 INTRODUCTION 1 of the total households living in very low or low satisfaction. This area also has Figure 1.12: Distribution of households according to the Living Conditions Index in the lowest ratio of households with a high or very high degree of satisfaction. the six most deprived cazas compared to the national average and the least deprived Conversely, Beirut has the highest percentage of households that fall into the caza (five-level classification) 120 high or very high degree of satisfaction categories. Interme- Very Caza Very Low Low High Total diate High Figure 1.11: Distribution of households, as a percentage of total households in the mohafazat, according to the Living Conditions Index (five-level classification) 1. Bint Jbeil 20.0 47.2 28.5 4.1 0.2 100

Inter- Very Very Mohafazat Low medi- High Total 2. Hermel 26.1 39.7 28.6 5.6 - 100 Low High ate Nabatieh 13.3 37.6 39.8 8.7 0.5 100 3. Akkar 23.3 39.9 29.1 7.1 0.4 100 North Lebanon 12.0 31.8 37.6 15.9 2.7 100 4. Marjayoun 18.9 41.2 32.3 7.1 0.6 100 Bekaa 9.9 30.7 43.5 14.6 1.3 100 South Lebanon 7.4 29.6 44.7 16.2 2.2 100 5. El Minye 12.7 41.5 39.3 6.2 0.3 100 Mount Lebanon 4.4 20.3 43.6 26.1 5.5 100 Beirut 2.6 15.7 38.7 33.2 9.8 100 6. Baalbek 12.4 36.8 40.1 10.2 0.5 100

Average across National 7.1 25.0 41.6 21.9 4.5 100 7.1 25.0 41.6 21.9 4.5 100 households Average Average across 6.8 28.4 42.2 19.3 3.3 100 individuals 26. Kesrwan 2.0 11.5 38.3 35.7 12.5 100

Source: MoSA, CAS & UNDP, “Mapping the Living Conditions in Lebanon” (1998) Source: MoSA, CAS & UNDP, “Mapping the Living Conditions in Lebanon” (1998)

ii. Deprivation by caza Population distribution varies across the cazas, with a much higher propor- The Mapping of Living Conditions in Lebanon study also obtained data at the caza tion of the total population living in urban cazas. Two rankings can therefore be level, allowing a much more detailed analysis of the level of deprivation between calculated: one based on the percentage of a caza’s population that falls into each areas. The Living Conditions Index can be used as a representation of the in- deprivation category (as in Figure 1.12), and the other based on the percentage ternal social structure of each caza’s living and developmental characteristics. of each category nationally that falls within a given caza (as in Figure 1.13). For Generally, the proportion of households with low satisfaction is higher in rural example, while the caza of Akkar is third in terms of household dissatisfaction, it cazas than in urban cazas. The cazas that were ranked #1 to #14, with #1 ex- actually has the largest share of individuals living below the threshold of unsatis- periencing the highest level of deprivation, all fall outside of Beirut and Mount fied basic needs (see Figure 1.13). Following Akkar, the next cazas with the larg- Lebanon, while the cazas with the highest degree of satisfaction are found in est number of dissatisfied are by and large urban, meaning that deprivation is these two mohafazats. primarily concentrated in the urban areas of the country. Despite this a very low In Bint Jbeil, the most deprived caza, 67 percent of the population lives below degree of satisfaction is more prominently found in rural cazas. In short, while the threshold, compared to only 13.5 percent in Kesrwan, where the highest there is a larger number of deprived households in urban areas, the deprivation degree of satisfaction is found. Figure 1.12 depicts the six cazas with the highest is more acute in rural areas. deprivation compared to the national average, as well as Kesrwan, which has the 121 lowest level of deprivation.

58 59 INTRODUCTION 1

Figure 1.13: A selection of cazas arranged in descending order of their share of infor gauging the situation. The indicators used were the pursuit of education and dividuals classified as having a low degree of satisfaction (three-level classification) the level of education achieved. Initially the study chose to use completion of intermediate school as the threshold level (as Lebanon is seen as having a high level Intermedi- Caza Low High Total of education). However, when this cut-off was used, over half of the households ate fell below this threshold. Instead completion of elementary school was used.124 1. Akkar 12.5 3.9 1.5 6.4 Generally, there was a lower degree of satisfaction for education indicators 2. Baabda 11.8 12.0 12.2 12.0 than for the housing or water and sewage indicators. This may be due to the effect of the war on the education sector, the rising costs associated with educa- 3. Tripoli 8.2 6.6 7.2 7.3 tion, or the decreasing role of public education. 4. Baalbek 7.6 4.7 1.7 5.1 According to these indicators, Akkar has the highest percentage of individu- 5. Beirut 7.2 12.8 22.9 13.1 als falling below the threshold, with 66 percent. This is followed by Hermel at 64.3 percent and el Minye at 58.8 percent. All three are located in the rural 24. Bcharry 0.5 0.6 0.4 0.5 north. The national average was found to be 33 percent. The cazas with the 25. Jezzine 0.4 0.6 0.3 0.5 lowest percentage of individuals falling below the threshold are Kesrwan and Beirut, with only 17.7 percent and 19.8 percent respectively.125 All Lebanon 100 100 100 100

Source: MoSA, CAS & UNDP, “Mapping the Living Conditions in Lebanon” (1998) c. Housing indicators

iii. Characteristics of deprivation The Housing Index was comprised of three indicators: the share of the indi- As mentioned previously, the Living Conditions Index is made up of four com- vidual in rooms, the share of the individual in the built area, and the principal posite indicators. The following section explains the indicators in further detail, means of heating. The highest level of deprivation at the mohafazat level is found with corresponding maps pictorially demonstrating the variances between cazas. in North Lebanon with 31 percent falling below the threshold, while only 21.6 percent of households in Beirut fall within this category. The average across a. Income-related indicators Lebanon for houses falling below the threshold is 25.9 percent.126 The Population and Housing Survey, on which The Mapping of Living Conditions in Leba- d. Water and sewage indicators non study was based, did not use direct questions pertaining to income or expenditure; therefore, indicators were chosen which indirectly reflect the level of The Water and Sewage Index was created by combining three indicators: a con- household income. Based on the number of private cars owned, the number of nection to a public water network, the source of potable water, and the means working household members, and the main occupation of working members in of sewage disposal. The composite index was again limited by the type of data a household, the study was able to calculate an income-related index.122 collected in the Population and Housing Survey.127 According to this index the caza of Hermel has the highest percentage of In North Lebanon only 68.3 percent of houses are connected to the public houses falling below the threshold of satisfaction, with 68.1 percent, followed by water network and 9.1 percent of houses are not connected to any water net- Marjayoun (67.7 percent), and Akkar (62.1 percent). All three are rural. The na- work, compared to Beirut, which measures 87.6 percent and 0.8 percent re- tional average is 42.8 percent, and was used to set the threshold value. The caza spectively. At the caza level, Bint Jbeil has the highest level of deprivation at of Kesrwan, which is a coastal, Christian-dominated suburb north of Beirut, has 54.4 percent. There is significant variation between the cazas if the indicator is the highest level of satisfaction, with only 21.2 percent of the population below broken down with respect to sewage (highest deprivation in el Minye), domestic the threshold.123 water use (highest deprivation in Bint Jbeil), or access to potable water (highest deprivation in Koura).128 b. Education indicators

The Mapping of Living Conditions in Lebanon study was limited to two educational indicators because of the questions asked in the Population and Housing Survey. Since the indicators are internationally recognized, they were deemed sufficient

60 61 INTRODUCTION 1

Figure 1.14: Income-related indicators (as a percentage of the total households in the Figure 1.15: Education indicators (as a percentage of the total households in the dis- district falling below the threshold) tricts falling below the threshold)

AKKAR AKKAR

EL HERMEL TRIPOLI EL MINYE TRIPOLI EL HERMEL EL KOURA EL MINYE ZGHORTA EL KOURA

ZGHORTA BSHARRE EL BATROUN BSHARRE EL BATROUN BAALBEK JBEIL JBEIL BAALBEK

KESRWAN

BEIRUT EL MATEN

BEIRUT EL MATEN BAABDA ZAHLE

BAABDA ZAHLE AALEY

AALEY WEST BEKAA EL SHUF WEST BEKAA EL SHUF

JEZZINE RASHAYYA

RASHAYYA JEZZINE SAIDA

HASBAYYA District SAIDA EL NABATIEH INCOME RELATED INDICATORS HASBAYYA

20 - 29.9 EL NABATIEH District SOUR MARJAYOUN 30 - 39.9 EDUCATION 40 - 49.9 20 - 29.9 MARJAYOUN BINT JBEIL 50 - 59.9 SOUR 30 - 39.9 60 - 69.9 40 - 49.9 BINT JBEIL 50 - 59.9 60 - 69.9

Source: MoSA, CAS & UNDP, Mapping the Living Conditions in Lebanon (1998) Source: MoSA, CAS & UNDP, Mapping the Living Conditions in Lebanon (1998)

62 63 INTRODUCTION 1

Figure 1.16: Housing indicators (as a percentage of the total households in the district Figure 1.17: Water and sewage indicators (as a percentage of the total households in falling below the threshold) the district falling below the threshold)

AKKAR AKKAR

TRIPOLI EL HERMEL EL MINYE TRIPOLI EL HERMEL EL MINYE EL KOURA EL KOURA ZGHORTA ZGHORTA BSHARRE BSHARRE EL BATROUN EL BATROUN

JBEIL BAALBEK JBEIL BAALBEK

KESRWAN KESRWAN

BEIRUT EL MATEN BEIRUT EL MATEN BAABDA ZAHLE BAABDA ZAHLE AALEY AALEY

WEST BEKAA EL SHUF WEST BEKAA EL SHUF

RASHAYYA JEZZINE RASHAYYA JEZZINE

SAIDA District WATER & SEWAGE SAIDA District HASBAYYA HASBAYYA HOUSING EL NABATIYYE 10 - 19.9 EL NABATIEH 10 - 19.9 20 - 29.9 30 - 39.9 20 - 29.9 SOUR MARJAYOUN SOUR MARJAYOUN 30 - 39.9 40 - 49.9

40 - 49.9 BINT JBEIL 50 - 59.9 BINT JBEIL 50 - 59.9 60 - 69.9 60 - 69.9

Source: MoSA, CAS & UNDP, Mapping the Living Conditions in Lebanon (1998) Source: MoSA, CAS & UNDP, Mapping the Living Conditions in Lebanon, (1998)

64 65 INTRODUCTION 1

A money-metric measure of poverty that many of the poor are found far below the upper poverty line and at risk of falling into the extreme poverty category.132 In 2008, a report entitled Poverty, Growth and Income Distribution in Lebanon was released by the International Poverty Center in partnership with the UNDP, • The financial situation in the country is closely linked with changes in the political situation. For example, after the July 2006 war, the GDP dropped MoSA, and Central Administration of Statistics (CAS). This study was signif- 11 percentage points; from a predicted increase of six percentage points icant in that it was the first to provide a money-metric indicator of poverty to a decrease of five percentage points.133 for Lebanon. The study uses information from the 2004-2005 National Survey in • There are significant regional disparities when examining overall and ex- order to provide poverty gaps and certain characteristics of the poor. treme poverty across the governorates in Lebanon. In Beirut, there is a low The study’s findings were startling. It revealed that almost 8 percent of the prevalence of both overall (less than 6 percent) and extreme poverty (less Lebanese population lives in extreme poverty, falling below the established lower than 1 percent). South Lebanon and Bekaa have a higher than average poverty line of $2.4 per capita per day. This means that there are almost 300,000 prevalence of both types of poverty. However, the largest disparity is seen Lebanese who may not able to meet their basic food and non-food needs. The in North Lebanon, in which 18 percent suffer from extreme poverty and 134 upper poverty line is calculated to be $4 per capita per day, and 28.5 percent of 53 percent from overall poverty. the population falls below this line, meaning that there are 1 million Lebanese • When the overall headcount poverty is compared with the Unsatisfied in this category.129 Basic Needs (UBN) index, measured from the Living Conditions and House- hold Budget Survey, it demonstrates that “the level of deprivation in living standards is generally commensurate to the level of income-based head- Figure 1.18: Distribution of population between poor and non-poor categories count poverty.”135

5. Summary

Lebanon, in spite of its 15-year Civil War and numerous other conflicts, has achieved reasonably high measures of human development. Lebanon ranks 83rd on the 2009 Human Development Index and is a “High Human Development” country, though it falls right at the bottom of that category. In this respect it ranks higher than a number of other countries in the region. However, development in Lebanon is far from homogenous, and there is considerable diversity not only between the various regions in the country, but also within particular regions. According to the MDGs, Lebanon still has a long way to go to eradicate extreme poverty. The UNDP study reveals that almost 28 percent of the popula- Source: Laithy, Abu-Ismail & Hamdan, Country Study: Poverty, Growth and Income Distribution in Leba- tion is categorized as poor or extremely poor. While the MDG reports state that non, (2008) malnutrition rates are fairly low, the Arab Human Development Report 2009 notes that Lebanon is one of the countries in the region where hunger has increased. Some of the main findings of the Poverty, Growth and Income Distribution in Leba- In education, Lebanon has done quite well in achieving near universal primary non study: school enrollment and has very good higher education facilities and opportuni- • Mean per capita consumption is the lowest in the North and highest in ties. In terms of gender equality and empowering women, Lebanon has done Beirut. well at achieving equal access to educational opportunities; however, this has not • The distribution of expenditure is unequal across the population; how- translated well into job opportunities or decision-making power for women on ever, the level of inequality is similar to that of other middle-income a national level. While child mortality rates have been significantly decreased, countries.130 fairly high risks still remain due to lack of access to safe water for drinking and • Most (92 percent) of the inequality can be attributed to within-governor- food preparation, as well as poor sanitation facilities. In terms of maternal mor- 131 ate inequality, with the highest level of inequality found in the North. tality, Lebanon has made improvements in many aspects, but further advances • When looking at overall poverty, the Poverty Gap Index is high, indicating

66 67 INTRODUCTION 1 are needed in order to reach the MDG target. 1. Quoted in (Kassir, 2010) p.109 Within Lebanon itself, however, there remain considerable variations in de- 2. Quoted in (Kassir, 2010) p.109 velopment levels between different areas. The Mapping of Living Conditions study, 3. Quoted in (Kassir, 2010) p. 109 which uses the Unsatisfied Basic Needs methodology to look at income-related 4. The “green line” divided the various parts of Beirut between the warring groups indicators, education indicators, housing indicators, and water and sewage in- during the civil war of 1975-200. dicators, reveals that the mohafazats of the South, the North, and the Bekaa are 5. Extreme poverty is defined in (Laithy, Abu-Ismail, & Hamdan, 2008) p. 4as some of the most deprived in the country. “unable to meet their most basic food and non-food needs” This study seeks to understand why a country with relatively good indica- 6. (Laithy, Abu-Ismail, & Hamdan, 2008) tors at a national level still has significant pockets of poverty by examining the 7. (Laithy, Abu-Ismail, & Hamdan, 2008) problem through the testimony of the poor themselves. While existing reports 8. The definition of a “gathering” used by the Danish Refugee Council in their 2005 provide quantitative data to analyze poverty in Lebanon, what is lacking is the Needs Assessment of Palestinian Refugees in Gatherings in Lebanon is “1. Has a voice of the poor and their description of their own reality. The poor are far population of Palestinian refugees, including Palestinian refugees who are regis- from passive victims of poverty. In fact, they are cognizant of their situation tered by UNRWA and/or the Lebanese Government, or are not registered. 2.Has and more than adequately capable of reflecting on its complexities. Those inter- no official UNRWA camp status or any other legal authority identified with -re viewed often articulated similar conclusions to the ones drawn by the researchers sponsibility for camp management. 3.Is expected to have clearly defined humani- upon completion of the post-interview and secondary data analysis. Indeed, it tarian and protection needs, or have a minimum of 25 households; and 4.Has a was their description of their lives and world that enabled a fuller understanding population with a sense of being a distinct group living in a geographically identifi- of the dynamics behind their poverty. able area.” (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 4-5 Yet, in spite of their ability to grasp the realties and root causes of their 9. This is a tool used by development practitioners to develop programs and projects. poverty, the poor feel abandoned, ignored, and left out of the national dialogue. 10. (Townsend, 1993) Being marginalized, their voices are not heard, and the issues and problems that 11. All figures are either in United States Dollars ($), or Lebanese Pounds (LL). At the they face remain unaddressed. While there has been much discussion about the time of writing the exchange rate is fixed at $1=LL1,500. For any figure LL10,000 causes of the recent “Arab Spring” uprisings, it seems clear that a similar sense of or under, one decimal point was used to indicate the differences in dollars, however voicelessness was part of the impetus driving the protests. Against this backdrop, for anything over LL10,000 no decimal point was used as it becomes negligible. giving the poor and marginalized a voice is more important than ever. 12. (Chambers, 1997) p. 46 13. (UNDP, 2009b) 14. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 7 15. (Sachs, 2005) p. 20 16. (Collier, 2007) p. 3 17. (Collier, 2007) p. 7-8 18. (UNDP, 2009b) 19. (United Nations) 20. (Sen, 1999) p. 87 21. (Friedmann, 1992) p. 62 22. (Christian, 1999) 23. (Freire, 1970) p. 51 24. Erich Fromm (a neo-Freudian psychoanalyst) described major personality orienta- tions: receptive, hoarding, marketing, productive, and necrophilous. The first four are pathological and self-destructive, while the fifth represents a positive and open personality. The last one is the lover of death, which opposes the rest. While all the others are attempts at defining and understanding life, necrophilia attempts to destroy life. Raouche Rocks, a famous landmark of Beirut

68 69 INTRODUCTION 1

25. (Freire, 1970) p. 52 51. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 171-175 26. (Chambers, 1983) p. 110 52. According to the UNDP: “As in past Human Development Reports, the HDI re- 27. (Chambers, 1997) p. 46 mains a composite index that measures progress in the three basic dimensions— 28. (DFID, 1999) health, knowledge and income. Under the previous HDI formula, health was mea- 29. (DFID, 1999) sured by life expectancy at birth; education or “knowledge” by a combination of 30. (DFID, 1999) the adult literacy rate and school enrollment rates (for primary through university 31. This is part of a more extensive model developed by Rupen Das years); and income or standard of living by GDP per capita adjusted for purchas- 32. (Strogatz, 2008) p. 86 ing-power parity (PPP US$). Health is still measured by life expectancy at birth. 33. The last census was in 1932. There is no accurate demographic data. But the 2010 HDI measures achievement in knowledge by combining the expected 34. (United Nations Human Settlement Programme (UN-HABITAT), 2008) p. 6 years of schooling for a school-age child in a country today with the mean years 35. Alawite, Armenian Catholic, Armenian Orthodox, Assyrian Church of the East, of prior schooling for adults aged 25 and older. The income measurement, mean- Chaldean Catholic, Copts, Druze, Greek Catholic, Greek Orthodox, Isma’ili, while, has changed from purchasing-power-adjusted per capita Gross Domestic Jewish, Maronite, Protestant, Roman Catholic, Sunni, Shi’a, Syriac Catholic, Product (GDP) to purchasing-power-adjusted per capita Gross National Income Syriac Orthodox. (GNI); GNI includes remittances and foreign assistance income, for example, pro- 36. As Jureidini notes, “Experts vary in their estimates of Syrians considering their viding a more accurate economic picture of many developing countries.” For more number between 400,000 to 1 million. In 1995 the UNDP estimated Syrians to information on the changes see: http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/hdi/ number around 450,00.” (Jureidini, 2002) p. 1 53. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 171-175 37. (Chaaban, Ghattas, Habib, 2010) p. 24 54. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 171-175 38. (Hamill, 2011) p. 5 55. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 172 39. (Chatty, 2010) p. 26 56. The 2009 report (2007 data) was used as it has the most data available for Lebanon 40. (Danish Refugee Council, 2007) p. 19 57. “The number of students enrolled in primary, secondary and tertiary levels of edu- 41. Personal interview with NGO worker who completed research work with the Dom cation regardless of age, expressed as a percentage of the population of theoretical communities school age for the three levels.” (UNDP, 2009b) p. 209 42. (The National Survey of Living Conditions of Households, 2004) 58. Total public expenditure on health by all levels of government expressed as a per- 43. (United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT), 2008) p. 6 centage of total government spending. World Health Organization. (2009) as cited 44. (UNDP, 2006) p. 6-7 in (UNDP 2010) p. 210 45. (UNDP, 2006) p. 6-7; (UNDP, 2009a) p. 7 59. Total public expenditure on the education sector expressed as a percentage of 46. (Ressler, 2008) p. 16 total public expenditure by all levels of government. UNESCO. (2009), as cited in 47. (Collelo 1987) UNDP. (2009b) p. 209 48. Some of the other reports include: the Millennium Development Goals 2008: Lebanon 60. The MDGs use a variety of indicators and sources from different organizations Report, Toward a Citizen’s State: Lebanon 2008-2009, The National Human Development and reports recorded and published in a variety of different years. While the most Report released by the UNDP, Enterprises in Lebanon 2006-2007: A Post Conflict Impact recent MDG report was published in 2008, the statistics quoted were often re- Assessment One Year On released by UNDP and International Labour Organiza- corded in earlier years. tions’s (ILO), Post-Conflict Social and Livelihoods Assessment in Lebanon issued by The 61. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 11-15 World Bank (WB) and the Ministry of Social Affairs (MoSA) in 2008, Child Rights 62. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 11-15 Situation Analysis for Lebanon, completed in 2008 by Save the Children Sweden. Two 63. (UNDP, 2009c) p. 124 other UNDP reports include Lebanon in their assessment of issues in the Middle 64. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 15 East and North Africa (MENA) region: Arab Human Development Report 2009: Chal- 65. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 15 lenges to Human Security in Arab Countries and the Human Development Report 2009, Over- 66. Schooling in Lebanon consists of: coming Barriers: Human Mobility and Development Three years of kindergarten (ages 3-6) 49. The data available in the (UNDP 2009b) only includes up until the year 2007 Grades 1-6 (ages 6-11) 50. (UNDP 2010) p. 138 Grades 7-9 (ages 12-14), grade 9 is also called Brevet and students must pass the na-

70 71 INTRODUCTION 1

tional level Brevet exam at the end of the year in order to move onto the next level 101. (UNDP, 2010) p. 198-200 Grades 10-12 (ages 15-17), grade 11 is also known as Baccalaureate 1, and grade 102. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 38 12 is known as Baccalaureate 2. Students must sit for a national level exam at the 103. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 46 end of grade 12 in order to graduate. 104. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 46 67. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 21 105. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 39 68. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 21 106. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 46 69. This is defined as “The number of students enrolled in primary, secondary and 107. (UNDP, 2009c) p. 154 tertiary levels of education regardless of age, expressed as a percentage of the 108. (Nasnas, 2007) p. 351 population of theoretical school age for the three levels.” UNDP. (2009b) p. 209 109. (UNDP, 2009c) p. 154 70. (Lebanese Republic, MoSA & The Higher Council for Childhood, 2004) p. 97 110. These include: National Social Security Fund (NSSF), Civil Service Cooperative 71. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 24 (CSC), Security Forces (including Army, Internal Security Forces (ISF), General 72. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 21 Security (GS), and State Security (SS), as well as the Ministry of Health (MoH), 73. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 209 and the Ministry of Social Affairs, (Nasnas, 2007) p. 359 74. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 22 111. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 39 75. (UNDP, 2003) p. 10 112. (Nasnas, 2007) p. 361 76. (Lebanese Republic, MoSA & The Higher Council for Childhood, 2004) p. 14; 113. (Haddad, 1996) p. 3 (UNDP, CDR, & MEHE, 2008) p. 14 114. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 62 77. (UNDP, 2009c) p. 111; (Nasnas, 2007) p. 323 115. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 64 78. (Nasnas, 2007) p. 285 116. (UNDP, 2010) p. 171 79. (Republic of Lebanon, 2007) 117. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 80. (UNDP, CDR, & MEHE, 2008) p. 13 118. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 81. (Nasnas, 2007) p. 325-226 119. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 82. (Lebanese Republic, MoSA & The Higher Council for Childhood, 2004) p. 117 120. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 83. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 200 121. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 84. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 22 122. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 85. (UNDP, CDR, & MEHE, 2008) p. 13; (UNDP, 2009a) p. 22 123. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 86. (Lebanese Republic, MoSA & The Higher Council for Childhood, 2004) p. 100 124. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 87. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 23 125. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 88. (World Bank 2008) 126. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 89. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 29 127. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 90. (Lebanese Republic, MoSA & The Higher Council for Childhood, 2004) p. 111- 128. (MoSA, CAS, & UNDP, 1998) 112 129. (UNDP, 2008) p. 15-16 91. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 31 130. The Gini Coefficient which is a standard measure of inequality is 0.36 for real 92. (UNDP) (a) consumption UNDP (2008) p. 15 93. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 200 131. The Gini Coefficient for the North is 0.37, in comparison with 0.29 for Nabatieh 94. (UNDP, 2009b) p. 199-201 UNDP (2008) p.15 95. (Republic of Lebanon, 2007) 132. (UNDP, 2008) p. 45 96. (Nasnas, 2007) p. 374 133. (UNDP, 2008) p. 47 97. (Lebanese Republic, MoSA & The Higher Council for Childhood, 2004) p. 83 134. (UNDP, 2008) p. 47 98. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 38 135. (UNDP, 2008) p. 57 99. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 37 100. (UNDP, 2009a) p. 38

72 73 Part 1

POVERTY IN RURAL LEBANON

74 75 MAP OF RURAL COMMUNITIES STUDIED

76 77 POVERTY IN RURAL LEBANON

Mareh, Akkar, North Lebanon

Thirteen percent of Lebanon’s population lives in rural areas.1 Many of these areas are known to be among the most poor in the country, and poverty is most prevalent in the mainly rural areas of Akkar, North Lebanon, South Lebanon, and Bekaa.2 Agriculture is traditionally the main occupation of people in rural areas, but a combination of factors have made it insufficiently lucrative for some, who seek additional or other employment in other economic sectors. In 2004-2005 incidences of poverty in the rural areas were highest in North Lebanon (52.57 percent), followed by South Lebanon (42.21 percent), Bekaa (29.36 percent), Mount Lebanon (19.56 percent), and Nabatieh (19.19 percent). In the north, where per capita consumption is the lowest (three-quarters of the national average) and inequality is the greatest compared with other mohafazats,

78 79 POVERTY IN RURAL LEBANON 2 there is a very high prevalence of extreme and overall poverty (17 and 52 per- because of a set of interlinked factors: “… the major problems facing agricul- cent, respectively). The expenditure level of poor households in the North is tural production … are mainly the small size of agricultural holdings, lack of far below the poverty line; their per capita poverty deficit is 2.4 times that of agriculture policies, high production costs and lack of specialized agricultural the national one. The north has only 21 percent of Lebanon’s population, but credit.” 46 percent of its extremely poor population and 38 percent of its entire poor population.3 The poor in the rural areas are mainly small farmers, livestock herders, day laborers (predominantly working in agriculture), fishermen, and women who are heads of households.4 Women, who make up one-third of the agricultural labor force, are particularly disadvantaged by the lack of programs and interventions targeting them. This leads to their poor representation in all aspects of agricultural production, with negative repercussions on their own socioeconomic status and that of their households.”5 Agriculture in the country accounts for 12 percent of GDP and employs around 12 percent of the active workforce. Agricultural land comprises 25% of Lebanon’s total area.6 The main crops grown in the country are cereals – mainly wheat and barley – fruits, vegetables, olives, grapes, and tobacco. Sheep and goat herding is also a major occupation in the rural areas. The soil and climate of the Bekaa (which makes up 40 percent of arable land in Lebanon) enables farmers to grow European and tropical crops, along with fruits and vegetables. Citrus fruits and bananas are grown along the coast; olives are grown in the north and around the Shuf Mountains; and tobacco and figs are grown in the Women working in the fields in the Bekaa Valley south. Lebanon is also home to a growing wine industry that is gradually gaining international recognition. The high cost structure of Lebanese agriculture can be attributed to numer- Lebanon, at one time, was known throughout the region for its fruit and ous factors. First of all, much of Lebanon is mountainous and therefore difficult vegetable production. In the early part of the 20th century, almost a quarter of to use for agriculture, yet many do farm it because the land is their only asset and the land was used for agriculture – the highest among any of the Arab countries they endeavor to make that asset profitable. Perhaps related to the problems with in the region. But the Civil War exacted an enormous toll on rural Lebanon and the terrain, and another issue that the farmers face, is that many of the plots of its agriculture. The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimates that agricultural land are too small to allow them to benefit from economies of scale; about 1,100 hectares of tobacco were destroyed, 300 hectares of agricultural their produce is easily out-priced by large-scale producers and industrial farm- land were abandoned because of land mines, and 51,000 olive trees and 70,000 ers. In terms of farming practices, improper irrigation techniques, the extensive 7 fruit trees were destroyed. In the years after the Civil War, in the early 1990s, use of fertilizers and pesticides, and the need to hire labor, all contribute to the UNDP estimated that at least $300 million was needed to rehabilitate the agri- increase in costs associated with agriculture. Farmers also have difficulty sell- 8 cultural sector in Lebanon. ing their products because of the limited local market for them. Compounding The sector was then again devastated during the 2006 war. According to the the high costs associated with agriculture is the fact that there are few financial Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the war’s impact on the agricultural services directly targeting farmers or others living in rural areas who desire to sector, including crop production, livestock, fisheries, and forestry, amounted to establish income-generating activities in order to improve their situation.10 $280 million. This significantly lowered the livelihoods of the majority of the The focus of the Lebanese government has been on rehabilitating the Min- 9 population in rural areas. istry of Agriculture, land reclamation projects, rehabilitation of agricultural However, periods of conflict are not the only issue facing Lebanese living in schools and research, large-scale irrigation projects, and taking steps to ban a rural areas. According to the International Fund for Agricultural Development long list of hazardous pesticides. Little attention has been given to investments (IFAD), the majority of the people in the rural areas in Lebanon live in poverty or incentives for water and soil conserving irrigation techniques.

80 81 POVERTY IN RURAL LEBANON 2

Periods of violence and conflict, a lack of targeted policies or support, and unstable governments have resulted in the rural areas of Lebanon being neglect- 1. (IFAD) ed as investment and attention have been directed toward rebuilding and reha- 2. (Laithy, Abu-Ismail and Hamdan) p. 9-10 bilitating the infrastructure of urban areas, creating significant problems across 3. (Laithy, Abu-Ismail and Hamdan) p. 3-11 the country. Improper agricultural practices result in an increase in soil erosion 4. (IFAD) and impoverishment of soil quality; depletion of underground water resources; 5. (IFAD) water pollution and health impacts from inappropriate use of pesticides and 6. (James, 2007), p. 3 fertilizers; and environmental pollution from the inappropriate and unsanitary 7. (Mongabay.com 1987) dumping of slaughter waste from animal farms. Urbanization is also decreasing 8. (Blanford 2007) the amount of land available for agriculture, especially along the coastal plain 9. (Food and Agriculture Organization, 2006) and in the Bekaa. In addition, due to changes in patterns of global trade, rural 10. (IFAD) Lebanon, because of the high cost structure, is struggling to survive in a com- petitive regional market. All of the foregoing greatly imperils the already meager livelihoods of residents living in these areas, forcing them to survive hand-to- mouth on whatever income they can generate or to send the household’s designated breadwinners in search of marginally more profitable employment.

82 83 MAREH and BAJAA Akkar, North Lebanon

“…within countries, the highest rates of rural poverty (not necessarily the largest numbers of poor rural people) are often found in remote, low potential, marginal or weakly integrated areas. These territories typically exhibit a combination of an unfavorable resource base, poor infrastructure, weak state and market institutions and political isolation – all of which result in a higher risk environment for the rural poor people.”1 The two small villages of Mareh and Bajaa are part of the municipality of Denbo, which is also made up of the villages of Denbo (the largest village, and the origin of the municipality’s name), Mbarakiyeh, and Bint el Jara. The municipality is located in Akkar in North Lebanon. Official reports describe the northern governorate as having “20.7 percent of Lebanon’s population but 46 percent of the extremely poor population and 38 percent of the entire poor population.”2 Fatima3 lives in the village of Mareh, which until around 17 years ago was completely isolated and had no road access.4 It sits on top of a highly elevated ridge with steep drops on either side. Fatima is originally from the village of Denbo. Her mother died when she was 5 years old. She explained: “My mom died because there was a gun between her mattresses. She was lying down and something happened and the gun went off and shot her and she died.” Her father remarried. When she was 10 years old, she and the other girls in the family were sent to Tripoli to work as maids in people’s houses. She would give all of the money she earned to her father because they were so poor. Fatima returned to Denbo when she was 18 years old, and married soon after. Her husband’s family was also very poor, and his father had had to sell

84 85 MAREH and BAJAA 3 what little land he owned to make ends meet, leaving no land for his son to build “In my age, in Denbo, the women were never sent to school. But some boys a house on. Shortly after they got married, the couple bought a small piece of went to school – not my husband. Now people even borrow money to teach land on a remote ridge, in what would later become the village of Mareh. This their children. There was a school in Denbo then. When I was raising my children, other children went to school, but because we lived in the moun- was the only place in which they could afford to buy land, due to the extreme tains, with no roads and no money, we didn’t send them. There were no cars isolation. They built a house on the land they bought. Fatima explained, “To and no roads to take them. We were completely isolated.” build the house we took rocks from the land but we got a worker to do it.” She elaborated: The children were expected to contribute to the households’ well-being, at first by helping with the chores. As they grew, they were expected to start work- “My husband was working in someone else’s land in Hawaish. He didn’t ing, in order to contribute financially, as well as save for their futures: have the money to buy land in other places, this place was the cheapest compared to other places. People came here in the winter to feed their “The kids started working [outside of the home] when they were between sheep and goats [as the area is below the snow line]. They would go back to 10 and 12 years old. When they first started working they went to a coffee Mishmish [another village located at a higher elevation that frequently had shop to work. One is now a concierge, one works as a taxi driver, two work snow] in the summer. We took the land from shepherds in Mishmish who in supermarkets, and one works in a falafel shop. They all work in Tripoli. would spend the winter here. We paid LL80 [$0.05] when we bought it.” Before [when they were young] they used to help with olives. Before, we had 30-40 goats, so they helped their father to take care of them. I don’t Her eldest child, a daughter, was 3 months old when they moved to their new remember why we sold the goats. One son used to work in construction.” home. This daughter is now 55 years old. Fatima has 10 children – six boys and four girls. Three of the children still live in Mareh. The family used to own a cow Each one of the boys eventually built a house on top of the hill as well. and some goats. In their younger days, the children were shepherds and Fatima’s husband worked as a laborer on other people’s lands. Traditional houses in Mareh Fatima described her life: The outside of Fatima’s house is made of large stones and the door is made of heavy “I built the first house here. This is the original house. Then my sons built wood. Inside there is a cement floor, with one “step” made of cement where all of the six houses here. I didn’t work [outside of the house] once I had kids. Once kitchen and sleeping supplies are stored. The roof was originally made with a bunch I got married I stopped working. I took care of the cow, made butter and of sticks and wood held between beams. There is a large tree trunk in the middle of cheese, and sold it to other villages; for example, in el Minye. It was very the room, holding up the main support beams. There is one small window, essentially hard because we relied on the money I got from selling the cheese. Our diet an open hole, located at the top of the wall. A fireplace with a chimney is located in was made of burghol, flour, onions, and potatoes. We got these things from one corner of the room. The inside of the house is stained black from the fires used the bigger cities like Helba and Tripoli. Things were much less expensive both for warmth and, in the past, for cooking. When not in use, mattresses and blan- than they are now. We used to use a donkey to bring back the food. I was un- kets are piled up and stored at the side of the house. The family has invested in an able to send my kids to school because it was very far. Now parents work to oven, but this is the only modern-day appliance. The main pieces of furniture that the send their kids to school. But in my time I was very poor and the roads were family use during the day are a few plastic lawns chairs and tables. Other than these not accessible. Then we built the road, and we fix it year by year because few new items, the house still looks the same as it did when it was first built. we don’t have a lot of money. Before then, we used to walk to Bkarzala and then we took the bus to Tripoli. If the things we brought back were not too heavy, the men would carry them back, but if they were heavy, then we would get the donkey to bring them back [to the village]. We would go once a month or more to bring food. We ate meat every 10 days; we would get it from Bkarzala or Helba. I used to give birth to my kids in my house. There were no problems with any of the births. Sometimes we didn’t have a midwife [Traditional Birth Attendant],5 so I would do the delivery alone and cut the cord and do everything myself.” Fatima and her husband were unable to attend school because both of their families were too poor. Unfortunately, this was a trend that affected their children as well. Due to isolation and poverty, none of Fatima’s 10 children completed any education:

86 87 MAREH and BAJAA 3

Fatima, her husband, her daughter-in-law, and four grandchildren still live “Forgotten Akkar”7 in the original small, stone, house that they built 55 years ago. Other than a few “Akkar is considered the most rural district of Lebanon, with a rural population of new kitchen utensils, the house remains in almost the exact same condition as 80 percent. The population is mixed, consisting primarily of Sunni Muslims with a when it was first built. Fatima explained. minority of Alawites, and Christians (Maronite and Greek Orthodox) and very little Shiites … In 1997, the population was estimated to be over 255,000 inhabitants, “The roof of the house used to leak a lot of water, but the kids got cement accounting for 6.4 percent of the total population of Lebanon ... Other peripheral and fixed it and now it’s fine. We used to sleep with all of the 10 kids in the governorates, such as South Lebanon, Nabatieh and the Bekaa, have been declining house. The only thing we changed from the original house was the roof. in population as a result of internal migration to Beirut and Mount Lebanon. North Everything else is the same. The house is good; it is warm in the winter and Lebanon, however, saw an increase between 1996 and 2004. cold enough in the summer. There is no bathroom; the new houses do have “Families have on average 6.1 members compared to a national average of 4.8, toilets. We used to go outside. Some people used to live with animals in the whereas the average number of children in Akkar is the highest in the country; 4 for house, but this was a long time ago. We never did.” Akkar versus 2.6 children for Lebanon as a whole … In some areas, such as Fnaydeq, When the house was first built none of the surrounding villages had electric- Bibnine and Sahl Akkar, the average is more than eight children. Looking at the- ity. Yet, over time, government electricity was installed in each of the other vil- population by age bracket, Akkar has the highest percentage of residents below the age of 15 and the lowest percentage of people in the age bracket of 15-64 years. The lages, while remarkably Mareh still lacks access to this basic service. percentage of elderly (5.4 percent) is also lower than the national level (6.9 percent).” Fatima remembers that in the past hers was the only family in the area during the summer time. During the winter months the shepherds from Mish- Source: Mouchref, “Forgotten Akkar” (2008), p. 3 mish would come and use the surrounding vegetation for their herds. Eventually the shepherds stopped coming to the area, although some of them have since married residents of Mareh and settled in the area. “The [initial] population MAREH decreased when the people [shepherds] from Mishmish stopped coming here in the winter. They stopped coming 40 years ago. There were no events that happened here. We have always been poor here.” Fatima is the face of a poverty that most people do not realize still exists in History and location Lebanon. The narrative of Fatima’s life fits almost perfectly with the profile of Mareh is the most remote of the five villages in the municipality, as it is located poor households in the area. As the International Fund for Agricultural Devel- quite far off the main road to Denbo. The other four villages are located either opment report states: directly on the main road or on a nearby side road. Until quite recently, there “… poor rural households generally have more members, a greater share was no road access to Mareh and villagers used footpaths to travel between the of dependents (non-working age), less education, less land and less access settlement and the main road. They then built an access road themselves, attach- to running water and electricity. Depending on circumstances, rural house- ing it to the nearest existing road, which itself was only paved by the government holds can derive their incomes from a range of sources: from their own a few years ago. The villagers have to repair the road every year after the rain on-farm production (crops and livestock), from employment (agricultural and non-agricultural), from self-employment and from transfers, including and snow of winter. Access is difficult, even in a four-wheel drive, as the road is a remittances and social transfers.”6 single-lane, windy, makeshift track, full of loose rocks and potholes. The village now consists of approximately 15 houses with 70-80 residents. One elderly man commented: “The village is getting smaller. People are leaving and not coming back. People that were better off bought land on the main road and settled there. This was about 20 years ago. We all used to work as shepherds and it used to be better because the sheep could go anywhere because the land was not divided.” The shepherds from Mishmish, which is located higher in elevation than Mareh, used to bring their sheep down during the winters because of the milder

88 89 MAREH and BAJAA 3 conditions on the lower land. They used Mareh for feeding their sheep, as there in the village today, their family by and large triggered the settlement of the area. was water available on both sides of the ridge on which Mareh is located. They One woman wryly commented, “If the old woman didn’t have so many kids we would build temporary stone buildings to live in during the few months they wouldn’t have a village here.” stayed there. Finally, Fatima and her husband from Denbo moved there and built Most of the land around Mareh is part of the Denbo municipality. Generally, the first permanent house. This settlement in the area gave rise to what is now the division of property and land ownership in the area goes back to the Otto- the village of Mareh. man period. A man from Denbo municipality explained: “People from the village used to work on the land. When the baik [the ruler of an administrative area during the Ottoman Empire, who could have been Lebanese or Turkish] left the land, depending on the proportion of the land that the villagers had been working on, they would take that piece of land. It was not based on topography or any legal issues.” In essence this means that people inherited the plots of land they were working on, which could have been very small. For some, initially, this land may have been a decent size, but it was subsequently subdivided between the sons of each generation. People, as a result, ended up with very small pieces of land. The attitude towards the land, and also each other, has changed. One man reflected, “The land was divided a long time ago but people treat each other differently now. Before, they didn’t mind if other people’s sheep came to their land. It was like one family. But now people care.” Another man explained further, “In the past they [the shepherds] didn’t pay to use the land because there was a lot of poverty. They were here until March and then they would go back to Mishmish.” The biggest change in the village occurred when the villagers decided to build a road that would connect Mareh to the main road. Around 17 years ago, at a total cost of LL12 million ($8,000), the community built the road themselves. The road leading up to Mareh One mother stated, “When the road opened, the community changed.” A man continued, “Before the roads we used donkeys or we went on foot. We carried things on our back or on the donkeys. We used to go walking to Bkarzala, which Not long after Fatima and her family established themselves, the shepherds takes one and a half hours. The educated and uneducated would go walking stopped making their yearly migration to the area, though some chose to stay in to find work.” Another explained how building the road changed the physical Mareh and marry local girls because they could not afford to buy land anywhere makeup of the community: else. Fatima explained how the shepherds were an integral part of the history of “We used to bring the building material [for houses] on a donkey. Then the village: when we got the road we were able to enlarge the houses. We used to trans- “Mareh means the place [house] where sheep and goats sleep. It was called port water on donkeys also. So when we got the road we all got water tanks this because of the people from Mishmish who spent the winter here to have on the roof because we could get a truck to bring in the water and store it. food for their sheep and goats because there was snow in Mishmish. So they There used to only be footpaths for walking. It was just a narrow route.” brought them here to survive.” Also, instead of living in rough stone houses with roofs made of branch- Some residents believe that half of the village is comprised of descendants es and sticks, they were able to start building more modern houses made of of people from Denbo, while the other half are descendants of people that origi- cement blocks. nally came from Mishmish. The road precipitated further changes in the village. While some men have Though the shepherds were some of the first people to take refuge in the been going to work in Tripoli for quite some time, like Fatima’s sons, normally area, ultimately Fatima’s family had a large impact on establishing the village. they would have had to stay there due to the lack of feasible transportation back Fatima’s 10 children now have 64 children in total. While not all of them remain and forth. After the road was built, men could more easily travel to and from the

90 91 MAREH and BAJAA 3 village on a regular basis, staying in Tripoli for a few days before returning to visit Profile of the community their families. This also facilitated access to education, health care, and material supplies, all of which improved the lives of the villagers. In the Sunni Muslim community of Mareh, most families now have a maximum In spite of the changes, the road to the village remains difficult to travel, of six kids. This is a generational change, as one woman explained: and and life is still a challenge. Travel along the road is dictated by traffic flows “My mom has 10 kids. I have four. Now the most that people have is five or because most residents do not own their own cars and are dependent on taxis. six. I don’t want more than I currently have. My mother’s generation had As the taxis are typically returning to Tripoli, it is still difficult to travel toward 10 or more kids. Now the maximum is six. The numbers decreased because Denbo and the other villages in the municipality. When asked what has changed now it is more expensive for food and education. Both the men and the women take the decision to stop having kids together. But sometimes the between his childhood and now, one man replied, “Nothing has changed. It was man wants more kids and his wife doesn’t agree with this.” torture before and it is still torture.” Mareh does not seem bound by some of the more traditional social customs prevalent in other rural communities of Lebanon. One group of women de- History of marginalization scribed their marriages: “The persistence of feudalism in Akkar until Lebanese independence has left a major mark on the socioeconomic situation of the region. Under the rule of the Mamluks “We met our husbands normally. We started talking to them and we got and Ottomans, great authority was delegated to local feudal landowners in managing married. There are no arranged marriages here. There are no men that are the area around them. These landowners were responsible for collecting taxes from married to more than one woman. In this village the men only marry once. the Akkari peasants and handing them over to the Sultanate. The collectors benefited But in Denbo there is a man who is married to a girl, and then he married ” from the land registration law and citizens’ fear of paying property taxes. Landown- her sister, then he married a third wife and he is looking for a fourth. ers registered large tracts of land cultivated by farmers in their own names. This led The girls tend to marry early – usually between the ages of 15 and 17 years. to the emergence of large agricultural properties, leaving the landless farmers at the A nurse at a clinic8 in the village of Denbo explained, “If they reach the age of mercy of their feudal landowners. Moreover, the new central administration system established by the Ottomans gave the district commissioner and, in turn, the feudal 20 and they are not married, they say she is old. Guys would rather marry a girl landowner, total power over their local fiefs. This often resulted in exploitation of that is 14 years old than a girl that is 20 or 21 years old.” local farmers by the feudal families. As land owners benefit most from obedient and In Mareh each nuclear family tends to have its own house. The houses are submissive workers, they were not keen on encouraging efforts that could empower small and there is not enough space for two families to live in the same building. farmers or develop the region. Far away from the economic and political center of Some also see social problems arising if they are forced to live together. As one the country, Akkar was marginalized socially and economically by this centralization woman explained, “The woman cannot tolerate living with her mother-in-law. beginning in the late eighteenth century and continuing to the present. This remoteness from the country’s capital continues to have an effect on Akkar’s development.” It is too restrictive.” Some families who were better off were able to move out of the village, either Source: Mouchref, “Forgotten Akkar” (2008), p. 4 to the areas near the main road or to Tripoli. Residents explained that this trend is cyclical, the population of the village gradually increases over time, and then a wave of families moves out, often searching for better employment and educational opportunities, or frustrated by the almost complete isolation they face in Mareh. The number of households diminishes, until the population increases again, through childbirth, at which point the cycle restarts. The majority of the regular movement in and out of the community occurs among the men who work in Tripoli and come back every three to four days to see their families. Usu- ally new residents only move into the village through marriage; sometimes these people are from the other villages in the Denbo municipality.

Women in Mareh making bread using a taboon

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After they stopped working as shepherds, many walked daily to Bkarzala The Australian connection: Help for some and worked as laborers on the land. But over time what they earned was less than what they could have earned working in Tripoli. Moreover, Syrian migrant Something quite different about the village of Denbo, compared to the other villages in the area, is that many residents in the village now have relatives in Australia. As workers are willing to work as agricultural laborers in the area for less than the one woman from Bajaa mentioned, “In Denbo they travel to Australia but here it is locals, essentially cutting them out of many of these jobs. The men also found rare.” In both Mareh and Bajaa, there are very few families who have any relatives the work physically demanding as they had to walk to and from Bkarzala each living in Australia. While there are a few cases, it is more common if the individual day, as well as complete manual labor associated with the job. was originally from Denbo. Now, it is estimated by some residents that 75 percent of the men work in Once a few people from the municipality were able to immigrate – sometimes Tripoli in coffee shops, restaurants, supermarkets, factories, collecting garbage, through obtaining student visas and then applying for work, and sometimes by forfeit- ing the security deposit used as a down payment for a tourist visa and subsequently or in construction. One woman explained: applying for a work permit – this facilitated the process for others from the area to get “Most sleep where they work or rent houses [with a group of men staying visas. Residents claim that during the summer the situation is like a dating service in together]. My husband comes back every three or four days. He comes the village, with all of the singles originally from the area returning and looking for around 11 at night and leaves at 8 a.m. the next morning. He comes in a spouses. Marriage is also seen as a way out of poverty. As was explained, “Guys want taxi; sometimes they drop him off here or in the other village beside us and to marry a girl that has a passport [that allows them to travel]. Men are willing to pay he has to walk along the road at night. He pays LL15,000 [$10] for the $20,000 to the parents of a girl, to accept him as a groom for their daughter – in ad- taxi.” dition to the money they normally pay before marriage. The family will go into debt and sell their land because it is like an investment. If the son goes to Australia, he will Only a few from the village who work in Tripoli have health insurance. send money back.” “There are only three houses that have health insurance. Even the guy that Now, there are so many residents from the area in Australia that one neighbor- works in the supermarket [doesn’t have it]. The owner made him sign a pa- hood in Sydney has the nickname “Denbo.” One resident guessed that there were per saying that he wouldn’t request insurance or he would get fired. This is at least 200-300 people from the municipality currently living in Australia, the vast illegal and they are entitled to health insurance. The three people that have majority originating from Denbo. As one man said, “Nearly every family [in Denbo] it work at a coffee shop in Tripoli.” has someone living in Australia.” Having relatives abroad is a big source of support for the families remaining in Lebanon, as one man from Mareh explained, “There [in Denbo] it is way better be- Agriculture in Akkar cause there are many people from Australia. They have more money than here and they help each other.” Some feel that this help was directed only towards their im- “Despite the importance of agriculture for Akkar, production levels remain low com- mediate family members: “People leave here because it is poor. They go to Australia pared to the rest of the country. Farmers continue to use outdated techniques, hinder- and work as butchers or in construction and they come back and they are really well ing economic development and making it difficult to compete with cheaper imports off. They help their own families but not the whole village.” Yet there is evidence to from modernized countries. The lasting decline of productivity in agriculture re- the contrary; for example, there is a new clinic being constructed in Denbo, paid for sults from several problems facing farmers, among which are: old technology, lack of by the residents living in Australia. Either way, one thing is certain: the remittances training, poor quality products, very little product processing, difficulty in marketing offered by those living in Australia are having positive effects, either by directly sup- products, low yields, and costly materials. Other factors negatively affecting the sector porting families or building services, or through a trickle down effect of increasing the are polluted water, flooding, poor rural roads and a lack of irrigation networks, and purchasing power of the community. While Denbo is benefitting from this circum- storage facilities. stance, the other villages are being left behind. “A large problem facing small farmers is a lack of financing for the purchase of seeds, bulbs, fertilizers and pesticides. Scarce access to credit from the formal banking sector forces them to turn to middlemen and agricultural merchants for loans in Livelihoods exchange for a share of harvest yields. This dependency often leads to exploitation of the farmers by the middlemen and merchants, placing the farmers in an even Historically, when the people of Mareh worked as shepherds, families might more vulnerable position. Farmers are under a continual burden of debt and their have had up to 200 sheep and goats. One elderly man explained, “Now there situation has been further aggravated by the outbreak of the July 2006 and Nahr are no more sheep because we divided the land and people don’t accept that al-Bared wars.” other people bring their sheep to the land and the sheep eat from it.” Some Source: Mouchref, “Forgotten Akkar” (2008), p. 15 families still own two or three sheep that they use to add to their own livelihoods. The elderly who are unable to work elsewhere take care of the sheep.

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“The boys drop out around grade 2 or 3, maximum grade 4. The guys my age [around 17 years old] work in coffees shops as waiters or selling narguileh. The families that don’t have men working in Tripoli work in agriculture. One Some of the young girls work collecting wild plants and herbs, and some young woman explained: older women work with sheep. Kids here also have the habit of collecting “Some work in their land but mostly people work in other people’s land. tins and cans and then selling them to a man that comes here once a week. They work with olives and clearing the land. Some families have land and For one big bag they only get about LL2000 [$1.3]. They collect the tins they use a bit of it for olives. But they only get a bit of olive oil. It is not even and cans from the community.” enough for their families, they still have to buy oil from the markets. We Figure 3.1: Livelihood and economic indicators for Akkar don’t grow vegetables because there is no water. We sell almonds sometimes, but this is only one household – my grandfather’s. One or two households • 3.8 percent of the males in Akkar enter the workforce between sell crops. They sell almonds, olives, and grapes. Some sell grape leaves. the ages of 10 and 14. Three or four houses are involved in collecting wild plants and herbs [some • 28.3 percent of males start working between the ages of 15 Youth of which include quwaiseh, marameyeh, zatar, and khobeze – see ‘Livelihoods’ and 19. employment section in Bajaa]. The whole family will go except for the older boys who • Almost all of the youth entering the workforce lack profes- are working in Tripoli – they don’t go. The kids don’t skip school to go col- sional skills and are involved in the nonformal sector of the lect the plants. But they do skip school to go work with the olives.” economy. • 63.3 percent of the families in the region live in poverty, the Some families who have other employment use this to supplement their income Poverty highest reported poverty rates in Lebanon. during the agricultural seasons. • 23.3 percent live in extreme poverty. One new trend in employment has recently emerged, as young men from • 22.7 percent of the individuals and 16.6 percent of the fami- Mareh and the surrounding villages go to Beirut and Tripoli to work in night- lies live on an income of less than $40 per month. In addition, Income clubs. Despite the income this brings in, which is essential for the survival of their in the past year and a half 63.3 percent of the families have families, some community members expressed their disastisfaction at this new seen a reduction in income. trend. As one man from the Denbo municipality explained: “The young men • 13.3 percent, primarily young adults, are unemployed. who are less than 20 years old are working in the clubs in Tripoli and Beirut, Unemployment • Because of the wars and conflicts, 14.5 percent of the families which is leading to an increase in cases of divorce because it is affecting their reported losing employment. morals and ethics.” Additionally, as the young Muslim men are working in areas Source: Mouchref, “Forgotten Akkar” (2008), p. 13 serving alcohol, they themselves have started consuming alcohol, which is forbidden in Islam. Income sufficiency The women of Mareh are very much involved in domestic and household In spite of all members contributing to the household, life is still hard. One responsibilities. While these are deeply rooted in cultural values, there are some woman described how difficult the situation is: very small signs of change. During a focus group with women, one educated woman who moved into the village commented: “We are unable to save because the income is barely enough to meet our basic needs. And most of the time, we go into debt during the winter, so we “It is very difficult to live here in every aspect. It is especially difficult be- have to use this money to pay back debts. We take money from each other cause a women can’t work. She can’t leave to go to a far place. And she has or our sons, and we give it back. Once our sons are working, they don’t to stay at home and be a housewife. Also, it is far from the city and there are contribute to the household expenses. They use the money to get married no job opportunities. The women here are interested to work but the men or build a house. All of the households live at the same level. We can only won’t let them. But, I think that the mentality is improving because in the meet our basic needs.” house beside us the women work in Tripoli as house cleaners. The whole family left. They got bored of this village. They won’t come back unless While they are able to meet their basic needs, many other expenses are hard there is electricity, accessible roads, etc.” for them. They built the road from the village to the nearest access road at the cost of LL12 million ($8,000) out of their own resources. Residents found it hard While most of the women work domestically, all family members are con- to cover the cost and were annoyed, as this is a cost normally met by the govern- tributing, in one way or another, to the family’s livelihood. One young man ment or municipality. The families that don’t have health insurance will often described the situation: pay LL30,000-40,000 ($20-27) for medical consultations and medicines, when

96 97 MAREH and BAJAA 3 needed. If the children are studying, tuition, books, supplies, and transportation Figure 3.2: Education indicators for Akkar are additional costs. Even the simple task of doing laundry is expensive for them. Akkar Lebanon One mother described her situation: 30.5% “We wash two times per week and we pay LL6,000 [$4] each time we wash. Illiteracy rates 13.6% We only use the [electricity] generator for washing. Not for lights or any- (highest in Lebanon) thing. Ten years ago we started getting generators. We pay LL3,000-4,000 School enrollment [$2-2.7] for gas for the generator each time we do the washing. Other fami- 83.5 % 88.9% (6-12 years) lies with kids spend LL6,000-7,000 [$4-4.7]each time.” School enrollment 39.3% 61.9% (lowest in Lebanon) Education (12-19 years) School enrollment 11.1 % 24.3% Obtaining education has always been a challenge in Mareh because of its isola- (20-24 years) (lowest in Lebanon) tion. An anecdote by one of the older residents illustrates how rare it was for any children to get educated in the past: “Only one of my kids went to school, to Source: Mouchref, “Forgotten Akkar” (2008), p. 11 grade 4. Because he could read, he became a sheikh.” An elderly member in the village described what the situation was like in the past: According to residents, all the elderly in the community are illiterate, and none of them can even write their own name. The levels of literacy among the “I am illiterate. When we were young no one was educated because we had adults are extremely low: only three can read, and they all originate from out- to walk a long way. It took like one hour and fifteen minutes to go to Denbo. And you would never send a young kid to school alone; it was dangerous. side Mareh. As one woman explained, “My husband didn’t go to school. I went I enrolled my son in school at age 12, but I didn’t take it seriously. I didn’t until grade 5. I am the only one that went to school because I am not from here. send him before because the road is very far. All of the kids would go work None of the rest are literate, boys or girls.” However, Fatima noted how this was and get money for food. People were not concerned about enrolling their changing: “Now we don’t accept for girls to work as maids and we educate boys kids in school. Kids would raise the sheep.” and girls equally.” Nowadays, education – both formal education and vocational Even though the road was built, the difficulties in continuing education per- training – is valued, as it is seen as providing access to better jobs in the towns sist today. One young woman, one of the most educated in the village, described and cities. One man from the municipality of Denbo spoke of a new focus in the challenges she faced in reaching Brevet: order to increase the employability of the youth: “We are focusing on vocational training, so that we give them a skill.” “Even for me it was hard to continue my education because it was hard to find transportation there [to school]. Many times I went walking. I wanted There are still no schools in Mareh, and likely never will be due to its small to continue my education, but because of financial reasons I had to stop. size. Some children go to school in Hawaish, and some go to the school in Bkar- Now I am engaged and my fiancé won’t let me continue because he is jeal- zala. Now, most of the children in the village between the ages of four and 15 ous. It used to take one and quarter hours to walk there. And if we ran go to school. There is a bus that takes the 25 children to school, a journey takes home it would take 50 minutes.” about 20-30 minutes. The school in Hawaish is a public school and goes up to the Brevet level. It is estimated that about 75 percent of the children from Mareh stop their formal education by the age of 15. Most of the boys drop out by the grade 6 or 7, while the girls are more likely to stay until grade 9. A man from the Denbo municipality explained, “Usually when they reach secondary level, because of the higher costs and large family sizes, they drop out and work in restaurants or shops.” At this point, it is even harder for the youth to continue studying, as they must go to a school located further away. While some days they could get the bus part of the way, the older grades sometimes have classes on days that the younger grades do not. On these days, as the bus does not operate, student wishing to continue their studies would have to walk the entire way, or pay for a taxi.

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The cost of education, even in a public school, is a huge investment for fami- As one woman described: lies in the community. One woman described, “You pay LL35,000 [$23] per “We eat everything. It is not a problem. We eat chicken two times per week. child per month for the bus. If they need to take a taxi, we pay LL15,000 [$10] We eat better in the summer. We eat normal food. The only thing, we make each way. The books and the uniforms cost LL1 million [$667] per year in total more healthy foods in the winter because it is cold out so we make hot foods for my four kids.” like stews. We make mouneh, pickles, chankleesh, labneh, laban, etc. because I have a cow.” Nutrition and health They normally use wood for cooking and only use gas for things like making coffee or tea as it is more difficult to bring gas to the village. The women get While the population of Mareh has access to enough food, the quality of what together and bake bread for their families on a dome-shaped hotplate called is available and what they can afford varies greatly. A male nurse who formerly a taboon. Each woman makes bread every three to four days, or at least once a worked at a clinic in Denbo explained: week. While they do this out of necessity – “We always make our own bread “Forty percent of the population [in the municipality] is able to meet their because we can’t reach the souq” – it is also a time where women from different quantity of food needs, but not the quality. The quality of food is not good. families come, sit together, help each other, and socialize. The rest, 60 percent, are meeting their needs. They are OK. Some people In spite of the basic quality of food, the children are essentially healthy. Ac- can’t afford to eat enough meats. People always have access to at least cheap fruits. Fewer people eat meat. A lot of people eat wild herbs like spinach cording to the male nurse from Denbo, 90 percent of all of the children in the and seleq.” area are now vaccinated by the age of six.9 The nurse went on to explain that there are the usual cases of flu, gripe, and diarrhea amongst the community. Be- In a separate interview, another nurse currently working at the dispensary cause the village is so isolated, there have been instances in the past where getting confirmed this: medical services has been extremely difficult. One nurse at the Denbo clinic said “For nutrition the quantity is not a problem. They will eat anything, if it’s this was a problem for the whole area: good or bad. In terms of quality, they have little access to meat. When fruits “The bad thing here is that people delay before bringing their child to the and vegetables are not in season it is too expensive to buy [them]. The num- health center. So then the doctor is obliged to send them to the hospital ber of meals between the rich and the poor doesn’t vary. What varies is the because they are too serious for the clinic. A few kids that come will die quality of the food.” afterwards, because it is too late. And some die before they even come. In- There is a small store in the village where residents can buy sweets, potato fections lead to fevers, which cause some of the problems. Infections like chips, and some canned goods like tuna and hummous. The rest of the food they bronchitis and tonsils, etc.” bring either from Helba or Tripoli, which adds to their costs. A group of women The nurse went on, mentioning another problem that often negatively af- explained: fects the health of the children: “It is also common to take medication from your neighbors. Sometimes it is the wrong medicine, sometimes the medicine is “We go by groups and we go with a driver in his van. Most of the time, the men accompany the women because it is not appropriate for them to go not enough, and sometimes it makes it worse, or it is expired. It causes a lot of alone. This is not the same in all families but usually men don’t let women problems with the children.” go out alone. In Denbo they have everything … shops, supermarkets, etc. Breast-feeding does occur, but may vary depending on the income level of In Denbo some families are also very conservative, like mine. But in general the family. The man formerly working as a nurse said: it is less conservative. It is less frequent to go out of town in Denbo because they have all they need there, so they don’t need to go to Tripoli.” “The women do breast-feed, especially the poor families. But they still give them cow’s milk because they think that their milk is not enough. They feed Some men who work in Tripoli bring groceries back to the village when they cow’s milk to kids at a young age, which causes constipation for the kids. are visiting their families. At one time a man used to come in his van to sell veg- They will breast-feed until the child is 8 or 9 months old. They give cow’s etables in the village. But as one woman explained, “The vegetable guy stopped milk and normal food when they stop breast-feeding.” coming two years ago because the road was ruining his car. He used to come One of the reasons for breast-feeding not being more common is the attitude once a week on Wednesdays.” of the women. The other nurse explained, “Maximum, 20 percent of women do The diet of the villagers in Mareh is basic but adequate. Families eat mainly breast-feed. They say they don’t have milk or they don’t want to. They don’t like grains, vegetables, and eggs, often cutting out meat when they cannot afford it. it. They will give their kids specialized milk for kids. But about 40 percent give them cow’s milk, either powdered or straight milk.”

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Most births now take place in a hospital, though it was not always like this. Figure 3.3: Health indicators for Akkar Another woman offered a similar description of childbirth as the one Fatima 10 provided: Akkar National comparison “In the older generation they used a midwife [TBA]to help them give birth. Infant mortality rate 37/1000 27/1000 It was not too much work. The baby just came out and then she cut the umbilical cord. In the event that there was a problem, they would carry the Under-5 mortality rate 51/1000 35/1000 woman on wooden boards to where the road became normal and then get Akkar has the lowest rate of Prenatal and postnatal a car to take her to the hospital. Now some women, not too frequently, have 74% prenatal and postnatal in care to give birth here because there is no car to take them to the hospital. But the country. this is not too often.” Akkar has the highest Most women have three or four prenatal checkups at a clinic or hospital. Deliveries by Traditional 9% proportion of deliveries by Birth Attendants Because of the costs involved, a few do not go at all. TBAs in the country. Attitudes towards contraception have changed, partly as people have real- Lacking any form of ized how expensive it is to raise children and provide them with an education. 65% 58% health insurance A nurse estimates: Akkar has the highest levels “Around 75 percent use a mode of contraceptive. They use the condom, Poor quality of Major health concerns of Hepatitis A and Typhoid pill, or intrauterine device [IUD]. It should be a bargain between the man drinking water. and the woman. People accept the issue. They might use the contraceptives in the country. in a wrong way because sometimes they don’t consult with the doctor, or they take it in secret because their husband wants more kids. The number There are few prac- Akkar has the lowest of kids is less now than before. They used to have a minimum of eight kids. ticing doctors in number of hospitals and Akkar. Most clinics beds with only 2.7% of Now the maximum is six, but the average is four. Some still want to have a Health care facilities lot of kids. But they want to have a better quality of life for their kids, so they have doctors avail- the national bed capacity don’t. It used to be 10-15 kids. One man [from Denbo] had 23 kids from able only one day (for 6.4% of the national the same woman. A television station came here and gave him a prize. For a week. population). example, there was a man who was 16 and his wife was 15. Now she is 20 and she has two kids and a third child died.” Source: Mouchref, “Forgotten Akkar” (2008), p. 9-10

There is a primary health care clinic in Denbo that was part of a European The nearest hospitals that the villagers of Mareh are able to access are in Union (EU) initiative and is funded by the Ministry of Social Affairs. It is staffed Helba or Tripoli. This has its challenges as one elderly man described: “In case by a nurse, a general practitioner, a pediatrician, and a gynecologist. There is an- someone is sick, if there is no car in the village, we will call someone from another center in Denbo that is in the early stages of construction. It is being built other village to come and pick them up. It can take one and a half hours to reach with funding from the residents of Denbo who have immigrated to Australia. It the hospital in Helba.” There are also private hospitals and clinics in Helba to will be quite large; as one man describes,“It could be a small hospital.” There which the villagers go. is also a private clinic that opened in the fall of 2010. However, because of the Considering all of this, the villagers of Mareh are surprisingly healthy. difficulties reaching Denbo, most residents of Mareh do not use the clinics there. The only chronic problems that are common to the area are the rising in the number of cases of diabetes, hypertension, and cardiovascular diseases. The nurse explained that, in the area, the women seem to have more health problems than the men: “There are lots of problems among those 65 and above, especially among the women. They suffer more from chronic diseases, like cardiovascular disease and diabetes and osteoporosis. Maybe it is because of the multiple pregnancies.”

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“We had electricity [illegally] for two years. First we had a cable from Bint el Jara, but the staff at the electricity company came and cut the cable. And then we had it from Hawaish for one year, but the people [from Hawaish] came and cut it because they said it was affecting their electricity. This was about eight years ago. We had it for one year from Bint el Jara and one year from Hawaish.” Even when there was electricity it was fairly weak. One woman remember- ered, “The electricity was barely sufficient for one household. If I wanted to do the washing, I had to ask all of the others to turn everything off so I could wash. But it was good that we had a light at night.” Residents noted that they originally applied for electricity from the government in 1994. Since then they have been waiting, often being sent between the different government agencies in order to get the approval and signatures needed. While the community has heard that officials in Beirut have approved the supply of electricity to the village, they noted that the lack of government (ongoing at the time of interviews) in Lebanon was likely to paralyze the implementation plans. Residents were skeptical about receiving electricity anytime soon. One man cynically commented, “The chicken farms have electricity and we don’t have electricity. They are more served than we are.” A view of Mareh The single greatest physical asset the village has, the access road, remains in poor condition, as the residents are unable to maintain it. The winter rains wreak Assets and vulnerabilities havoc on the road, and it often floods at its lowest point, where a bridge over a small stream links the two hills upon which Mareh and the neighboring village The isolation of Mareh is its single greatest vulnerability. As the villagers them- are located. When the stream floods, the road to the village is virtually cut, isolat- selves consistently expressed, their ability to access health and educational ser- ing Mareh even more. One man described an incident: vices and to secure meaningful employment have been seriously compromised by their village’s remote location. While some of these problems were alleviated “Because of the old bridge down by the river, I fell through the boards and almost drowned. Then it [the old bridge] was made out of wooden planks. slightly by the building of the access road, the road itself remains in terrible When it was raining it was impossible for a car to pass by it because the condition and very few cars or commercial vehicles are willing to come to the water will go inside the car. It took a lot of wasta and connections to get the village. Thus, isolation continues to play a key role in shaping the dynamics of new bridge built.” Mareh’s poverty. The rain also washes away other sections of the road. Sometimes after heavy Most of the assets that the village might employ to mitigate their poverty rains, cars may not be able to access the road for days at a time. This is a source (their physical, human, social, natural, and financial capital) are also negatively of concern for the parents of children who are forced to miss weeks of school affected by their isolated location, and weakness in each of these areas reinforces each year due to rain. the inability of the villagers to help themselves and their community. The result Additionally, there is no sewage treatment and no piped water in the vil- is a self-perpetuating cycle of poverty. lage. The community is unable to dig its own well, as the government is not Mareh’s almost complete lack of physical capital is one of the most strik- issuing any new licenses due to the water shortage in the country. Residents ing symptoms of its isolation. In 2011, Mareh must be one of the last villages are also affected by the lack of landline phones, extremely weak cell phone in Lebanon without electricity. All of the other villages in the Denbo cluster signals, and limited access to television. One woman remembers, “We got a have obtained electricity, yet Mareh has repeatedly encountered problems in ac- TV and radio when we got electricity [from the other villages]. Before this we cessing this basic service. The village of Denbo received government electric- used to turn on the TV with batteries. I remember we got a TV [around the ity in 1972, yet Mareh is still struggling to obtain access almost 30 years later. time] when the son of a politician died. This was the first time we had a TV.” A villager from Mareh explained:

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The villagers only have access to broadcast television with channels from Syria; a man [who works in construction] and they had no money, but they asked the researchers had to explain what a satellite dish was. him. It took three to four days to build the road and then we divided the total cost between all of the houses and we each paid. It was LL600,000 [$400] per house. We had to pay a bit extra for the border of the road. The Figure 3.4: Infrastructure in Akkar government fined us almost LL400,000 [$267] and we divided this between • Housing conditions in Akkar are the second worst in all of Leba- all of the houses. We got fined because we cut the trees and we didn’t get non due to the large family size. the authorization to build it. The men here don’t have money but they have Housing • 58 percent live in overcrowded conditions compared with 26.2 per- guts. The land that we used was private land, but we got permission from conditions cent nationally. the people who own it. We visited all of the owners and told them that we • 28 percent of the families live in a house with two rooms or less wanted to open the road.” often with little or no sunlight and with high levels of humidity. The land around the village is rural and underdeveloped. It is rocky, apart • In spite of the area being one of the most rich in terms of water from the more fertile land banking the stream located in the valley. In terms resources, many of the villages visited (including the municipality of Denbo and others) mentioned facing water problems which of natural capital, the only things that the village cultivates are olives, some al- Water decreased their capacity to work in agriculture, as well as affected monds, and figs after the rains. But the amounts are only enough for personal the domestic use of water. consumption and not to sell. This is mainly due to the lack of water available for • Only 53.8 percent of the houses in Akkar are connected to a water agriculture. One man from Denbo described the situation facing the whole area: supply versus a national average of 85.5 percent. “There is land here but there is a problem with the water. There is not • Akkar ranks second to last nationally with only 24.8 percent of enough water so you can’t use the land. The water doesn’t even reach the houses connected to a sewage system. The national average is 60.2 houses so we have to go to the ain and get it. The water doesn’t come to the Sewage percent, and Beirut has 98.9 percent of houses connected. houses, it goes to a tank on the roof. Or you go to the ain and fill it there. We • 64.3 percent have sewage pits, which are rarely emptied and tend have to buy drinking water, but because of the low income of most families to overflow during the rainy winter months. this is a big burden on them. There is a problem that the ain is polluted be- Transpor- • Public transportation in Akkar is lacking and people are dependent cause there is no sewage system so when it rains the dirty water runs into the tation on taxis or cars. ain and it gets polluted. In 1992 people [from Denbo] died from drinking • Internal roads maintained by municipalities tend to be in the water that was poisoned by sewage. It was because they weren’t able to give Roads worst shape, limiting the mobility of the people and increasing the them direct medical assistance because the hospital is far away. The govern- chances for accidents. ment and the Ministry of Health [MoH] came to do studies and found that the water was polluted so they dug another well, but it was also below other • 51.4 percent use wood for heating and sometimes cooking, thereby Home fuel houses [in elevation] so the same problem happened again and the water significantly increasing air pollution. became polluted. The water is not even suitable for irrigation because it is Source: Mouchref, “Forgotten Akkar” (2008), p. 5-7 so polluted.” Historically, Akkar had a plentiful supply of water, but due to recent climate The village has limited human capital as very few residents have any kind changes, and a variety of other factors, this is no longer as true.11 Compound- of vocational training. Because of its isolation and lack of electricity, there is no ing this problem, Mareh’s sole water source has been affected by contamination connection to the Internet, and with restricted television access, villagers’ ability upstream. One man explained how the supply became polluted: to obtain information is limited. “We used to get water from the river but one year ago the neighboring vil- There are strong social relationships within the community and some family lage established a sewage network that goes into the river so we can’t use it ties with other villages in the municipality. Yet, there is very little social capital anymore. We found out because of the color of the water, and the sheep outside of the immediate surrounding area and it is extremely limited in terms and goats stopped drinking from it. We used to get water from the river and of access to government officials and those in positions of power. pay LL20,000 [$13] to have it brought to us, by a truck or tractor. Now the truck has to go to a source further away, so we pay LL30,000 [$20]. It was The community’s greatest triumph was their mobilization, against all odds, the neighboring municipality that put the sewage into the river, not the peo- to build the access road. One woman described the process: ple. The water that gets brought to us in the tractors lasts for a maximum of “My husband and neighbor were making jokes that they should go get a one week. Now we get it from Hawaish and it takes the tractor more than tractor or bulldozer to open the road. It was kind of a dare. They went to one hour to get the water here. We use this for drinking water. Now there is

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a lawsuit against the village that did this [dumped the sewage into the river]. even grade 9. So they have a hard time finding a job. The second reason When we went and talked to them they said it was the only option. But they for poverty is that though some people own land, it is a hassle to reach it could have paid more money and routed it in a way that wouldn’t affect the because the roads are not good. And to get the crops back it would be ex- river. But they picked the easy way. All of the animals stopped drinking the pensive. So it is not efficient money-wise. The older generation would be water. So the people who have sheep have to make longer tours to bring the interested in working in the land, but the young generation wants easier jobs sheep to a place to drink. We don’t even use the water for washing anymore. like working in a restaurant or to travel to Saudi, France, or Australia. The The municipality of Denbo didn’t help us with the problem. But the people third reason for poverty is that it [the area] is far from the city. So there is of Denbo, Bkarzala, and Hawaish signed a petition and we presented it as physical isolation. Because it is far it would not be cost efficient for a man to part of the lawsuit. It affects many of the villages in the area. All of the go and come back each day when they are working outside. It would be bet- neighboring villages, used to fill the tanks from this river and use it. So we ter if there were job opportunities in this region. Now some men are going are all suffering from the negative impact and the only ones that benefit and coming each day to Tripoli. Before the whole family would move, but are the ones that dump in the river. The village is called Shaill. It is beside since the roads are better now only the man goes.” Denbo. The lawsuit about the river is being done by the whole region. It is taking more time because there is no government.” His wife added, “The fourth reason is there is a lack of awareness among women, so there is a lack of family planning and they don’t know how to raise As the above testimony suggests, the villagers’ ability to deal with problems their kids.” affecting their natural capital has been severely impacted by their lack of social The villagers’ lack of assets – which they are clearly well aware of – taken capital – they are unable to convince the offenders to stop dumping, nor have together with their isolation have led them to feel an acute sense of powerless- they been able to effect a quick solution through the courts. This is just one ex- ness and voicelessness in advocating for their own needs. One man expressed his ample of the way their various incapacities intertwine to further deteriorate their frustrations: ability to alleviate their own poverty. “Before, the people were naïve because they would go to the responsible Because of the level of poverty, the financial capital of the community is people and ask for things. These people would say that it would be done. quite limited. One man described their financial security: But because of the corruption, it doesn’t happen. For example there are “It is common to borrow money from each other. But if the people know papers in the government saying that we [should] have water to each house. that you won’t return the money they won’t help you again. I manage to There was money allocated to this project but it was spent on other things pay them back because my nephew is in Australia. He sends money. And and nothing was ever done here.” my son works in Tripoli, so he asks people to donate money for his mother Another man sadly explained what he saw: “It is true that the leaders and because she is poor.” deputies focus their efforts on the cities and forget the isolated communities like While the village of Denbo benefits from a large number of people who have here. The deputies come here before elections and make fake promises and then immigrated to Australia and support their families by sending money home, in they disappear.” This is a refrain heard across the poor and marginalized com- Mareh it is extremely rare that any of the residents has someone abroad who munities in Lebanon. is supporting them. The villagers, specifically within the family units, provide The same sense of neglect exists throughout the municipality. As a man from financial support to each other in the form of small informal loans. Fatima de- Denbo explained: scribed the help her struggling daughter-in-law receives from the village: “I pro- “The government is not investing in the industries or the companies here in vide money for them [her daughter-in-law and her grandchildren]. Sometimes ways that would benefit the people. People feel isolated because the govern- my other kids help and send a bit of money and sometimes other people from ment is neglecting the region. [In Denbo] we only got phone lines last year the village help them.” Most don’t have access to banks or any financial institu- and electricity recently. Even the school was not built by the government. It tions in order to be able to borrow. was people from here and from Australia that gathered money to build it.” A man from the municipality at Denbo summarized Mareh’s vulnerabilities, However, the same man recognized that Mareh faced even greater difficulties most of which are a result of the long-term isolation that the village has faced: than its neighboring communities: “It is very poor here. And there is a large number of the young generation “Mareh is less developed because of the location. They don’t have electric- but there is no employment here. They go to Beirut to work in a restaurant, ity because people are simple, naïve, and they are not asking for it. The one but because it is winter and because of the political situation the work is that has power has everything. But they have never had any power so they more rare. The first reason for poverty is that there is a low level of educa- are left behind.” tion. People that are over 30 years old have a low level of education, not

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The election and formation of the municipal council of Denbo, representing BAJAA the five villages, is a recent development, providing some political institutions for the community, potentially strengthening its voice. A man within the municipal- Bajaa is another one of the five villages in the municipality of Denbo. Residents ity explained, “We had the first municipality here in 2004. Before, there were estimate there to be between 50-70 households. Most of them are living in pov- three mayors [at the same time]. Who would take care of the village? But the erty, except for the family of the recently elected head of the municipality, who people started demanding a municipality. So that’s how it changed.” has historically been better off and has children living abroad. Bajaa is physically In spite of the small, positive changes, overall there remains a sense of fatal- much more accessible than Mareh. The road on which it is located turns off of ism. As one woman expressed it: the main road in Bint el Jara. Mbarakiyeh is located on this road as well, just slightly lower on the same hill as Bajaa. Bajaa’s decreased isolation makes the dy- “We have no one as support for us. The head of the municipality will help namics of its poverty slightly different than that of Mareh. Yet, due to the similar the people in Denbo more. We have only had two municipalities elected so far. They have a lot of work to do because the condition of the village there location (in Akkar) and general context, many of the issues and challenges faced is so bad. There is not much support for the people here because we origi- in Bajaa are similar to those in Mareh. This section will highlight some of the nate from two different villages [those originally from Mishmish and those issues that are unique to Bajaa. from Denbo], so we are not strong. We don’t have a representative in the Bajaa is still very much a small village where everyone knows each other. One municipality, so if we go talk to someone in the municipality they refer us to woman expanded on the social relationships present in the village: the head of the municipality. He built the bridge. And the old head of the municipality is helping us with the electricity. It will take time to help us be- “There were 10 households when we were young. They are still here, but cause there are many problems, in Denbo, for example, there is no water. So they grew. They would never leave the village. We have good relationships they need to fix those problems first. And since we are the smallest village, with each other and we take care of each other. We can go to each other of course we will be last. If they start working here first, Bajaa and Mbara- for help. We help each other as families and we all support each other. The kiyeh will protest. We don’t have any informal leaders in the community. head of the municipality [who lives in Bajaa] is good; he was just elected.” The head of municipality reminisced as he talked about the history of Bajaa: “In 1514 the Ottoman Empire came here. In 1918 the lands were divided Akkar: A history of neglect and there was a baik that collected taxes, made people work in the lands, and he gave the taxes to the empire … During the Ottoman times, the “The region suffers from a lack of services of all kinds, as well as the absence of gov- Marieb family used to own the land here. In 1952 the brother of this fam- ernmental and non-governmental organizations in most villages. While the various ily, because he was the head of the municipality, sent a topographer to give institutions built by Hezbollah provided services such as schools, health centers and 75 percent of the land to the family. But people didn’t accept this and they social activities in the South and Bekaa during the last decade, in the North such wanted the land to be divided 50/50. The Marieb family didn’t accept this. organizations did not exist. Since the Syrian withdrawal Akkar has seen a modest They wanted 75 percent or all of it. There were problems and murders increase in assistance through a few individual political initiatives by political figures for between two and five years. For example, someone had an olive field such as Issam Fares, Saad Hariri, and Muhammad Safadi. In most cases this as- and the [Marieb] family cut down all the trees. After two and a half years sistance has consisted of small scale investments limited to certain areas of interest the elders in the family died and the younger ones were not interested in it within Akkar.” anymore. So they left.” Source: Mouchref, “Forgotten Akkar” (2008), p. 4 He went on to explain the situation now: “The large majority of the surrounding land is owned by the village here. It is still the case today, as it has been since 1956-1957. But, when they work the land the amount of harvested crops is small, so it is only for personal use. The most abundant product is olives, but they rarely sell the olive oil. There are some families that don’t have one meter of land even. Two or three households have no land at all. On average people have 1000-2000 m2, it is very small. My family owns a lot because most of the family is out of the country, but if they were all to come back now, each person would only have a small amount. If you compare between the 1950s to now, then each house had five people. But now they have 50 people and it is the same land

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divided between all of those people. Also, land was lost as some families sold their property in order to cover costs or pay debts, resulting in some plots Comments from the community: of the surrounding land being owned by people outside of Bajaa and some families being left without any land.” One woman’s memories “My childhood was very hard. We used to live in one room. There was no kitchen There remain complexities to the ownership of the land now. One man ex- or bathroom. We used to go to the bathroom in the field. And maybe people would plained: see each other when they were going. My dad was a farmer in agriculture. He had “People here own land but they don’t have proof. It is just known from the two bulls and he would plough. He used to work for people. People worked in coal mukhtar and the neighbors. There are problems when you are talking about production and they worked with wild herbs. The income was low. We just met our land and you don’t know whose it is. To make it legal you can go to the food requirements. It was impossible to build houses. I used to go to school with torn topographer who studied land and they can make it legal.” pants and we had no money to buy new ones so I tried to hide it by wearing a skirt on top. All of the families were like that at the time, and compared to others we were As mentioned, some families own next to nothing. One woman from the better off because our grandparents lived in Australia and they used to send money community explained: once in awhile so it would allow us to buy better food that we liked.” “My parents used to own land but they sold it. We only have small portions left. They sold it for monetary reasons. No one has land. They work on Livelihoods other people’s land. The land here belongs to the people form Denbo. If people own any it’s very small. It’s not enough for their income, for example The village used to rely on agriculture for survival, but this has changed over to sell olives.” time: “The land used to be better than today. Now they are losing money when they sell the crops, because of the inputs. So that is why they are working outside Remarkably, some of the residents of Bajaa still live with animals in their the village in herbs, olives, etc. It used to be better than now. But now there is houses. While this was done out of necessity by many villagers in the past, most no water.” have since adapted and built separate areas for their livestock to live, away from Now, the most common livelihood for the village is the collecting of wild the families. In one of the houses visited, the main room was a common area, herbs and plants, such as quwaiseh, marameyeh, zatar, and khobeze. One villager only furnished by plastic chairs next to a fire used for cooking food. In this room, explained: there were wood piles stocked up to keep the fire going, chickens roaming freely in and out, and a goat tied up in one corner. Just off of the room was stall where “With the ‘white plant’ you collect it, dry it, sell it, and it is exported to a donkey was kept. Beside the stall, visible from the common room, were the Qatar, Kuwait, Jordan. You can boil it and drink it. It is used as a herbal medicine for stomach aches. My mom got a medicine from the pharmacy sleeping quarters of the family. One relative of the head of the municipality and it smelled like this. It grows right after the rains in the spring. It grows explained: less in the summer because there is no rain. Because there was no rain this “Still in 2010 they have chickens, cows, donkeys, goats, etc. living in the year we are still waiting for it to grow. It rains in the winter and you collect same house as the people. For you to see this in 2010 it means they are really it in the spring. You collect big quantities, 20 kilos is nothing.” poor. They make a room for the sheep right beside the room for the children This income, as a result, is seasonal. One woman explained, “If you work … Because of poverty they don’t know any better. They are convinced this is their life.” for two months collecting the plant you can save LL1 million [$667]. Per day you can make LL10,000 [$6]. The kids go too.” Other families, depending on The family size and demographic profile of Bajaa is very similar to that of the number that go out to collect, are able to earn more, yet this money doesn’t Mareh. Yet, the women from Bajaa seem to have a different attitude than the last long: “In the summer the situation is better because, due to the plant, we women from Mareh towards the men in their village. Women are now aspiring can save LL10-12 million [$6,667-8,000]. But usually we have debts to return, to marry more accomplished men. This is potentially caused by the different or we need to get married, build houses, etc. We have always been poor here.” forms of livelihoods pursued in each village. One young woman explained: Some women stay at home to dry, clean, and bag the plants in order to sell it to “There are more girls than guys. The guys that are available are already the middlemen. For a number of families, the earnings from these few months engaged. I don’t want to get married to the guys here because they all work are the only source of income for the whole year. In winter when it rains there collecting plants and wild herbs and in coal. I want someone with a perma- is little work. nent job. Here, either they go to Beirut or they work in coal production or Some, even those who collect the plants, work collecting olives or as with the plants.”

112 113 MAREH and BAJAA 3 agricultural laborers. One daughter-in-law of the head of the municipality ex- Education plained the various livelihoods of villagers: There is no school in Bajaa. The nearest school is in Mbarakiyeh, but it is widely “The people that work with cows sell milk, chankleesh, and butter. The people believed to be of very poor quality and most choose to send their children to that work in olives work in other people’s land. Some people collect the herbs. My father-in-law hires people for 20-25 days to do the day labor a public school in Denbo. A villager explained, “There is a public school in in his olive fields. One year the olive trees produce and the next year they Mbarakiyeh but it’s not good. They don’t learn anything. The teachers are not don’t. It is a cycle. This year is good. So we needed a month to do the work quality and they are from neighboring villages. My younger kids go to school in in the field. Next year we might need people for only two to three weeks.” Denbo and the older ones went to a school in Helba.” Many of the youth who don’t want to work collecting wild herbs or in ag- The wife of the head of the municipality further explained: riculture end up leaving the village and working in nightclubs and restaurants “The school that opened in Denbo is a public school. The level of education in Beirut. This has only become viewed as an alternative possibility for income is not good in public schools. The level was really good when my husband within the past few years. One resident explained: was there, but he quit one year ago. He used to work there. Schools were better when my husband was a kid and it was real education. Now they “For example, the youth that are working in the nightclubs won’t go back to overwhelm kids with schoolwork and they have to carry heavy books to go this work [agriculture, collecting plants and herbs, etc.]. They pay for trans- to school. It is useless. The whole thing is a trade to make money and not portation to go and come each day and clothes, so they would get $300-400 promote education. Around 10 years ago they changed the whole Lebanese per week. They could give it to their father because they are poor.” school system. So the kids had to buy new books, etc. They claimed that it would promote new education. The only thing that changed was that the The impact of the poverty in Bajaa is very real. One woman summarized families had to buy way more books. It didn’t change the system or make the situation: the education better, the only thing that changed was that people had to “There is a lot of poverty here. We can’t buy clothes for our kids. We need to buy new books.” wait for a special occasion. There is a lot of poverty here because there are no job opportunities. So if my husband is unemployed, we could starve to Very few are able to send their children to private schools, which can cost up death with our children because no one helps each other. Most of the village to LL50,000 ($33) per month for transportation and LL1,750,000 ($1,167) for is in the same situation as me. Most people don’t enroll their kids in school tuition per year. Generally, the only people who can afford this are those who because there is no money. have stable employment, such as the men in the army, of whom there are very few in the village. Additionally, the army helps subsidize the cost of education for Comments from the community: the families of their members. Poverty in Bajaa The head of the village described how the level of educational attainment “The other villages have more advantages. They have a school, a big well, a mosque has changed: that looks after them.” “In 1949 my father sent us to the sheikh to get educated. Only the sheikh “I am from Mbarakiyeh. It has been the same since I came but the poverty is getting or the priest would teach the children. In 1950 we moved to a school in worse each year.” Hamaira and we would walk on foot. It was a public school with only one “They [the boys and men] go to Beirut because there is no work here. If we don’t teacher and only three grades. The one teacher taught everything. Then in work we will starve to death. Some of the guys will save and help their families and 1953 when I finished the three grades I moved to another village where the some spend what they earn.” school went until the certificate, grade 5. It took one hour and 15 minutes to walk there. In 1956 I passed the certificate [given at the end of grade 5]. “In case we don’t have income from collecting the wild plant then we bring less food Then my father moved me to Minaya School, a public school, and it took to the house and we borrow money. Some families don’t have enough food. Others two hours to walk there. So he rented a house there and we finished Brevet. suffer a lot. They have no meat, chicken, fruit.” I passed the Brevet in 1961. After Brevet I stopped school, but out of all of “We are very poor. If we find work we eat, if not then we don’t. The situation is the people my age no one went further in school. They used to work, for very bad.” example, with sheep. Only five kids in my generation went to school. I don’t know why my father put such an importance on it. I am thankful because if “If someone saved up a bit then we will help each other but all the people are my father didn’t educate me I would be the same as the rest of the village, poor here.” working in agriculture and with sheep.”

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The wife of the head of the municipality elaborated on the low levels of educa- Comments from the community: tion found among the villagers: Villagers’ perceptions of educational attainment “With the help of Mercy Corps [MC], I was trying to start courses for basic “Not all the kids are in school. The eldest reached grade 5 but we didn’t enroll him language to teach reading and writing because none of the women in the this year because we had to enroll the youngest this year. He was in the school of the village know how to write. I was working with elderly and young women. Australian-Lebanese man. It was LL50,000/month [$33]. With the LL20,000 [$13] The people didn’t respond well to these courses. They didn’t attend, not that my husband earns per day, we had to save for school, so sometimes we don’t have even young women. They don’t send young girls to school because they food. I try to enroll my kids in school to secure their future, even if it means not eat- think young women should not be educated. Some children are not sent to ing. Most of the village is in the same situation as me. Most people don’t enroll their school because they work with their fathers in agriculture. The percentage kids in school because there is no money.” that goes to school is 30 percent.” “The three youngest kids are in school, not the rest. They stopped at the 5th grade.”

“I didn’t go to school. None of the women my age did. The older women are illiter- Nutrition and health ate.” Out of all the communities studied, Bajaa was the only village in which research- “The youth who stay here are almost illiterate. They wouldn’t be able to function in ers observed visible signs of food insecurity.12 One woman described their situ- Beirut.” ation: “I went to first intermediate [grade 6]. I was very smart but I stopped going because “When there is no food we just make rice. We don’t bring meat, we can’t I am part of a big family (10 children) so when my older sister got married I stopped afford it. We use a lot of grains. My daughter is eating bread and salt, there school to go and help her.” is nothing to eat with it. Usually we eat four bags of bread per day, but today we only bought two and it won’t be enough for dinner. Yesterday the vegetable seller passed and my child wanted nuts. One kilo is LL3,000 [$2] The son of the head of the municipality, one of the only villagers from Bajaa but I only had LL5,000 [$3.3]. I thought it was a priority to get bread and who was able to immigrate to Australia, has moved back and opened a school rice to feed the children.” nearby. The school is a private school, though, unlike other private schools, this For those unable to grow their own crops, a truck comes by every few days school will accept children who have dropped out and are interested in con- selling vegetables. The man who sells the vegetables commented on the purchas- tinuing their education. His wife described some of the difficulties that they are ing power of the villagers: “The purchasing ability of the community is not facing as a result: stable. They can buy food one day, and not the next day.” Through observa- “My husband started a school and I teach English. They [the students] see it tions it was noted that one of the most common meals being fed to children was as play time. The girls say, ‘We will be behind the sink all day, why bother?’ plain bread, sometimes toasted or sometimes with salt, which the children would Some understand and some don’t. The school is for everyone. But most are quickly devour and then beg for more. Commonly, across Lebanon, villagers dropouts. If they are not with us, they would be on the street. The kids are 14-15 and in grade 4 or 5, so they get in a lot of trouble. Sometimes after attempt to bring out their best meals when there are guests visiting. As such, it we teach them for two years they will chose to leave. The students will say is quite concerning that the meals being served in front of the researchers were ‘There is an organization that is taking us on field trips’ or ‘I have joined a so basic. company of holidays.’ It is a joke that they are not doing anything. They Yet, there are a few families that are better off. One mother explained her might leave because they are older than the rest of the kids.” family’s situation: In spite of the few opportunities that exist, the level of education remains “The neighboring lands are ours. We grow vegetables, tomatoes, eggplants, quite low. As one man stated: apricots, etc. for personal consumption and sometimes we sell them. We have two apricot trees that we can sell from in the summer. There is enough “Only a few finish, about 5 percent. They suffer due to the cost of transpor- that we don’t need to buy from the market. But in the winter we need to get tation. They have to go walking down the road. They can’t pay for transpor- food from the market. We make pickled eggplants, cucumbers, beans, etc. tation. There are two people that have university degrees. One is in Beirut There is a store here where you can find things like cans of beans, lentils, and one is in Australia.” stuff to clean the house.”

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Dreams and capacities

Living in the conditions that they do, what do the people of Bajaa aspire to? “I want a good future for my kids and to build a house for them. It is too late for me to improve my future so all of the money we save we spend on the kids.”

“I want health promotion campaigns and awareness programs about par- enting and motherhood. I need to know how to deal with children’s issues, especially health issues, because my mother is not here all the time.”

“I am positive because the kids of this generation are getting an education. If the kids stay here they will improve the situation of the village. But if they travel it will get worse, but maybe they will have to travel because [here] there are no job opportunities.”

“I want to educate my boy and I would like to leave the village. I don’t want to live here. I want to go to Tripoli. My grandparents live there and once I went to visit them for a month. You can go shopping and everything is Villagers buying food from a truck selling vegetables close. You can go out and have a social life. You can order food, you don’t have to cook.”

“We get income through labor work. We can’t rely on agriculture or farm- Some women in the village still give birth with the assistance of a TBA. The ing because the climate is continental so we get a lot of rain or snow that situation was described by one woman: can kill the crops. Because people are not educated they should buy cows or “Some women still deliver at home. Sometimes they do if their husband sheep and work with them.” is not at home [to take them to the hospital]. If they know it is a natural delivery but her husband is not here, then they do it at home. But if it will be “I would like to have workshops to teach the girls to sew, etc. I want to teach complicated then they take her to the hospital. With my kid I gave birth in the girls so they can know how to read street signs, so if they get married a hospital with a cesarean section. But the baby was sick with his breathing. they can sign their name and not do a fingerprint.” We had to pay LL800,000 [$533], so we had to borrow money from all of Many of these dreams remain unfulfilled because these people don’t have the people here.” access to resources that can make a difference, though there have been a few Even though Bajaa is closer to the main road than Mareh and there is a instances of support in the past. reasonably good road connecting it, the remoteness of the village affects access One organization helped the villagers gain more secure access to water. One to health services. One woman explained, “There are no health care centers man described: here. It takes 15 minutes to get to one in a car. If you are walking it would take “The only thing that changed was we got water from the ain from 2000 m all afternoon.” away. There are two pipes, one is to water the land [goes to a holding lake] Another woman mentioned the impact of the rural conditions leading to and the other is to each house. But there is no one to look over the system feelings of isolation and moroseness: here so it is wrecked. There is water in a reservoir and people drink from it. Two or three houses use a hose and take water from it. It is not organized. “The living conditions are hard because I see my husband once per week. This was done by the Social Development Organization.13 They didn’t con- I am here alone at home all day. My son is bored all day because there is tinue the project so people put hoses to reach their house themselves.” nobody to take him out. It is very boring here. I can’t go out to visit others because the other kids don’t go to school and they are not properly educated One woman mentioned, “This year in Ramadan, Qatar offered Iftar so they hit my children. I finished the housework at 10 a.m. and now I have nothing to do. Often there is no electricity, so I sleep in the afternoons.” for people and on the last day they gave sweets but I don’t know which organization it was. This was the first time it happened. Mercy Corps

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used to help here before I was married.” The daughter-in-law of the times of exacerbated need, while others experience isolation within a society head of the municipality explained some of the other support they that they perceive is unfriendly and unhelpful. While not untypical of isolated have received: “One organization came and they taught us how to communities, the multiple and contradictory perspectives of residents on their make rose water and flower water to sell. The organization taught the conditions and the society they live in adds a further dimension to this complex women how to do many things, but a lot of them didn’t use them.” picture of poverty. It indicates a deeper barrier to empowerment, and highlights Another villager said, “The mosque was built by a foreigner from an additional link in the villages’ chain of interlocking disadvantages. overseas.” The residents of Mareh and Bajaa tell a tale of poverty that is far from exclusive to their villages. The report Rural Poverty 2011, by the International Fund There have been some changes to the physical infrastructure that have eased for Agricultural Development decribes remote communities’ poverty as: some of the remoteness and isolation. One man explained the changes and ongoing challenges: “… rooted not just in asset levels and in different spatial distribution of opportunities for growth, but also in historical factors and social and political “One problem is the roads. Since the 1970s there was no work done on the relations … These can contribute to poverty by creating and/or perpetuat- roads. The road was fixed by the municipality this year. The last time there ing a variety of “interlocking disadvantages” that limit people’s opportu- was asphalt on the road was in 1976 or 1977. After the elections the munities to improve their livelihoods, undermine their assets and capabilities nicipality went to the ministry and insisted that they fix the main roads, not and their efforts to improve them, and increase the risks they face. These the internal roads. People were very happy, especially the taxi drivers. The disadvantages can include a variety of forms of exclusion, discrimination water is a problem all over. A well was made in another village four years and disempowerment, unequal access to and control over assets, lack of ago. This should also include our village and Mbarakiyeh. Maybe there is a education and limited collective capabilities.”14 problem getting the big trucks to come here. We do get water. We rely on an ain to get water. But it may have sewage in it because of the sewage outlet. It is poverty of this multidimensional and interlocking nature that is present It is not clean. We use a filter in this house to drink from it. It was $500. But in Mareh and, to a lesser extent, Bajaa. The communities that came to live in the rest of the population doesn’t have that.” these remote villages did so because dwellings and land were affordable even The villagers see the assistance being offered to Denbo and a few of the other with their limited means; however, it is the villages’ isolation, as without access to towns and wonder why their village is not receiving similar assistance. The EU services such as electricity, safe water, and health care, or opportunities through built a playground, an irrigation pond, and a clinic in the village of Denbo. The education and employment options, that leave the villagers without the tools head of the municipality described: for self-empowerment and economic improvement. They therefore remain neglected and marginalized from generation to generation, repeatedly unseen and “Now the EU is in Denbo but the contract ends December 31st, so we are trying to see if we can get help from USAID [United States Agency for unheard by political and development organizations, and without the capacity International Development] or UNDP. One idea for a development project to elicit the assistance needed to end the perpetuating cycle of poverty in which would be to build a green house, but we need capital to do it, and we don’t they find themselves trapped. have it. Also there is not enough water for the community. So we could dig wells. After the Nahr el Bared conflict, USAID came and assessed the situation and gave assistance to people in Helba but no one considered coming here and no one ever considers coming here.” There is almost a sense of despair when people make comments such as, “There are no organizations that come here,” and “We get no assistance from any organizations. Each person has to work on his own to get assistance.” Conclusion In many villages and small towns, the opinions villagers’ have of their situation and of society’s dynamics often differ from household to household or even resident to resident. Some find life hard but endurable, while others find it torturous. Some experience a supportive community around them that works together in

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1. (IFAD) p. 52 falling in the higher elevations quickly drains down the slopes and easily seeps into 2. (Laithy, Abu-Ismail and Hamdan) p. 9 the ground. It should be emphasized here that the water sector in Lebanon still suf- 3. A pseudonym fers from gaps in management and quality control, which adds to the problem of 4. There was some disagreement as to the exact time that the road was constructed, non-availability.” The report continues to mention some of the direct and indirect but most villagers believe that it was built sometime between 15 and 17 years ago. impacts which have affected the decrease in water availability: decline in precipita- 5. For the purpose of this document, a Traditional Birth Attendant (TBA) refers to tion, decline in snow, decline in aquifers storage capacities, increase in temperature someone who is not formally trained and relies on previous experience to help and evaporation, increased frequency of droughts, increased flash floods, land ero- women give birth. Often this is an elderly woman from the community who is sion and sedimentation, non-rejuvenation of water springs, decrease in available/ called upon to help other women when they are delivering. These women are accessible water for all uses (including domestic and agriculture), socioeconomic usually not paid for their services, although the custom may very between com- instability, etc. (Environmental Fund for Lebanon, 2010) p.1-3 munities. The term midwife refers to someone who has been formally trained to 12. There are various definitions of food security. Some of various definitions are: a assist women during deliveries. Most often, the midwives would require a fee for guarantee that a family has permanent and regular physical and economic access their services. Of note, the Forgotten Akkar report notes that TBAs are now illegal to a basic supply of food whose quantity and quality are sufficient to meet their in Lebanon; however, many communities continue to use them as they have no nutritional needs. The availability of food and one’s access to it. A family and other options, either due to the geographic location of the village, or due to the household are considered food secure when they do not live in hunger or fear of economic situation of the families. (Mouchref, 2008) p. 9 starvation. It also refers to the availability of sufficient and nutritious food for the 6. (IFAD) p. 53 population. It is the ability of an individual to access sufficient food on a day-to- 7. This is an important study, as it provides a detailed analysis of the situation in day basis. Akkar, though it’s statistics don’t always match those of other surveys and reports. 13. This is a direct translation from the Arabic name, if there is an English name, it 8. The nurse noted that they rarely receive residents from Mareh because it is actually is not known. out of the way for them to go to the clinic. While the village of Denbo is closer 14. (IFAD) p. 59-60 to the village, there are more cars heading in the opposite direction, to Tripoli or Helba. However, as the situation in the five villages is fairly similar in terms of employment, access to education, dietary elements, water quality, etc. a reasonable assumption can be made that the health of the residents in Mareh would be fairly similar to those in the other four villages. 9. In Lebanon, the common practice is that the government provides the vaccination for free; however, the community members must pay for the consultation fee. The cost of the consultation depends on the clinic, and sometimes it may be subsidized in order to provide it for free. Key informant interview. 10. As all of the data was taken from the Forgotten Akkar report, not all of the information was available at a national level. The information given for the national level was all that was available in their report. 11. According to a document by the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ), “North Lebanon is supposed to be the richest with water resources as it has the largest mountainous mass with its huge annual rejuvenating ice, in addition to the generally higher precipitation due to its northern latitude… another significant sub- region in the North in terms of water demand is Akkar, the large plain north of Tripoli making the largest agricultural zone in Lebanon after the Bekaa. Obviously, the higher water need is where urban and suburban concentrations occur, or large agricultural stretches are dominant. But these happen to be the areas where water precipitation is least. Another problem is that due to the steep topography, water

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Marjayoun, south Lebanon

“People outside think that all the people here are terrorists and that is not true … We all want peace.”

An older man from Wazzani

“I am hoping for a more stable situation when people don’t fear growing crops or building because of war, where they won’t be afraid to buy cattle or do business, where they don’t fear that someone will come at night and destroy it like in 2000.”

A young woman from Wazzani Located on the border with Israel and Syria, in the river basin that feeds Lake Tiberius, Wazzani has been living in the dark shadow of war for a long time. Since the Palestinian exodus from their homeland in 1948, the village has been impacted by other people’s conflicts. The Israeli invasions of 1978 and 1982 and the Israeli occupation of south Lebanon, which lasted until 2000, greatly disrupted life in the community. A return to normalcy may have been expected after Israel’s withdrawal, but that has not come to pass. The community lives in an ongoing state of anxiety that war could return at any time. There are constant skirmishes and disputes along the southern border, any one of which could escalate into a war. For example, responding to water shortages, the Lebanese government installed a small pumping station to irrigate the drought-stricken border village of Ghajar in 2001, and the government diverted part of the el Wazzani River to supply Wazzani. Arial Sharon, then prime minister of Israel, declared the actions a potential casus belli.1 While that particular incident did not result in

124 125 WAZZANI 4 conflict, tensions along the border continued and finally erupted into the 34-day Hiba recalls the stories she heard about the occupation: war in July 2006 following Hezbollah’s abduction of two Israeli soldiers. In “I wasn’t here before 2000, but I heard that it wasn’t good. People would tell August 2010, a dispute over the pruning of trees on the border resulted in an on each other. They would stab each other in the back. For example, they exchange of fire between the Lebanese army and the Israeli Defense Forces, would go tell Israel that people were doing something, and then that person resulting in the deaths of three Lebanese soldiers and one journalist. As recently would get imprisoned.” as August 2011, Israel soldiers crossed the Blue Line at Wazzani, provoking an When the 2006 war started, Hiba and her husband not only feared for their exchange of fire with the Lebanese army. Again, this incident did not escalate, lives, but were haunted by memories of the past as well, so they left. but it, and similar occurrences, keep Wazzani’s residents in a state of perpetual insecurity. In many ways, Wazzani reflects the story of Lebanon: a nation deeply “During the first day of the 2006 war I went to Nabatieh with my whole family and the kids. My husband was scared that if Israel occupied again impacted by conflict, which yet repeatedly finds the resilience to survive. they would torture him again. In general, all of the families left. Maybe five 2 Hiba, a mother of four (two boys and two girls) lives in Wazzani. She was or six people stayed. The elderly who wouldn’t leave their land stayed. We born in Nabatieh, though her parents are from Wazzani originally. They fled to stayed with my family in Nabatieh. Then we all went to Beirut when things Nabatieh in 1983 after the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon began. She got really bad. We came back four or five days after the war ended. Five was born the following year. They were eight children, four boys and four girls. days after we returned, we got electricity back. The water took longer; it Three of her sisters and one brother are now married. Her parents and siblings took a week and a half to get that back. People lost all of their livelihoods. For example, the cows and calves – we couldn’t milk them. My husband’s continue to live in Nabatieh because her parents have jobs there. During the cousin died. He had seven kids. People’s spirits were down when they came Civil War they bought land and built a house there. back. One house was damaged by the bombing, but the other houses were Hiba got married seven years ago and moved back to Wazzani to be with not badly affected … Wazzani is considered peaceful; there is no presence her husband. The transition from Nabatieh, which is the largest town in south of Hezbollah so it was affected the least. Kifar Kila and Khiam have Hez- Lebanon, to Wazzani was difficult. She recalls: bollah and Amal, but here there is nothing.” “When I came here the environment was very different from what I was Hiba’s husband owns a small business, which produces and sells cattle feed. used to. It was secluded. If you don’t have a car you can’t get anywhere. “His income depends. The lowest time is in the spring because then the There, in Nabatieh, it was like a city. You can get a taxi to go anywhere. cows go out to feed [from the land], so there is no need for his feed. Work Everything was accessible there. Here you have to order things and wait for is good, thanks be to God. He spends most of his money buying material them. Here we have a few smaller stores, with mostly junk food. They don’t equipment to keep the business going. Any extra money we use for school.” have household necessities like bread, rice, or cleaning supplies. All of the houses have cars. The cars here are mainly for the men. The women don’t Their children go the Mabarat School in Khiam.4 drive. Nothing has changed since I came.” The children were born in Nabatieh. Hiba added: While some of the houses do have cars, the men may take these to work leav- “I gave birth in Nabatieh. My husband hates the Marjayoun hospital being the women without transportation. In any case, many of the women do not cause when he was in prison they would take him there. So he prefers to go drive. outside. He got tortured a lot by them [Israelis], so he hates anything to do with them. He went to jail at 18 and was released at 26. Women were also Her husband, before he got married, suffered the fate of many of the men imprisoned from here. For example, my husband’s aunt and other women. from the area. Hiba described what happened: They didn’t do long sentences, but some did.” 3 “My husband was a prisoner of Israel in Khiam [the prison used during the Hiba is the face of a community that has been deeply impacted by war. In Israeli occupation] for eight years. Then he left the area when he got out. They gave him a choice to stay or leave the area. At first he stayed, but they the midst of conflict she has been able to raise a family and have some semblance started hassling him to join the SLA [South Lebanon Army] so he left the of normality during the periods of peace. Still the scars and brutalities of war area. He went to Nabatieh and didn’t come back until after Israel left [in lie just below the surface and haunt Hiba and her family every time tensions rise May 2000]. There were others also in prison like my friend’s brother-in-law along the border. While they may not be considered among the extreme poor, and some other guys from the village. They accused them of working with they live on the edge of poverty and are unable to improve their circumstances Hezbollah, or things like that.” because of constant uncertainties. As Hiba said, “I just hope there will be no more war because war really affects people. I wish that my kids will live a better life than me, physically, socially, psychologically.”

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History5 and location

El Wazzani River Wazzani, also known as Arab el Louaize,6 is a small agricultural community at “There is just one river, the Hasbani with its el Wazzani tributary, which flows south the base of Mount Hermon in the caza of Marjayoun. It is located near the el towards Israeli-controlled land before emptying into Lake Tiberius. The Hasbani Wazzani River, which is a tributary of the Hasbani River. The village is located takes its name from its source fifty-seven kilometers from the frontier at Tamoura at a short distance from the borders with Syria and Israel. It is isolated, falling at the foot of Mount Hermon. On its southward course it irrigates the cultivated land of the region and provides water for several villages. It passes by Dnaibi, Mimes, the end of a six kilometer uninhabited road; the only other village in the area is Ain Mentem, and Kawkaba, and after passing round Hasbaya turns towards Fardis, Ain Arab. Some identify Wazzani’s location as the reason for its poverty. One key Ebeles-Saqi and Ain Arab, where it changes its name to el Wazzani. It then runs informant explained, “Being on the border is one of the reasons they are poor. through the region of El-Gajar and Maissate, to cross the southern frontier and flows They are remote from most other villages and the first bullets that come in any into Lake Tiberius. war start there.” “Several small tributaries flow into this river … There are historic bridges, water There is very little in the village. There are two shops that sell some junk food mills, and olive and grape presses, all of which draw tourists, holidaymakers and and canned food, but they do not sell many other household items, especially nature-lovers. At Deir Mimas there are more than fifty-four springs, a fact which shows how rich the region is in water. perishable items. These two shops only opened within the past few years. There “According to tradition, anyone accused of a crime would have to cross the wa- is a mosque that was built about seven years ago with funding from Kuwait. A ters of the river. If he came out safe and sound he was considered innocent, while if community hall was added to it with help from Spanish UNIFIL troops. he was drowned he was considered to have been guilty.”

Source: Discover Lebanon, “Wazzani River” (2007) Marjayoun caza The caza of Marjayoun is located in the south of Lebanon, bordering both Israel and Syria. Marjayoun is made up of a group of villages located just over 100 kilometers from Beirut. To the east is Mount Hermal, to the west lies Mount Amel, and north of the area is Mount Lebanon. The Litani River, the longest river in Lebanon, marks the border of the northern edge of the caza. The area is rich in water and fertile land, making agriculture the main source of its income. Olive trees are the most common crop, but many varieties of vegetables, grains, and tobacco are farmed in the area. Due to the area’s struggling economy and volatile past, there are few commercial companies and only a few government jobs available. Most people are self-employed. Tourism is virtually nonexistent, as foreigners need special government permission to visit the area. These factors, along with many others have made the caza of Marjayoun one of the poorest in the country. The total population of the caza is estimated to be 80,000-100,000.7 It is made up of Christian, Muslim, and Druze communities. The demographics and populations have changed significantly in recent years due to the instability of the region. Emi- gration rates from the area are high, as families, many of them Christian, continue to leave the area for the perceived safety of Beirut and countries abroad. For political purposes, Lebanese remain registered with the village in which they were born throughout their entire lives. Consequently the census data for Marjayoun is inflated compared to the number of actual residents. The population also fluctuates between seasons, with large numbers of former residents returning during summer months The mosque, to the left, and some houses in Wazzani for vacations and visits. The caza of Marjayoun is one of the four cazas which together comprise the mohafazat of Nabatieh. Though Marjayoun is technically classified as being part of the Nabatieh Governorate, this poor rural area shares few characteristics with the major city in the area, also called Nabatieh. Nabatieh is a large city, made up of Shiite Muslims, with a flourishing economy.

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set, we settled. In the 1940s there was no Israeli occupation here. We were Much of the land is owned by a church and by a person from Khiam. The free to go anywhere. We would go to the Palestinian border to buy things. rest of the land has been inherited from previous generations and divided by There was no occupation there. We settled here before there were cement houses and permanent residences, but we would still come and go. At first people from the village amongst themselves. Each family has about two dunams8 we had tents here. In 1945, we started building houses. But we didn’t fully of land on which they built their house; some use the land to cultivate crops, such settle or stop moving until the occupation. When we settled here for good, as wheat, various other grains, peas, cucumbers, and feed for their cattle. Most it was better because stability is desired.” of what they produce is for their own consumption. Others use the land to keep The events of 1948 changed the course of history for the community. As their livestock. One older woman said, “All the good land around us is taken. Palestinian refugees left their homes and fled across the border into Lebanon, There are no grazing areas [left] around here, but if there is rain, then there is a Wazzani’s future was charted for the coming decades: it was destined to find itself grazing area to the east of the river, near the protected area near Israel.” on the frontline of all subsequent confrontations between Lebanon and Israel. The people of Wazzani belong to the area. This is where their ancestors One man commented: lived and died. One man commented, “Our ancestors were living here when the Turkish were occupying the area. One hundred years ago we had people “1948 had a big effect on the village because a lot of the population has died buried here. But before that, because we used to move around, people would since then, because we are on the border … people died, not because they were being targeted but because they were in the middle of it. Since 1948, be buried wherever they died. Now we always bring them back here.” Before we’ve never had peace. Our peace is related to the peace of Lebanon and settling in Wazzani, they were nomads and many members of their “tribe” have there is none.” since moved to Beirut, the Bekaa Valley, Saida, Tyre, and Nabatieh. The head of the municipality described: After the initial influx of Palestinians there was vague semblance of normality until 1967. One man from the village of Marjayoun shared his perceptions “All nomads are tribes. They started that way. We still have some charac- (which are not necessarily historically accurate or shared by others) of what life teristics of tribes. In the past there was one person who would take all the decisions and be in charge. He was the head of the tribe. He would take was like for them in the area: the decisions and everyone would consult him. Everyone would agree on “At that time Lebanon was in the ‘golden years.’ It was like Switzerland. one person to be the sheikh and take decisions. The sons, with qualifications, It was a country of peace, life, charity, and good relationships with peo- would inherit the position. We don’t have a name. Ever since I was born we ple. Nobody knew at that time who was Christian or Muslim; we were all have used the name ‘Wazzani,’ not anything else. Here we are two families. Lebanese. In 1967 there was the war on 5 June and Israel occupied the About 150 years ago we had the same ancestors but they split. We are one Golan Heights. They didn’t come to Lebanon. In 1970-1971 the trouble in tribe with Wazzani, Ain Arab, and Wata el Khiam.” Lebanon started between the Lebanese military and the PLO [Palestinian Liberation Organization]. It was because the military did not want the PLO The same man continued: to do operations from here.9 At that time [it seemed] that all of Lebanon “We used to move around at the start of the summer and we would go to the was under the authority of the Palestinians and it seemed that they could do Bekaa Valley, but the [main] households were still here. My parents worked what they wanted. New organizations were formed by each political party, in grazing, most of them did. They used camels to move the tents. We only and they [each organization] brought in their own weapons. Each made its stayed in Lebanon; we didn’t move outside Lebanon.” own military. All that was needed was a small light to make a fire.” As the original nomads settled down, others also arrived from the Golan As the Civil War gained momentum, many families were displaced for peri- Heights and Palestine and settled next to the river. The first house in Wazzani ods of time. Some left in the early years of the war, while others stayed until the was built in the early 1940s. An older man described what lives were like at that beginning of the occupation and then decided to leave. Families often moved time: back and forth between more secure areas in the south and their homes in Waz- “The village is very old. Earlier we used to use tents made of animal hair. zani. Interestingly, some returned to the village at the beginning of the occupa- My uncle’s house was built in 1940 or 1945. This was the first house that tion because the other villages in which they had sought shelter were now also was built in the village. We used to stay here in the winter and spring and under occupation. One man recalls: go to the Bekaa in the summer for three months with the animals. This “In 1975 there were bombings on the whole village. All of the houses were was because we were following the availability of grazing areas. We settled destroyed. We came back and rebuilt. Before there were only 10-12 houses. because it became harder to move because of the war, restrictions, occupa- A lot of people are still displaced; they left and never came back. They tion, and as areas became isolated from each other. When the borders were

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are still in Beirut, Bekaa, Nabatieh, etc. Children grew up elsewhere. They home. If you met an Israeli soldier in the road, they would stop you for found stable jobs, so of course they wouldn’t come back here.” many hours. And they didn’t always give permits. Sometimes they would give you a permit but sometimes not. There was money, and everything you Another man remembers: could like in the whole world, even Italian chocolate, you had it here. But “When we left in 1976 there were around 30 households from Wazzani that you didn’t have peace in your life or your heart; you were not free to live as were displaced. Because we were large in number we settled in three or four you wanted. People felt like [the] Lebanese government abandoned them. villages outside. Most families came back in the 1980s, only a few came back That’s actually what happened. The government didn’t have the authority in 2000. We were in Harboosh, Ziharani, and Saida.” to do anything. The international politics were guiding everything at that time. After 2000 [the Israeli withdrawal], we were happy because we were The experience of being displaced and then returning home was traumatic for free to go back to our own country.” most. One man, who was a child when he was first displaced, recollected: After the Israeli withdrawal in May 2000, the residents’ lives changed in “We came back in 1982 because this was our hometown. We have houses many ways. The following are comments some people made as they reflected on here. Being displaced is not a pretty thing. You are always moving around. all that had happened: We had no relatives [to stay with] outside the village before we were displaced. So each four or five people would stay in one place together. For “Of course things changed. People had different expectations. The next day example, we didn’t have a house, we had tent and we would stay there. In [after Israel’s withdrawal] people who were involved with Israel were scared 1982 when we came back there were houses without doors and windows; of the Lebanese troops coming in. They were disappointed by Israel who they were stolen. The community was not big. It was only 10 to 12 houses. said they would always be there and support them. But then Israel left over- Gradually we built more and more. Now I have sheep and a few cows. night [in May 2000] without saying anything.” When we came back from displacement the land was not cultivated. But gradually more and more of it became cultivated.” “Those who were not involved with Israel had hopes and dreams that the Lebanese government would embrace them and give them the support they An older resident of the area, not from Wazzani itself, described the events: would need to survive. But now it is 10 years later and nothing has changed “In 1978 Israel came to southern Lebanon. It was called ‘The Litany Op- in regards to government attention. And now their expectations of what the eration.’ They came here to all the areas in the south. At the same time, in government will give them are low.” 1976, when the war started, the Lebanese military broke up; each person followed their own religion. All was divided. So there was no Lebanese mili- “Then when Israel left the Syrians started coming and taking the jobs of the tary. The Christians took all the equipment and tanks from here for their Lebanese. Before Lebanese were bringing money into Lebanon and now own use. They brought them from the army post to Qlayaa. The road was Syrians are taking money away from Lebanon. The community was doing closed in Nabatieh by the Palestinians, so each region couldn’t go to the better; life was easier [before Israel left]. It was easier to get an income.” other areas. This continued until 1982. Then the situation was ‘on fire.’ So

Israel decided to make the operation Salamat el Jalileh in June/July 1982. 11 At that time Israel went all the way to Beirut. They then took this area for The July 2006 war the SLA and Major Antoine Haddad. The Lebanese border was in Jezzine The caza of Marjayoun was one of those directly targeted during the bombing of and Hasbaya and Nakoura. They called this the Security Zone near the border of Israel. The SLA supported Israel.” the 2006 war, specifically the larger and predominantly Shiite village of Khiam, close to Wazzani. Some of the inhabitants of Muslim villages sought refuge in There are different perceptions of the years of Israeli occupation and their the Christian villages in the area, putting a large financial strain on these villages aftermath. One man recalls the good and the bad of the occupation: to provide adequate food and supplies for the increased population. An estimat- “Until 2000 [during the occupation] the situation was excellent. People had ed 85 percent left the area, seeking safety in Beirut and in the north. People who money. There was a big country helping us. There were hospitals. But you were able to escape spent the duration of the war in schools, shopping centers, were under control and you had to help yourself. There was no govern- parks, and other public places. Others stayed in the area for fear of being killed 10 ment and you could not go to your own country. We were under control. while traveling, or were forced to stay once the roads and transportation systems We were not free. You had to obey. Even though you wanted to go somewhere close, they wouldn’t give you permission to go. People were afraid. were damaged. The area was severely damaged, and Muslim villages were af- They didn’t like to go anywhere, even if they weren’t doing anything bad. fected the most. Estimates report that up to 90 percent of the infrastructure in They were afraid of getting arrested. People were very careful of every- Khiam was destroyed.12 thing. People were staying in their houses. They just did their job and went Both the villages and surrounding agricultural land were littered with land-

132 133 WAZZANI 4 mines, many of which did not explode at the time. This caused both a large that they were peaceful. But the fighters didn’t listen. So Israel bombed one loss of life during the war and after, as people attempted to clear their homes of the houses in the village. A man with seven children died, and another or started working in the fields again. Even today remaining unexploded ord- Hezbollah fighter died – a boy [not from the village]. This was the hardest time for the village.” nances( UXOs) present a threat to life and limb in the area. The war impacted the population of the Marjayoun caza in different ways. “During the war the women – for example, my mother-in-law – released The vast majority of the structural damage occurred in the predominantly the cows into the wild. Everyone who was leaving released the cows onto Muslim areas. While Christian villages were not directly targeted, some houses the land. But it was all mined, so they would blow up. Israel would throw in Christian areas were destroyed, but most only had superficial damage, such bombs from the planes. [After the war] one guy took his cattle grazing and as broken windows and bullet holes. When it came time to rebuild the area, a mine exploded in his face. He survived but he lost his cattle. When we saw unexploded mines we would mark them with stones until the Lebanese Shiite political parties covered the majority of the costs for reconstruction in the army came to clean them up.” Muslim areas. Many of the Gulf countries, such as Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar also provided large amounts of funding, mostly for the Muslim areas. This “The land was not really affected because it was demined – it took nine has led Christian residents to believe that many Muslims are in fact better off months – but there were diseases in some of the plants because of the chem- now than they were before, having benefited from large aid packages. Many of icals in the bombs. The leaves would go yellow and the crops were affected. these Christians feel as though their villages were neglected during the rebuilding We had to buy medications for them to get better. It took two years to make process, because they received next to nothing to cover rehabilitation and con- them better.” struction costs. The aid they received was perceived only as a symbolic gesture “This guy [pointing to a picture in his house] died in the war. He had seven and not as actually enough to be of any assistance. kids. They were between two months and 9 years old. First he [the man] The war also had a large impact on the population dynamics in the Marjay- was raised as an orphan and then he died in the war and now his kids are oun caza. While the Muslims returned in full force to their villages following the orphans. Two people had their weddings postponed because of the war.” war, many Christians chose to resettle in other areas of Lebanon or to leave the country altogether, greatly decreasing the populations in the Christian villages. “The guy who died during the war worked in the water sector and another two or three jobs too. He died when he went to turn on the water and the The Christians in the area continue to feel that their influence in the country is Israeli Air Force bombed him. Two or three other people were injured and diminishing rapidly and most have expressed a desire to leave the area for fear one other died. I watched as the air force bombed him. After one week of of religious extremism, potential internal conflict, or a future war with Israel.13 the war, this happened and then my parents went to Qlayaa and I went to Surprisingly, in the midst of the intense conflict that was centered around Bekaa. This man, his mother and father died when he was young and he Khiam, Wazzani, which is only a few kilometers away, was spared destruction. took care of his brothers and sisters. And then when he died, his oldest was Only two people were killed and some of the houses damaged. The real impact around 10 years old.” of the war was psychological, as people were displaced again. The predominant While the village and the fields surrounding it have almost fully recovered physical impact was in the fields, which were littered with UXOs. Everyone in from the 2006 war, the psychological scars – fears and uncertainties – continue to the community has their story. The following are some community members’ haunt the residents of Wazzani. Yet, ther resilience, bred from having to survive reflections on their experience: through decades of tension and violence, enables them to maintain a rhythm of “In the July 2006 war it was very hard for us. For the first four or five days routine as they go about their daily lives. we stayed in our house and waited for it to pass. But then on the fifth day we heard that someone died in Adaissay [a nearby village, also located on the border] from a bombing, and then it [the conflict] started escalating, Profile of the community so we wanted to leave. But the men didn’t want to leave the cattle, their livelihoods. So the women and children went alone and the men stayed. The community consists of 50-60 households with about 400 people. While 800 We didn’t expect this [war], and we didn’t have fuel in the cars. So we had people are registered in Wazzani, half of them live outside the area. Accord- to leave some of the cars here. On the fourth day, warriors from Hezbollah ing to a key informant, 70 percent of the population are children and youth or Amal came to the end of the road and wanted to fight Israel from there. below the age of 18. The community is Sunni Muslim and all have Lebanese The residents went and told them not to fight from there because Israel would target the village in return. The houses put up white flags to say citizenship. Six extended families, mostly unrelated to each other, make up the

134 135 WAZZANI 4 community. There is very little mobility in and out of the community in times of Perceptions of the community peace. However, many of those who left during times of war never returned and have established lives elsewhere. There is a deep sense of abandonment in the community, and it struggles with The average family has between five and seven children. Although in the past how it is treated by outsiders. Various comments people made reflected this: it was common to have multiple wives, this occurs less frequently nowadays. At “We are thrown out here and no one is helping us. There is no one that will present the mukhtar is the only man in the community with a second wide. take a second look at us. If someone dies they would say ‘so what?’ No one One distinctive element in Wazzani is that many of the houses are larger would care if someone from here died. The government, who is responsible than one would expect in a rural village; however, in many of them, each floor and in a position of authority, doesn’t care. No one asks about us. Lebanon is beautiful, but living here has become difficult, sustaining a life and family is occupied by a separate family. When the houses were being built, community [is difficult].” members found it more economical to club together and build one building of several stories, which they would share, rather than each family building an in- “We hope you can tell the people outside what is happening in Lebanon and dependent dwelling. The land on which the houses stand was purchased in the this village because people outside might have the wrong impression. People 1940s and inherited by subsequent generations. “We all own the land where our outside might think that all the people here are terrorists and this is not houses are. An engineer appointed by the government came and told us where true. It is the opposite. We all want peace, eternally. We want you to show a picture of Lebanon and this village to the people outside.” we could build, so there shouldn’t be any problems [with the government].” Nobody rents his or her home. People either live in their own home or in those “We are under middle class. Before we were living better than now. We are of relatives who now live outside the area. A number of generations or families now under the middle class. In all of Lebanon there is no middle class. It is live in a single building. One man said: higher class or lower class. The higher class is the ministers or parliament people.” “The housing generally depends on the ability of the people to pay. For example, I live with my mother-in-law. We cut the house in two, she has two One key informant explained how others perceive members of the com- rooms and we have two rooms. But for example, with my brother-in-law, munity: his conditions improved so he built his own house and moved out. The kids who can afford it move out to leave room for the ones who can’t afford to.” “Other villages look at them as inferior. The others do their best to educate their children, have health care, good food, advanced houses, and cars. They try to do all of this for their kids. But down there [in Wazzani] they don’t do any of these things.”

Livelihoods

Wazzani is an agricultural community, with everyone involved in some aspect of agriculture and rural life. Almost all are crop farmers and many also keep cows, goats, and sheep. One person also works as a butcher (in addition to farming). A number collect milk and sell it, though it seems that their profit margins have significantly decreased in recent years. A resident described the situation: “The village depends on cattle. Prices of dairy products are low. We sell one kilogram of milk for LL800 [$0.5] but the factory sells it for LL1500 [$1]. So the factory is the only winner. We sell to factories in Nabatieh or the Bekaa.” One person works for the electrical company. Quite a few leave the village to work in construction, especially the younger generation. Some collect compost and sell it to people who have farms nearby. There are about six men from the community in the army. It’s not unusual for a person to have a number of jobs. Another man A house in Wazzani described his situation: “I have four jobs. I keep bees for honey, I have cows, I have a bus to take children to school, and I work in the water department. I have

136 137 WAZZANI 4 a roof over my children’s heads, but other than that I have nothing.” Income sufficiency Most women help their husbands with the cattle and farming in addition to working on household chores. Two women from the village are teachers in the As in many rural, agricultural communities, there are very few households with nearby villages of Blat and Ain Arab. a stable salary. One man explained: Livelihoods have evolved as the society changed. One man described it “The laborers don’t have a stable pattern because they might work one as follows: week in a month, or two weeks, or not work for two months. Those who work with milk and sheep are not in a stable situation because of fluctua- “We started working with cows 50 years ago. This was when things started tions in prices. [The price of] one kilogram of milk changes between LL700 to change. Before that we worked with sheep and agriculture, mainly grains [$0.46] and LL500 [$0.33]or LL400 [$0.26] depending on the demand. and tobacco. Then after 50 years there were opportunities for people all There are very few employees [of nonagricultural businesses] here, not even over the south to travel and go outside. Suddenly these opportunities were 10.” present. Some families, because they made money outside, had more money so they had a higher rank than other families. Even raising sheep changed Like in many other parts of rural Lebanon, there is no agricultural income because there was less land. So people wanted to be less mobile. The cows in the winter and what people earn in the summer has to sustain them through would stay on the farms and you worked with them for two hours in the the lean winter months. One woman described the situation: morning and two hours at night. Then people started to get more educated and pursue other professions. At this time we also started planting other “For the two months of winter there is no work for anyone. Men don’t work. types of crops and the houses started to be built. During the Turkish oc- If it is not raining my husband will go collect metal cans that are thrown in cupation, when the Lebanese lands were distributed, since our ancestors the field and he will sell them for around LL10,000 [$6.7] per day. When were nomadic at the time, we got no land when the distribution started. it is raining, he sits at home [because the car can’t drive in the fields]. In We bought land in the 1940s, but the land around us was owned by others. the summer we have more money because we both work. I might work two Each family originally had six to seven dunams for their house and [was days per week but it’s still something. My husband works every day in the free] to utilize the rest [that they did not build on]. Eventually, these lands summer. For me it depends on the people that own the lands. When there is were subdivided by their children. So there was less space to take the sheep harvest I will go. Sometimes they pay me but sometimes they give me food to graze. So we wanted to switch to something less mobile, not go into the instead.” wilderness. So we switched to cows that just need to be serviced where they The biggest challenge that most in the village face is not that they don’t pro- are, they don’t move from the farms.” duce enough, but instead that they can’t seem to earn enough from what they produce. One person explained: “The most important thing is selling the produce; this is very hard. Before it used to be slightly hard but now it is much harder. This is for two reasons. First, in this adjacent area there is no factory to give our milk products to. The closest is in Nabatieh, but if we had one [nearby] it would be easier. In Lebanon there are people who were employees and they then retired. So they have a stable income [from their retirement] and nothing to do. So some are making farms, which is increasing the number of farmers. So the buckets of milk only sell for LL3000-4000 [$2-2.7], which is not profitable at all. The government is also importing milk from outside, so we are competing with them.” Having sufficient income to provide for all the needs of the family and also to be able to save is a struggle for most families in Wazzani. Because much of the income is seasonal, families find it difficult to cope. As suggested, new financial pressures are now caused by the large landowners in surrounding areas, who bring in migrant Syrian workers to work the land. These migrant workers bring most of their basic food needs with them from Syria, and they spend very little Sheep feed at a trough, Wazzani in the local economy. This enables them to undercut the Lebanese in terms of

138 139 WAZZANI 4 the daily wages they are willing to work for. One man described the situation: so we could benefit from leaving this small area.” “They [the landowners] brought in Syrians workers because they are cheaper The closing of the school in Wazzani is just one of many examples of the [LL10,000 [$6.7] per hour]. If one of our boys or girls wants to go, they won’t difficulties the community has enjured through decades of conflict. One woman accept them because the Syrians are cheaper. We can’t compete with them.” described what happened: The tensions with the Syrian migrant workers are a major issue. One man “Of course education was affected during the occupation, because there explained: was no government presence. The teachers didn’t get paid, so they didn’t “The landowners here know the landowners in the Bekaa. The owners here care about education. They didn’t get books, they had to request them from would ask for 15 workers to come here. It is like they are ordering them. across the checkpoint, and sometimes the books would come and sometimes So the landowners there tell the Syrians that there is work in the south and they wouldn’t. People didn’t care if they got educated or not because no one they come. They are here all year, for all seasons. We have no interaction else cared about providing them with an education. The Lebanese govern- with them. God forbid! They took our source of living and I would interact ment didn’t care and Israel, of course, didn’t care about the education of with them? They live right over there and we hate them. At the start there people here.” were problems between them and us, but now the contact is only between The children who were displaced during the Civil War did not attend school the people and the landowners. We have no direct contact with them. The until the families returned to the area or eventually settled somewhere else. farmers here don’t hire people from this area. They hire only Syrians because they can bring a household of people to work: the parents and the Today children have to go to Khiam or Hibariye to attend school. Approxi- children. And they take less money for the whole day. But the lifestyle of the mately half go to private schools and half to public schools. According to one Lebanese is different. We need to raise the cows; the children are in school. resident, there are around 80 children from the community who attend school. From the oldest to the youngest, the Syrians all work in the land.” While some drop out, other parents still find ways of ensuring their children Like with other poor communities around Lebanon, some people from out- continue in school. Most of the parents see education as opening opportunities side the community think that residents are understating their income and wealth for a better life for their children. As one mother said, “I put my kids in a pri- in order to secure more support and financial aid. One key informant countered vate school hoping that they will do better than me.” While the cost of private the perception that people have money but are lying about their situation: schooling is comparatively higher, some of the families are willing to make the sacrifice if the school is willing to allow them to pay in installments: “We pay “I don’t agree when other people say they have money. If you ask the mu- LL1,500,000 [$1000] per year, per child, for tuition. The school accepts for us nicipality, they will say it [the situation] is fine, but this is not the reality. Look at what they work in. If they had money would they chose to work in to pay in installments. Twenty-five boys from the community go to this school.” agriculture and with livestock? Would they stop their children from going to There is a handful of children who do not attend school. One man explained school if they had money? ” some possible reasons why: “Mostly, it is not that kids never go. They go and stop going because: 1) There is no desire to go to school; 2) The parents don’t want to Education send them; 3) The parents’ economic situation doesn’t allow them to go.” The level of education and literacy among the adults in the community at A resident described the school that used to exist in Wazzani: the moment is quite low. Most of the women have only completed grade 2 or “There was a school here. It had four rooms. The fifth was for administra- 3 and have very basic reading and writing skills. There are only three or four tion. They were aiming to fit seven grades into the five rooms. So sometimes women in the village who are considered literate and can properly read. The there were two grades per room. This school was established in the 1970s. men, on average, have slightly higher levels of education and usually stopped at- There were two teachers teaching in the same room. I used to go there. It tending school at some point between grade 4 and grade 8. There are very few closed in the 1990s. It was a government public school. The number of who continued past this level. teachers was not enough for the number of students that used to go there. Some went to this school and some others went to a school in Khiam. It was Health and nutrition best that this school closed because then they went to schools in Khiam and these are better quality than it was here.” The community has access to health care. There is a clinic in the village which Strangely, unlike other rural communities who are lobbying for their own school, was established by World Vision Lebanon and the Ministry of Social Affairs. A many saw the closing of this school as a blessing. As another woman described, doctor from Kifar Kila comes every Tuesday and Friday for two hours each day. “It was not a loss. It was a gain because we could go outside and see other people, The consultation fee is LL2000 ($1.3) and the clinic provides medicines when

140 141 WAZZANI 4 they are available. The clinic operates from the old school building, which has don’t use soap. They don’t change their clothes. This is one of the reasons been rehabilitated. According to the doctor at the clinic, they see a minimum they get sick. Otherwise they are healthy.” of two to three patients a day, and sometimes more. They provide services in One mother outlined some of the eating habits of the community: public health and pediatrics. If referrals are required, they are made to doctors “From the food that we produce ourselves we sell some and store some for in Khiam. In addition, a medical unit from the Spanish UNIFIL troops comes ourselves. In the summer we eat vegetables, normal food. It is because we about every fifteen days and they provide free medical consultation and medi- can buy more because there are jobs and income. The community cooks all cines, costing less than LL10,000 ($6.7). They operate from the mosque. The [sorts of] different dishes with chicken. They slaughter some and eat them. villagers feel that between the two services, most of the basic health needs of We eat tabouleh, fried potatoes, etc. In the winter we cut down on all foods the community are met. If anything more is required, some will go to a private as much as we can. We don’t prepare rice as much. We eat beans, lentils, doctor in Khiam or the hospital in Nabatieh. grains, mulokhieh; we cut down on things we buy. In the summer we freeze things and we use them in the winter. Eating meat depends. For example, The clinic was established as a result of an assessment analyzing the com- on holidays we eat more. But we eat no meat on regular days. My mother- munity’s health. A local employee of MoSA explained the results of the health in-law will give us small portions of meat. Some families eat meat once per assessment carried out in the village, which was the basis for opening the clinic: year. But it’s OK because we live with eating other things. My family has “The first reason for creating the center was the health situation of the no chickens to slaughter. We save this money to buy clothes and station- village. Parents were neglecting the health and education of the children. ary for school. We don’t want the kids to go to school looking like they are They would go to work and neglect the children. There was a high num- wearing dirty clothes. In the summer we buy more than what we get from ber of children with disabilities in the village [at the time of the MoSA the ground. In the winter we depend on what we stored from the summer.” study] because the parents were not following the health ‘program’ of the Families buy vegetables that they do not grow locally. Also a truck comes by children. For example, they were skipping vaccinations. The second reason every two days and many produce from it. was that the village is isolated from the other villages and health centers. It is five or six kilometers away from the other ones. So MoSA came to Interestingly, in spite of their intake of fruits and vegetables and a regular World Vision with the idea that the organizations would create a dispensary supply of protein, the doctor at the clinic said that the average height and weight together. Before the clinic was created in 2001, MoSA had yearly vaccina- of the children is lower than normal. She mentioned a survey of school children tions campaigns in the three poorest villages here (Wazzani, Ain Arab, Wata that was conducted in Khiam and noted that the children from Wazzani had the el Khiam) and Helta. The toughest community to deal with was Wazzani slowest growth. No explanation was provided as no studies have been done to try because no one was responsive, not the fathers, the mothers, the head of and understand this problem. the municipality, the mukhtar, etc. Solutions for the health problem needed to be through social, interactive activities with the residents and the parents Breast-feeding does not seem to be that common. One woman’s comment to guide them through the importance of health solutions and vaccinations reflected the attitude of the others: “I breast-fed the first child but the others used for their children.” a bottle. I would breast-feed for two months then the milk would stop so I would switch to a bottle.” According to the doctor at the clinic, the overall health of the population Girls marry at a young age; sometimes brides are as young as 13 years old. is quite good. The common health problems amongst children are colds and Being sexually active at that young of an age, and becoming pregnant, can have the flu. In the summer there are cases of gastrointestinal problems. The most a physical and emotional impact on the girls. Most of the women said that they common one is brutsella, which is contracted through consuming nonpasteur- used some kind of birth control, though oftentimes it was not consistent. The ized goat’s milk. Among the adults there are cases of diabetes, hypertension, and doctor commented, “All the women seek prenatal care. They don’t give birth at heart problems. There was one case of a youth, around 14 years old, who was home. Yes, they use contraceptives. The husbands do not have a problem with injured by an unexploded ordnance: “… He crossed the wire [demarcating the them using contraceptives.” dangerous area] and it exploded on him.” Overall the community is healthy. The main health issues that they face are Although the health of the children is quite good, key informants were still as a result of living under constant tension of possible conflict and due to the concerned about an apparent lack of hygiene among the villagers, and especially struggle to provide for their families. among the children. One World Vision staff member explained: “They walk barefoot, they play in the mud. They don’t care about shower- ing or washing their hands. A lot of them have lice. They only take a bath when there are celebrations. We have had campaigns about this … They

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“There is not one person that all of the people can go to if they have a problem. Before, with the original community, there was one sheikh that all of the people would go to for help. But now everyone wants to be a sheikh [he joked]. There is no one person. This was in 1975-76. I remember my mom and dad telling me about a sheikh that they used to consult. But since I was born, I knew the community as it is now. It is not like it was before.” The social changes are also affecting family structures. One man described the struggles that his family has experienced due to the changes: “The past was better. Families used to be tighter. We had three girls and seven boys in my house. But now one house has broken into five houses. When I was growing up, we used to eat from the same plate, but now everyone wants their own plate. I used to walk to school in Khiam, but now they get a car there and the kids are barely satisfied. The young men used to have more strength before. It took us an hour to walk there and back. There is no reason for the changes.” Given the difficult times that the villagers in the south have faced, often social ties are not enough to overcome the challenges resultant of war and conflict; out- Assets and vulnerabilities side help is needed as well. Yet, assistance has not been consistent and equitable in reaching all those in need, leaving Wazzani with continued feelings of margin- Wazzani’s greatest vulnerability is the constant threat of conflict and displace- alization and isolation. One older resident of the area described what frequently ment. Since 1948, in one way or another, all the conflicts affecting Lebanon have occurs when aid is provided: impacted Wazzani. Because of its location in the south near the border with “Different villages have different needs, but people don’t listen to them [the Israel, there is no industrial investment, and as a result, residents are forced to villagers]. They [the donors] are looking out for their own benefit, not for depend on small-scale agriculture for their livelihoods. Those who travel outside the benefit of others. Even UNIFIL, they ask, ‘Where is the mukhtar? Be- the community have managed to get occasional jobs in construction. But the vil- cause we have something for him.’ But why for him? The assistance is going lage as a whole, whose residents are unable to improve their livelihoods, remains to the mukhtar in order to be able to help the whole village, but the mukhtar is taking it for himself and not for the village. This happens in all of the areas. perpetually on the brink of extreme poverty. They are trying to take the benefits for themselves. They will give it to their Because of their low level of education, Wazzani’s villagers have little human families. They say that they need it for many people but it just all ends up capital, such as formal training or skills. Their access to technology is minimal. with the same family.” Their social capital is also limited, as they see themselves as isolated and ne- The following are some comments from villagers, which reflect their frustra- glected and have only their family network and occasionally their neighbors for tion with the way aid is provided: support. One woman summarized it, saying: “There was a foundation that gave us a milk fridge, which fits 500 kg of “There is no one I can go to for help. I trust my brothers and sisters but no milk. But that’s it. It is nothing. We want a fridge that can fit way more, so one from this village. This is the biggest issue. Each family is with their own the milk doesn’t go to waste. If the milk is not in the fridge, it will go bad family. Each household tries to improve their own situation. But, if there is in five hours. If it is in the fridge, it can stay fresh for about one week or 10 a problem inside the house they all [the other members of the village] come days. Not all of the village can use the fridge. Only the milk production of and try to assist.” two people can fit in it. There are not two specific people that are using it. Another man commented, “If someone is in need of help then we get together We take turns. We produce too much milk and we can’t put it all in. It is to do it. It used to be better before. Maybe the old generation had a different not big enough.” way of thinking than the new generation. Maybe the old generation had a better “A lot of organizations come to Lebanon to give assistance, but they don’t spirit.” The sense that in the past the social networks were stronger and more reach this area. They go to other areas and stop there. We are frustrated supportive was reflected often. One man commented: with studies done and the lack of projects except some individual projects

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by World Vision and Mercy Corps. In Marjayoun they had a workshop “In the 1970s and 1980s there were no big farmers here so we could rent about beekeeping and the people didn’t tell me [he keeps bees]. The orga- land from the church to take the cows to graze. But since 2000, big farm- nizations don’t put in the time to tell people and groups the information of ers from Beirut and Bekaa rented the land. We just have the land where what’s going on. And then they come and ask me why I wasn’t there. There our house is. We have no other land. We used to rent land for $20-30 but are no reasons why the organizations are not working here. Some organiza- the big renters came and offered $100 for longer term leases. So of course tions prefer, or see it wise, not to come. Or they spend some of the funding the church preferred them … We had sheep and goats but we sold them and put the rest in their pockets. Or they take shortcuts – like working in the because there is no land for grazing. Now we have 10 sheep and the rest are closest villages [those convenient to their offices].” cows. We used to have more. We sold them two to three years ago.”

“I think UNIFIL helped with the mosque, but I don’t know for sure. The Another man commented, “Before when I was young there was a lot of unculti- army helped several times with internal conflicts in the village. They came vated land around and open spaces. Now everywhere around us is all cultivated to settle the conflicts.” by people, by the ‘big fish’ who are not from here.” Some community members have sought grazing land further afield. As one World Vision and the MoSA built and staffed the clinic in Wazzani. World man described it: Vision also provided assistance to a child who had been disabled by a UXO, which he stepped on while herding his sheep, and helped him get an artificial “There is nowhere to take the sheep, there is no land. Next to the river there limb. Other than the clinic no other agencies are currently working in Wazzani. is a small piece of land. All of the people go to the river or even further, onto the plains of Marjayoun. Some people stay out for four months and sleep One often heard comment was that villages that politically align with certain there in the spring. My dad does this. My brother and father take shifts with parties or groups receive assistance, while other villages are either neglected or the cows and goats. They use a small room that they build next to the graz- receive very little. One man commented,“There are more things done in villages ing area. They rent this land for those months.” with political affiliations, for example in Khiam. It was nothing before the libera- Compared to many of the other marginalized communities in Lebanon, the tion but look at it now, it’s better than Beirut.” Wazzani suffers because it has not physical infrastructure in Wazzani is now quite good, although it was not always politically aligned itself with any one group. For better or worse, many are proud so. During the occupation there were problems accessing water and electricity. of this. One man commented: Until 2001, residents remember having frequent power cuts, as the electricity “In this village there is no presence of political parties or influence. You will was being supplied by the Lebanese government from areas that were not under find some people that follow them. But most people are not involved in this. occupation. Israel was not providing any electricity for the area. Similarly, they If there is anything we can be envied for, it is this.” had limited access to water. But, one man described how the situation changed Another man affirmed this, saying: once the occupation ended: “Before the liberation there was no government to “We were always free of political parties. We wanted to be left alone to give us anything. When the liberation came, the government saw the opportunity work, and live, and provide for our families. There is a trend in Lebanon to use the water from the river to provide water to the nearby villages.” Another that villages that accept political intervention will benefit and prosper. But woman said, “After 2001 we got electricity all day.” Electricity and water access the others suffer. It should be the opposite. The government should help remained fairly constant, except for intermittent loses due to problems with the these people.” weather, until the July 2006 war. One woman described the situation upon re- The same man continued: turning to the village after the war: “The main reason we face challenges here is there is no care or attention by “We stayed for one month without water and electricity. But we were the the government or ministries. There is no monitoring. There is favoritism. first village to get water back because we have a water station near here and So if the government is not taking care, and you don’t belong to a political they needed to get water going again. Now we have electricity 24 hours a party, you are not getting support. Then no one is taking care of you.” day. Here we have drinking water that comes to our house.” While the whole area has abundant water and very fertile soil, social and The community had sewage networks installed around 1998. However, there economic changes are reducing the natural capital of the people of Wazzani. is no dump for the garbage. Residents usually put the waste in a barrel and burn Each family has a small plot of land that they use to supply some of their own it. The surrounding roads are all paved; however, they have had to be repaired food needs. They supplement what they grow by purchasing what they need. numerous times due to the bombings and damage that occurred during the wars. One man described the changes: One resident noted, “World Vision donated materials and the residents built the roads themselves.”

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The villagers’ lack of financial capital is both a cause and a symptom of are lost to Wazzani, and they will most probably not return permanently even if their poverty. One feature of Wazzani is large, but sometimes unfinished, houses. they remain registered there. One man explained, “People mostly build houses, but they are not necessarily In spite of their poverty, however, people do dream: finished. They will build while in debt and keep installing things.” People don’t “I dream of my children being educated.” have savings for the long term. If they are able to save a bit, it is most often used to survive through the tough winter months, or pay for education and health care “I would like to get stationary for my children.” expenses. Sometimes they may be able to make additions to their houses, though this is more unusual. Some of the food that they produce is preserved and saved “My idea is to have a factory here to store the milk.” for the winter months when they know they will have a lower income and more “We need help with vet services or the milk. We would appreciate it a lot. limited access to fresh foods. According to one woman: The whole village would benefit from these things.” “We don’t save. We spend all of the money. But we take into consideration food for the winter, like labneh, wheat, zatar, etc. There is less production None of these dreams is unreasonable, impossible, or selfish. They only from the cows. So we keep food aside from other times. The money goes reveal a basic human desire for a better life. to medical expenses and doctors. The government will come and give us a fine for building too close to the road. Yesterday they charged my husband LL50,000 [$33] for a late payment related to his car insurance.” The immediate family is the only social safety net that most people have, and this is their primary coping mechanism, as one man explained, “There is assistance available within each household; for example, between a father and his kids. But the ones outside don’t help the ones here or vice versa.” For many, their cows, goats, and sheep are assets of value: “Some people reach bottom and they have to sell their animals or cows to cover their debt. And you find that it is common for people to work in more than one job to meet their needs.”

Conclusion

Wazzani is located in one of the most fertile parts of Lebanon with an abundance of water, yet the community struggles to survive on the edge of extreme poverty because they live under constant theat of renewed conflict and violence, and the resulting displacement. Other than their meager agricultural holdings, which provide for their daily needs and little more, there is no industrial or commercial investment in the area that would enable them to improve their livelihoods. Their ability to hire themselves out as agricultural laborers is under increasing threat from Syrian migrants who are willing to work for less. While having Lebanese citizenship gives them access to public education and health services, financial constraints disable them from accessing private services, which are widely considered of far superior quality. Moreover, there is a sentiment amongst residents that there is hope for the new generation, but this hope lies outside of the community. Looking to the future, one man commented, “The older generation has no alternative jobs for the future. The younger generation can go out and see the world and meet new people; so yes they have other opportunities.” The reality is that if the younger generation leave the village they

148 149 1. (BBC, 2002) JMEIJME 2. A pseudonym 3. The Khiam Detention Center was built by the French Mandate authority in the Bint Jbeil, South Lebanon 1930s. It served as a Lebanese army base until it fell under the control of the South Lebanon Army in the mid 1980s. Subsequently, it was used during the Israeli occupation as a prison camp for Lebanese civilians, where, allegedly, an assortment of torture techniques was used against the inmates. The prison was closed when Israeli forces withdrew from the south in 2000. Hezbollah converted the premises and opened a museum on the site, but the Israeli Air Force bombed and destroyed it during the 2006 war. 4. In 1978 Sayyed H.E. Muhammad Hussein Fadlullah founded an orphange, the first of the Mabarat Association. Since then the Association has opened other centers of orphans, schools for the blind and deaf, as well as academic schools and vocational training institutes. For more information see: http://www.mabarrat. org.au/aboutus.html 5. The history of the community as recounted by its residents is subjective, thus sometimes divergent or inconsistent accounts are quoted. These divergent percep- David Urquhart, a British diplomat, traveler, and one of the earlier observers tions of the past are at times revealing. of the patchwork of communities that make up Lebanon today, wrote about 6. (Amery, 2002) p. 313-323 the Shiites in his 1860 publication The Lebanon: Mt. Souria, A History and a Diary. 7. (Dib, 2009) p. 11 He described a people impoverished, underdeveloped, and underrepresented 2 8. A dunam is a Middle Eastern measure of land usually equivalent to 1000 m , al- politically.1 2 though it was originally equivalent to 919.3 m . For more information see http:// In 1974, Hasan Sharif citing Lebanese Government statistics wrote that www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/dunum.htm while 20 percent of the country’s population at that time lived in southern Leba- 9. The Cairo agreement was signed on 3 November 1969 by Arafat (the leader of the non (a predominantly Shiite area), only 0.7 percent of the national budget was PLO) and Emile Boustani (the head of the Lebanese army). According to a Inter- allocated to the needs in the area. He further writes: national Crisis Group report, “The Cairo agreement recognized both the Palestin- 2 ians’ right to wage their struggle against Israel from Lebanese soil and the refugees’ “The south has the fewest paved roads per person per acre. Running water is still missing in all villages and towns although water pipes were extended political and socioeconomic rights (to work, to reside, move and so forth).” (Inter- to many areas in the early sixties. Electricity networks were erected at about national Crisis Group, 2009) p.4 the same time, but they are inoperative most of the time. Sewage facilities 10. In order to leave the occupied south one had to get permission from both the Leba- are available only in large towns and cities. Outside the larger centers tele- nese and the Israeli authorities, so while it was possible for the Lebanese within the phone service is completely absent except for a single manual cabin, which occupied south to travel to their ‘own country,’ it was not a simple affair and most is usually out of order. Doctors visit the villages once a week and sometimes did not visit the unoccupied areas until after 2000. only once a month. Clinics are maintained in large villages and do not function regularly. Hospitals and pharmacies are found only in the larger popu- 11. For more information see “Jmeijme” chapter. lation centers. Elementary school is usually run in an old unhealthy house 12. Interviews conducted by LSESD in 2009 provided by the village. Intermediate schools were introduced to the large 13. Interviews conducted by LSESD in 2009 towns in the mid-sixties.”3 Through 25 years of Civil War and occupation, followed by another devastating war in 2006, much has changed in southern Lebanon and for the Shiite community. While significant assistance has gone into building and rebuilding the infrastructure and helping people rebuild their lives and livelihoods, deep scars remain. Yet the events in this area have transformed the fortunes of the Shiite community in the country.

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Jmeijme is a small agricultural town nestled in the rolling hills of south Leba- The Shiites in Lebanon non. At first glance, it appears as though the town is prospering. Large decorated houses lining its few roads give the impression of wealth. The residents appear There are three theories as to the origins of the Shiite community in Lebanon. Accord- ing to Albert Harouni, the oral tradition of the Shiite scholars of south Lebanon states happy. They are active, visible on the street, congregating around the local shops, that the community was founded by Abu Dharr, a companion of the Prophet and a smoking narguileh, and chatting with their neighbors. However, listening to their strong supporter of Ali’s claim to the caliphate. After traveling from Medina to Damas- stories it quickly becomes apparent that first impressions of Jmeijme are not cus, Abu Dharr was exiled to the rural districts of Bilad ash-sham (Syria). It is inferred what they seem. Most of the residents do not own any part of the sprawling hills that from there, Abu Dharr was instrumental in spreading the Shiite faith. Early 20th surrounding the area and are therefore forced to rent land for agriculture, taking century scholars such as Phillip Hitti and Henri Lammens claim that the origins of out loans which they are rarely able to pay back. The houses are mere skeletons; the Shiite community in Lebanon are Persian. The more recent studies postulate that the roots of the community are found in the Yemenite tribes that migrated to the area only parts of each house are complete, yet there is no longer any construction around the 10th century. According to Rula Abisaab, South Arabian (Yemenite) tribes going on in the village. Most of the village was destroyed in the July 2006 war. such as the Twelver Shi’a Banu (Hamdan), were present in Jabal ‘Amil during the early While the residents received assistance to rebuild their houses, it was not enough centuries of Islam, as the term ‘Amil was itself a name of a Yemenite tribe.4 and the villagers ran out of money and have not been able to finish the rebuild- The Shiites have historically lived in the areas of south Lebanon known as Jabal ing process. ‘Amil (between the Awwali River to the north and Galilee to the south), and in the It is hard to select just one tale to represent the face of poverty in Jmeijme. Bekaa Valley, especially around the towns of Hermel and Baalbek. The Shiites in the south were part of feudal systems where they worked in the fields of landowning With a history of neglect compounded by the destructiveness of war and humili- families, who then arbitrated their disputes and provided them protection. Those in ation of occupation, the villagers even today struggle to meet their daily needs. the Bekaa were not beholden to a few landowning families. They instead were more nomadic and their society was defined as a series of clans. Some of these were more powerful than others and were granted allegiance accordingly. According to the 1932 census the Shiites numbered 155,000 out of a total population of 793,000. This was 19.5 percent of all those resident in Lebanon or 16.0 percent if the emigrant population was included.5 The major population movements among the Shiites started in the 1800s after the collapse of the silkworm industry when many left for the Ivory Coast looking for work, and in 1903 to Sierra Leone (because of poor agricultural harvests). Then in the late 1950s tens of thousands of Shiites abandoned their traditional farming villages and moved to the southern suburbs of Nabaa, Bourj el Barajneh, and ‘Ayn Rummanah. Beirut’s population tripled between 1952 and 1964 partly because of this influx. This exodus was triggered by land shortage, a steady decline in agricultural revenue and the relative prosperity of the urban areas. In 1961 less than 0.5 percent of peasants owned between 50 and 100 hectares of land.6 The policies of the Lebanese governments under President Bechara El-Khoury (1946-52) and Camille Chamoun (1952-58) left the South, the Bekaa, and Akkar undeveloped because these areas seemed irrelevant to the high growth sectors of tourism, commercial banking, and financial development.7 The South along with the Bekaa and Akkar as a result suffered the combined effects of underdevelopment, population growth, unemployment, and high rates of illiteracy. Movements and political institutions There were several episodes of peasant protests and labor unrest in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Finally in 1974 Imam Musa Sadr established the Movement of the Dispos- sessed (also known as the disinherited or the deprived), known in Arabic as Harakat al- Mahrumin. The focus was to better the economic and social conditions of the Shiites. To do this he established schools and medical clinics through out southern Lebanon. south Lebanon It was not a political party but rather a mass protest movement aimed at forcing the government to address the lack of services for the Shiites.8

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Amal (Afwaj al-Muqawama al-Lubnaniyya) originally referred to the militia that was population got bigger overtime. It started with one house and then enlarged to raised in 1975 as an adjunct to the Movement of the Dispossessed.9 However it was six and 10 houses – about 200 people. The whole village used to be one street. soon to subsume the Movement of the Dispossessed both as a military and political That was in the 1960s.” Unlike other villages in the area, which had major pe- organization. Amal as a political party is active within the formal organs of the gov- riods of emigration throughout history, the population of Jmeijme grew in a ernment, with its leader Nabih Berri currently elected the speaker of the parliament. relatively stable manner over time. One key informant from the area explained There is little known about the early history of Hezbollah, the other main Shiite the situation in Bint Jbeil in the early part of the 20th century: party. Initially it was more of an umbrella organization for radical Islamist groups such as Islamic Amal and the Da’wa party.10 According to Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbol- “During World War I there was a lot of migration from the region, espe- lah’s founding committee comprised of nine delegates – three each from Amal, the cially from the Christian villages. Most of the migrants went to Brazil and Da’wa, and the independent ‘ulama.11 Hezbollah was initially based in the Bekaa, but Argentina. They thought they were going to America. This was a major after the Israeli withdrawal from Beirut in 1983 the party itself established in the period of migration in all of Lebanon.” southern suburbs of Beirut and in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah has been elected to and remains within the parliament. Besides its political wing, Hezbollah also main- Villagers remember getting water and electricity in the 1960s as well. It was tains a humanitarian wing and a military wing. around this time that a school was built in the community, and education started becoming more important for the villagers. One woman remembers, “Thirty years ago the kids started going to school. Many people put them in school to get History and location higher degrees. But some people couldn’t afford it.” Jmeijme has typically been an agricultural village, relying both on harvesting Jmeijme is located approximately 17 kilometers away from Lebanon’s southern crops and raising animals as a means of living. One man explained: border with Israel. It is one of the 42 villages found within the caza of Bint “Before 1975 there were different types of crops, like beans and wheat. We Jbeil, a district in which the administrative center is a village also called Bint 12 used to have animals, so we used to farm in large amounts to be able to feed Jbeil. The caza of Bint Jbeil is one of four cazas that make up the governorate of the animals. After the [Civil] War we stopped working with animals, so we 13 Nabatieh. Jmeijme is located near the larger village of Tibnine, and bordered didn’t need huge amounts of crops to feed them.” by the villages Khirbit Silm, Al Sawaniyeh, Majdal Silm, Sultaniyi, and Safad el Bateekh.14 Being located in the south, close to the border with Israel, Jmeijme has been Jmeijme is completely Shiite Muslim. The caza of Bint Jbeil is predomi- largely affected by wars and conflicts, many of which had devastating effects on nantly Shiite except for four Christian villages and four mixed villages. Accord- the area. One key informant from the area explained how the occupation was ing to one World Vision Lebanon staff member, the Christian communities in particularly difficult on the caza of Bint Jbeil: two of the mixed villages are rapidly decreasing due to higher emigration rates “It was mostly affected because of the division of the villages; not all of the from the region within these communities.The high levels of emigration among villages were occupied. Half were inside the area and half were outside. Christians and Muslims alike during and after the occupation (1982-2000) had a Also, families were separated. Some of them were not allowed to go inside the occupied area, mostly Shiites. The Christians were mostly allowed to go greater impact on the Christian demographic in the region, as they were already in and out. But in each village there were two or three families that were a minority in the area. The same WVL staff member explained that although divided.” according to the voter registration, 70 percent of residents are Shiite and 30 percent are Christians, in reality around 85 percent of the residents currently Yet, there were some financial improvements to the area at that time. The living in the area are Shiite. key informant continued: The head of the Jmeijme municipality explained that the village was found- “The occupied area was better economically. It was very good. You could ed approximately 400 years ago. Prior to that the area was simply a forest located say that each person ‘had a cow.’ Many people were working in the South on the top of a mountain. Around this time, a man from the Hamza family, Lebanon Army or going to work in Israel. Some were against it. They stayed outside the area and wouldn’t work with them [Israel]. Some families originally from Tibnine, had a fight with his brothers and left the village. He boycotted Israeli products.” eventually settled in the area that would become Jmeijme. As other people from Tibnine heard of the argument and took his side, they moved to the new settle- Even though the 15-year Lebanese Civil War ended in 1990, the occupa- ment as well. Originally there were only tents, but eventually houses were built. tion of the southern areas of the country continued for another 10 years. A key One woman spoke of the village gradually growing to its present size: “The informant explained the different periods:

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“There were two stages. The first was from 1982 to the 1990s. This was a During this time, people became used to the higher salaries associated either tense period because the occupation was still new to the area and the war with working for the SLA or in Israel. Many people stopped farming their lands, in Lebanon had not yet stopped. But in the 1990s, when the war ended in which became neglected. After the withdrawal, people had to find new types of Lebanon, the occupation started to get a little bit easier here. People got employment, either rehabilitating their land or working as day laborers, as well used to the idea that they were in an occupied area. We could leave the area, but you would have needed about 10 hours to get to Beirut, and you as dealing with the new competition that had entered the area. had to get permission from both sides. There were no problems between the Not long after the end of the occupation, while families were still dealing people that supported Israel and those that didn’t. On a social basis, there with the changes in the area and trying to adjust to the new situation, the 34-day was no division.” 2006 war with Israel took place (see section “The 2006 war and its impact on While there was electricity and water available in the area before the Civil Lebanon”). While there were effects on the entire country, the south was par- War, one key informant described the fact that the infrastructure was generally ticularly affected, and most specifically, the Shiite villages. One man from the weak: “It was bad quality. We had water and electricity, both of these since the village provided a comprehensive explanation of the situation in Jmeijme during 1960s. They were a bit damaged [in the war].” The occupation brought benifits this time: to the community in this respect “In 2006, 80 percent of the village was destroyed. Four people died in the “The infrastructure improved during the occupation. I think there were a war. We went to Beirut and Saida. We came back right away after the war lot of donations coming from abroad to help with paving the roads, the was over because we have spent all of our lives here and we had to come water, etc. The Israelis didn’t build any schools, but they built two hospitals back. We had nowhere else to go. All of our houses and possessions were in the area. One in Bint Jbeil and one in Marjayoun. They made a few destroyed. The whole farming season was destroyed. Each family lost about recreational clubs.” LL10 million [$6,667] because of the lost season. We got help from Iran, Kuwait, and Qatar. People are still in debt because of the war and the farm- One key informant explained the reactions of the caza when the occupation ing season that was lost. We took loans from the bank because we had to- ended in May of 2000: bacco licenses15 and we still owe money. [Upon returning to the area] we made tents and lived with no electricity and no water. It took between a year “From the Christian point of view there were two different feelings. One and a half and three years for some families to build or repair their homes. [of] joy, coming back to the Lebanese government. And one of anger be- After the second year we were able to start working in tobacco again. But we cause many families left to go to Israel. Before the Israelis left, there were were afraid of the mines. We paid and rented lands in different areas where negotiations on how they would leave and how the Lebanese government there were no mines. The government didn’t pay back the farmers for what would come back to the area. But the Israelis left quickly and people were they lost after the war. There were no alternative sources of income when very afraid of having problems with the Lebanese government or Hezbol- we couldn’t access our lands. We just rented other lands.” lah. But after one month, nothing happened, everything went back to normal. Yet, I remember one man said, ‘I have been raised by someone for 25 years and now you are coming and telling me, This is not your family. How am I supposed to feel about this?’ The occupation was from 1978 to 2000, so for a long time you felt like it was normal, and then they came and changed it.” Another key informant explained, succinctly, the feelings of the Shiite residents in the area: “The people were happy to be free.” Yet, while many residents were happy to have the area reunited with the rest of Lebanon, there were other changes that took place due to this sudden change. One key informant explained: “Economically, the Shiite villages had a problem. After 2000, the doors were open to competition and Syrians and trade workers came and stood in front of their shops and sold products for very low prices. It took two to three years before it balanced again. Still, it was a more prosperous time then [during the occupation compared to now].”

Destruction in Bint Jbeil after the 2006 war

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According to one key informant, most of the villagers, especially those in houses, but they are not able to afford to continue with the construction the Muslim villages, left the area quickly after the commencement of the war. because they only got money right after the war, and they are not getting Others, once the roads were bombed out, took refuge in schools and hospitals any money any more. All of the building has stopped now. No one is building anymore.” in the area. It is for this reason that the death toll may not have been as large as one would expect given the large amount of destruction that took place in the There continue to be many other long-term effects because of the war. area. He explained: Immediately after the war, residents suffered problems with their main sources of “In each village there were between five and 10 people that died. The infra- livelihoods. One man said, “2006 was a bad year because of the war. The olive structure was totally damaged, more than the people, in all of the villages. trees did not produce that year. The animals, due to the war, stopped giving milk If you want to compare between the destruction and the death rate, it was a for a while, especially the cows. They didn’t give milk for six months after the low death rate compared to the size of the destruction.” war.” As the lands were littered with unexploded ordnance people were unable A woman from the village echoed this sentiment: “A few people were injured to return to their agricultural work until they had been cleared. Yet, there still but not a lot. It was mostly the houses that were destroyed.” remain UXOs in the area, affecting not only the lands, but also the safety of the The area was provided with support and relief services in the aftermath of residents: the war. One key informant said: “Until now, there are still UXOs and cluster bombs in the land. Each two weeks you hear of another one [exploding]. A lot of people were affected “The houses were damaged, and there was no money to rebuild again. by these bombs. They lost parts of their body. Most of the land could not be There was a huge level of damage. Fifty percent of the villages were almost used after the war, but they used it anyway, because it was the only source of completely destroyed. The rest, varied between each village. All villages income that they had. And that’s why you can find a lot of people that were were damaged in some way. After the war in 2006, until 2008, a lot of mon- affected by cluster bombs. Until now the lands are not clean.” ey came to the region, especially for construction, to rebuild the houses.” In an area that had already faced high emigration rates, the war only Yet, this support was also the cause of problems in the area, as a key infor- increased this trend: “After the war a lot of people emigrated, the rate increased. mant explained: The businesses were damaged and they had no money to restart it again. So, “Most of the people lied about their original houses, about how big they they migrated to Beirut and other countries.” were, or that they had more houses than they actually did, so then they Of course, there are also harsh psychological impacts on the community could get more money. They took the money and bought cars, etc., so this caused problems with Qatar. For this reason, some families never got money. members who have lived through years of occupation and war, although most The donors stopped donating when they realized people were lying. Some do not recognize the affects. Residents of the area seem to have created a very people took a lot, one hundred times more than they deserved. And some strong façade, perhaps even unconsciously, as a coping mechanism to mask the people didn’t get anything. Until now, there are some shops and private psychological damage caused by years of conflict, occupation, and isolation. As businesses that were not compensated at all. They didn’t get any money, or one woman said, “We got use to war and we don’t even care anymore.” A key products or anything.” informant explained the perspective of the residents of Bint Jbeil: Another key informant further explained the reason behind the actions of “We are used to war here. When we are planning for the next five years, we the villagers: “Organizations brought items, like food, fuel, and blankets. Some have a ‘Plan B’ for war. We take security considerations into any planning families would tell that they had more members than they did, in order to get that we do. If we want to get married, have children, open a business … You more things. It wasn’t because of greed, but it was because their houses were can even find the effects on insurance companies in Lebanon. They put in destroyed and they had nothing.” a clause that says that they won’t pay in case of war or security problems. People haven’t forgotten what happened in 2006.” As mentioned previously, even with this initial help, many of the families were not able to finish building their houses. One employee at the municipality explained: “This is all new construction that happened after the war. Everything had to be rebuilt after 2006. It was funded by Qatar and the board of the South. The new houses are, of course, a lot better than the conditions of the original houses, because they got a lot of money after the war. Some have huge

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project was instead allocated to the unexpected and enormous costs of postwar The 2006 war and its impact on Lebanon reconstruction and rehabilitation.The projected GDP growth rate for 2006 was estimated at 6 percent. Due to the war, this projected increase was reversed and The 34-day war that took place during July and August of 2006 had devastating Lebanon instead experienced negative growth, decreasing the GDP by 11 points implications for the whole country. Massive bombardment of national and civil- to minus 5 percent. In addition, unemployment rates doubled to over 20 percent.18 ian infrastructure forced civilians to flee the targeted areas, including south Leba- non. It is estimated that 4 million cluster bombs were dropped in south Lebanon Impact on the population alone, most of them after the Security Council resolution that was signed on 11 August to end the hostilities on 14 August. The military blockade of land, sea, The human toll of the war was massive, a quarter of the population (over 1 million and air continued for weeks beyond the end of hostilities, with severe economic people) was displaced from their homes. The death toll was 1,200 people, a third consequences. of whom were children, and some 5,000 people were injured, many permanently. By the end of the 34-day war, infrastructure across Lebanon was severely dam- These numbers do not include the people who have been killed by landmines or aged, including 125,000 housing units, almost 700 public and private schools, 16 UXOs since the end of the fighting. Between the end of the 2006 war and the end hospitals, 65 outpatient clinics, 850 commercial enterprises, three airports (includ- of December 2007, there were 221 civilian accidents in the contaminated areas ing the Beirut International Airport), the transportation system (97 bridges and of southern Lebanon; 195 people were injured and 26 people were killed. The 151 segments of road), sea ports, the telecommunications network, water and sew- highest percentage of accidents occurred in the group of men over the age of 19, age treatment plans, and the Jiyyeh power plant. Even after the Security Council who were attempting to clear their homes.19 resolution took effect, parts of South Lebanon remained uninhabitable because Over 500,000 people lost their homes, and thousands more lost their employ- of the massive destruction and unexploded ordnance. The initial reconstruction ment and sources of livelihood. Because of the war, it is estimated that a further 16 costs from the government were estimated to be over $2.8 billion. 100,000 people emigrated from Lebanon.20 The impact of the war was quite severe on the entire country. The effects of the war were, and continue to be, far-reaching. They impact all as- Impact on the environment pects of life in Lebanon and many social indicators used for monitoring poverty and development, as the targeted areas were also some of the poorest in the country. In The environment was severely impacted through the bombing of the Jiyyeh pow- addition to the large loss of life, civilians were also forcefully displaced, lost their er plant, which caused a 15,000-ton oil spill along the coastline and 20,000 tons homes and livelihoods, experienced massive psychological trauma, and must cope of burning fuel. The bombing of infrastructure created almost 3 million cubic with the long-term economic and environmental effects. meters of rubble, which had to be removed and disposed of. These events have both short- and long-term consequences for the environment and the livelihoods of people working in this sector.

Impact on the economy

The areas that were targeted by the bombardment – the south of Lebanon, the southern suburbs of Beirut, and the Bekaa – are also historically some of the most deprived areas in the country, with higher average, absolute, and extreme poverty rates than most of the rest of the country. The war took its toll on many economic sectors, such as agriculture, industry, services, and tourism, where it is estimated that over $3 billion in revenue was lost and 25 percent of the people working in the industry lost their jobs. The agricultural sector was adversely affected by the 4 million cluster bombs dropped over 34 million square meters, 1 million of which did not explode. This caused farmers to be deprived of, often, their only source of livelihood until the areas were cleared. Through the air, land, and sea blockade, the war deprived Lebanon of earnings that it would normally have received from trade and tariffs.17 Before the war, the government had been planning a large overhaul of the social safety net structure, which was meant to directly impact the poor and vulnerable populations of Lebanon. The money that was initially budgeted for this Destruction in Bint Jbeil after the 2006 war

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Surprisingly, there seems to have been one positive aspect of the war on Profile of the community the communities’ relationships. One key informant explained how the villagers, especially of different religions, supported each other during and after the war: The main street in Jmeijme runs along the ridge of one of the many hills in the area. Side streets branch off of the main street, usually abruptly ending when it “During the war, there were a lot of Shiite villages that were being badly affected. So the villagers went to the Christian villages. They thought it was is too steep to drive any further. While most of the houses on the principle street safer and more secure there. The Christian villages welcomed them, took are located fairly close together, the houses on the smaller streets are usually care of them, and treated them well. They hosted them. This showed unity located on small plots of land, providing some space between neighboring build- in the region between the different communities.” ings. Along the main street there are a few small shops selling some fresh produce but mostly nonperishable goods. There are also some other businesses in the This inter-community support continued after the war: area (for example, a local baker that sells manoushe) as well as shops that work “All of the people were working together to clean the streets, and help- with aluminum and concrete blocks. The office of the municipality is a central ing people to rebuild their houses. If they didn’t have a house, they stayed focus for residents, both in terms of its location as well as its role as a social meet- together in one house until they finished rebuilding. It brought all of the communities together. This was one advantage of the war. People still feel ing point as residents sometimes congregate under the large tree just outside its this. This has continued for years. It is not the exact same as it was during premises. There is a small clinic located in front of the municipality building and the war, because then they were living in the same place, and eating the an unused school found on the main road leading into the community. same food.” By and large, the majority of the community was rebuilt after the 34-day war in July 2006. Some community members and local key informants estimate that up to 80 percent of Jmeijme was destroyed. What remains is a stark contrast between those houses that somehow remained untouched by the heavy bombings and those that were completely destroyed and have subsequently been rebuilt, although not completely. The new houses seem to mask the poverty and difficulties that are painfully obvious when speaking to the residents; the original houses perhaps offer the most accurate glimpse into the realities that the community continues to face today. For the most part, the original structures are simple dwellings, made of exposed cement blocks, two stories high at most. They are relatively small, with barred windows, and large grey water tanks sitting on the roofs. Unlike some of the other poor communities around the country, most of the houses were able to upgrade their aluminum roofs to a more solid cement roof. The residents who continue to live in the older houses almost seem to lament the fact that their houses were not destroyed and they were not offered any compensation: “My house leaks water and it is humid and it affects our health. We applied for financial aid, but no one helped. There are problems with the roof. It is an old house from before the [2006] war.” According to the UNDP village profile, Jmeijme has a population of around 2,300.21 The mayor estimated the population to be around 2,500 with 1,200 registered voters. There are approximately 300 houses in the village. Residents explained that the population grew gradually over time, with few seasonal changes throughout the year. Unlike many other villages in the area, there have been very few residents who have emigrated abroad. The mayor explained that there was some migration historically, but it has been much more rare in recent times: “Our ancestors left and went to many places like the United States of America A village in Bint Jbeil with both a mosque (front right) and a church (back left) and Brazil. But this was around 100 years ago. Before they went they sold their

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lands.” This fact is one of the reasons that the villagers consider themselves to be “The parents of girls want to know that the husbands have a house and are in a difficult situation. While other villages have remittances that they can depend well off, before she is able to get married. In the Shiite community the influ- on, Jmeijme only has a few residents who have moved abroad. The mayor con- ence of parents on the decisions of girls is big, but not for boys. And it is less tinued, “The situation is different here than in other villages because there are no in Christian communities.” people that emigrated, so there is no money coming in.” Another woman said, Another key informant explained the effect of the situation on current family “About 10 people traveled [abroad]. If the young people had opportunities to go structures: abroad they would, because there are no job opportunities here.” “Sometimes, after the war, it was very difficult for families to send their chil- A key informant explained the situation of those migrating from the caza of dren to study at university in Beirut. So the sons started working with their Bint Jbeil: families instead of going to school. The men didn’t have personal incomes to get married and have his own children, because he was working to sup- “During the occupation a lot of people left the area and never came back, port his family. Still, there are some guys who work while he is married and from both groups [Muslims and Christians]. [Also] after the withdrawal of he will split his income. He will give half of it to his parents and half to his Israel, a lot of people left. Each village differs in term of where the residents own family. It’s a pattern among most people.” emigrate. In the village of Bint Jbeil, they go to America, Detroit. Eighty percent [of the people that migrated] went there. Others go to Africa, like Like Lebanon as a whole, the birth rate in Jmeijme has decreased over time. Sierra Leone, Cote D’Ivoire, or Congo. Christians are going to America, One woman explained, “Now people have no fewer than five children. Before Canada, or Australia, and a little bit to Europe. Some go to the Gulf area. They work and come back. The others never come back. They just come it used to be up to 14 children. There was a family with 12 girls and seven boys, back for a visit every few years.” all with the same woman.” This was echoed by one of the nurses working at the local clinic, “The minimum children a family has is five. You can count on your The head of the municipality estimated that five percent of the villagers fingers the number of families in the village that have one or two kids.” This originate from outside of the village. This is most often due to intermarriage be- change is mainly due to economic factors. One staff member at WVL stated: tween different villages in the region or abroad. Of those interviewed, there were two people who noted having parents from abroad – Iraq and Egypt – who mar- “When females become pregnant, they think a lot about how many children they will have. They want two or three children. It is not 10 or 12 children ried locals. Apart from these members, the village is broken down into two large like it was before. This is all due to economic reasons. For example, they family groups, the Zein Eldine family, which is estimated to make up 15 percent would need to pay for university. This includes transportation to Beirut and of the total population, and the Hamza family, which makes up the remaining back, to rent a house, the food, and the fees of university.” 80 percent of the residents. Yet, even with just five children per family, this is still higher than the national One woman said that girls start getting married around the age of 16, while average of 4.2 members per household.22 One man said, “There are at least five boys start marrying at a slightly older age – often between 20 and 22. One man children in the family, but this can go up to seven or eight kids.” elaborated on the engagement practices in the village: “The parents of the boy Some residents mentioned the fact that there were few elderly residents in the will go to the parents of the girl and ask for them to get engaged. There are no community: “There is a high percentage of youth and adults, but there are only arranged marriages here.” Also, there were no current examples of men in the a few elderly.” The UNDP village profile reiterates this idea as it states that 53 village who were married to more than one woman, although according to Islam percent of Jmeijme residents are under the age of 21.23 they may marry up to four at one time. One woman said, “It is rare to have men married to more than one woman. There are no cases here. But as soon as his Livelihoods wife dies, the husband will take another wife.” The culture and traditions surrounding marriage were affected by the pro- Villagers mentioned that throughout history, they had typically worked in agri- longed periods of conflict. As hard times fell on the area, the men were forced to culture and raising livestock. One man said, “In the past it was only agriculture work in order to provide for their parents and siblings, instead of either continu- and some people worked with sheep and goats. We used to grow grapes and ing with their education or saving for their own futures. Generally, it is required figs.” The villagers also used to farm specific crops that were used to feed the that a man provide a furnished house, as well as demonstrate financial stability, animals. Throughout the Civil War sustaining livestock was extremely difficult. before the family of a potential wife will accept him. One local key informant After the war finished families did not continue working in livestock and there- said: fore had more options in terms of what types of crops they could farm. Some

164 165 JMEIJME 5 found a guaranteed income in producing tobacco, which was undoutedly attrac- “There are many people here with no work. There are no opportunities. It is not tive to those who had lost their previous livelihoods. that we don’t want to work, but there are no opportunities.” One man spoke of the changes that took place in terms of the livelihoods As mentioned previously, it is not uncommon to find all of the members of because of the war and occupation: the family contributing to the tobacco farming. Even if the head of the house- “After the first Israeli occupation, people stopped going to their lands. Then, hold has other full-time employment, he will still contribute by helping the family when they were able to go back, it would have cost a lot to prepare the lands work in agriculture: “Even the teachers will work planting tobacco. Even the again. It would have taken 30 to 35 years. It was hard to go to the land people working as police and in the army.” The head of the municipality further and the fruit trees died. So, when the war stopped in 1984 here, everyone explained, “Kids are working. All of the people in the family are working. From started working as employees. They got used to a monthly income [while the moment the kids are able to do something, they are working. The kids are working for or in Israel]. So there was no need to keep planting [the original working during their vacation, but if it is a busy season, they will skip school to crops]. They turned to tobacco for extra money. When Israel left in 2000, the monthly income stopped. So they have only tobacco, or maybe a daily work in agriculture.” Another woman said, “All of the people in the family are job, or other farming activities.” working. The little kids are working when they are three or four years old. The women and everyone work. The women mostly work in tobacco.” At this time, the community started focusing on tobacco farming (see section Tobacco Industry in Lebanon), although this does not provide enough income Tobacco industry in Lebanon to support them throughout the year. Unlike other poor communities with high rates of unemployment, most residents of Jmeijme do have work but the income Tobacco is the fourth most cultivated crop in Lebanon, in terms of area, behind is not sufficient. This often results in men working two or more jobs, and their citrus fruits, banana, and olives, and is thought to have been planted in the area families, including their children, harvesting tobacco. The head of the munici- as early as the 16th century.24 pality explained, “The problem here is underemployment. There can be no de- Regie, formally known as Regie Libanaise du Tabac et Tonbacs, was founded velopment if there is no employment. It is underemployment. People are not in 1935 by the French Mandate authority in order to oversee the tobacco in- able to cover the cost of their basic needs.” dustry in Lebanon. It operates as a semi-autonomous government agency, with In order to supplement this seasonal income provided by tobacco, men start- the mandate to regulate tobacco imports and exports, as well as the retailers, ed looking for day labor positions: “Many people move to construction because wholesalers, and farmers.25 of the return time needed before you can sell the tobacco. In order to make a As of 2009, according to Regie, there were 24,000 licensed farmers in Leba- living here, you have to have an alternative source of funds. So the man goes into non, with 57 percent of them located in the south of the country. Other main construction and the rest of his family works in tobacco.” Often positions within tobacco producing areas are mainly found in the Bekaa and the north. The in- these sectors are also seasonal. dustry has gradually moved away from Mount Lebanon where it was previously Other men collect aluminum and metal, and there are three workshops in more common.26 the village that rework these materials into various products. Some of the aluminum or finished products are sold to the UN troops in the area. There were also Figure 5.1: Tobacco production by region (2009) four cement and stone workshops, although one of them recently closed. One Region Production (kg) Average value ($) man uses his tractor in order to collect the village’s garbage for the municipal- 4,401,948 32,838,532 ity. A few residents own small shops along the main street.There are only a few South people, four or five, who work with the government in public institutions. North 1,479,479 8,936,053 There are some that still work in agriculture, apart from tobacco, either on Bekaa 1,895,884 11,451,139 their own lands or on other people’s lands. Some collect olives and sell them, or Total 7,777,311 52,225,725 make olive oil for personal use. One woman mentioned, “There are around 20 Source: Regie du Tobac et Tombcs, as reproduced in Halabi, “Burning a hole” (2010) houses that have cows and chicken, and work with dairy products.” But not all families have their own land. Some rent land from those with more land, who are The prevalence of tobacco farmers in the south has increased over time, often employed full-time, and do not need the income derived from agriculture. except for a period during the 1980s when, because of the occupation and There are still some men who are unemployed, as one man explained, large population displacement, the presence decreased. Since that time, it has

166 167 JMEIJME 5 recovered and continued to become more concentrated in the area. The main tobacco, and there are 3,500 Lebanese deaths attributed to smoking-related cazas of the south were tobacco is produced are Bint Jbeil, where Jmeijme is diseases annually. Perhaps most concerning is that tobacco farming was also relocated, Marjayoun, and Nabatieh.27 ported by the ILO to be one of the worst forms of child labor in the world.34 In-depth interviews with key informants provided some insight into the in- Yet, as mentioned by Halabi in the article “Burning a hole,” there are some dustry of tobacco farming. As the sector is completely government regulated, benefits to the industry: tobacco production decreases the high rates of migra- only farmers with licenses are able to sell the tobacco to Regie after the harvest. tion out of the rural areas and into the already overburdened cities, and small- While, historically, families were able to receive licenses for four, eight, or 12 scale farmers are able to rely on a stable and dependable income in some of the dunams,28 in recent times only licenses for four dunams were being provided, and most vulnerable and neglected areas of the country, providing a much-needed currently it is impossible to get a license, because of overproduction. Families source of economic support for their families.35 However, some key informants often work together throughout the year to complete all of the steps necessary believe that the dependency created by this guaranteed income has limited farm- for production, which involves planting the seedlings, relocating the seedlings, ers’ willingness to diversify and stopped them from producing other crops (such completing various harvests, and drying the leaves. At the end of the season, as organic fruits and vegetables), which might in the long-term be more profit- normally in November, families sell their harvest to Regie for a set price based able and sustainable but would require increased innovation and effort on the on the quantity and quality of the produce; however, Regie will only purchase part of the farmer. a maximum of 100 kg per dunam – even if more than that is produced. The buying prices range from LL10,000-12,000 ($6.67-10) per kg. Key informants explained that based on this, the maximum that families with a license for four dunams can earn per planting season is LL4,800,000 ($3,200). The whole system has created an informal business among community members. Many families, often those who are better off, no longer need or desire to farm tobacco and so they rent their licenses to families who wish to farm the crop, but can no longer acquire a license. When it comes time to sell the crop, the renters will go with the license holders to sell the tobacco and take their profits, often paying the owners a fee of around LL500,000 ($333). This benefits both families as those without land are able to farm and earn an income, and license holders who do not produce a crop for three years are at risk of losing their licenses. Additionally, there are some families who are able to produce more than 100 kg per dunam. These families will often sell their extra crops at a reduced price to others who did not use their license that year, who then resell it to Regie. Tobacco farming in Lebanon has received mixed reactions in terms of its advantages and disadvantages. The sector is highly subsidized by the government. An International Labour Organization (ILO) report states, “The government heavily subsidizes tobacco cultivation at an annual cost of over $73.3 million of which 47 percent is a direct subsidy.”29 In the south, the subsidies may be as high as 70 percent.30 Also, Lebanon has limited laws concerning the regulation of the tobacco industry. There are very low taxes on tobacco products, which is one of the factors that health officials blame for the extremely high rates of smoking. According to the Tobacco Free Initiative, 53 percent of adults smoke,31 one of the highest rates in the world.32 Additionally, the sale of tobacco is not yet limited Dried tobacco plants to those over 18 years of age, and the rates of youth smoking continue to rise.33 It was estimated by an American University of Beirut study that the economy loses over $55 million per year due to health related problems associated with

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level.40 Fifty-seven percent noted that working in the tobacco industry was negatively Child labor in the tobacco industry in Lebanon affecting their school performance, often due to a high number of absences, and a lack of concentration because of the early mornings associated with the work. The International Labour Organization completed 38 assessments in 19 countries on Similarly, 60 percent felt deprived of leisure time. Some schools have tried to ac- the worst forms of child labor around the world, and listed children working in the commodate these children by rearranging the holidays to coincide with the times of tobacco industry in Lebanon among them.36 high demand in the field.41 It is estimated that there are 22,400 children working in the tobacco industry The working conditions are often quite dangerous and the ILO reported that in south Lebanon alone, some as young as 3 years old.37 The ILO provided the fol- 25 percent of children have been hurt while working in the fields. This is most often lowing age breakdown of the children working in the tobacco plantations (see Fig- related to the use of tools, which are too big for the children and have exposed parts, ure 5.2). Of those children interviewed, 42 percent started working when they were such as those used for stabbing the leaves in order to dry them. While working long between the ages of 6 and 9 years old, while another 34 percent started working hours in the fields, children are also prone to high levels of sun exposure, insect bites, between the ages of three and six years.38 and subjected to chemicals and presticides used to protect the crops.42

Figure 5.2: Age distribution of working children in tobacco production

Income sufficiency

Nevertheless, families still have problems paying for their basic needs. Generally, the income in the village varies seasonally. Construction work is hard to come by during the rainy season: “If it rains, they don’t go to work for two or three days. So they have no income. If they have work, they have income. If they don’t have work they don’t have anything.” One woman mentioned that laborers might make LL25,000 ($17) per day; however, this was not enough to meet their daily needs, which could easily reach LL40,000 ($27) per day. This is similar to what those working in the agricultural industry receive. Those who work in other people’s lands must wait for planting or harvest seasons in order to find work and Source: ILO, “Investigating the Worst Forms of Child Labour” (2002) p. 13 their daily wage. As mentioned previously, those who work in tobacco receive one lump sum according to the quality of the harvest. While this seems like a The reason for the high child involvement at such a young age is that most of their families are of especially low socioeconomic status, and depend on all family substantial sum at the time, it is hardly enough to cover the annual expenses of members for support in generating income. The ILO estimates that most of the a large family. families working in tobacco farming earn between LL10 and LL20 million per year These current salaries are much lower than what residents were earning ($6,666- 13,333),39 yet they have larger than normal family size, with, on average, when the area was occupied. One key informant explained, “The minimum seven members per family. The low income, combined with the large family sizes, wage someone would get was $800 per month. You could buy everything. Car creates the need for economic support from all family members in order to be able fuel was $5 for 20 liters. Now, it is $21 for 20 liters. Now salaries are lower and to meet their basic needs. Along these lines, children’s participation in the tobacco industry is much dif- things are more expensive.” A resident of Jmeijme added, “People are employed ferent than other forms of child labor, where they actually receive an income. In to- and they are working, but everything is expensive. Ten years ago it was different. bacco cultivation there is no direct financial compensation provided for the children People aren’t getting poorer but the expenses are increasing, like school, food, involved, though their parents may provide them with incentives. Families gain eco- etc. People can’t afford much.” Another man went so far as to say, “Eighty per- nomically by not having to hire outside workers to help plant, maintain, and harvest cent of the people here live on the poverty line.” Yet, this is a particular category throughout the process. of poverty, as one man said: “There is no poverty in that people are dying of In the same ILO study it was found that one-third of the children work between 88 and 152 days per year, and 30 percent work between 152 and 226 days per year, hunger. There is no starvation. But there is still poverty.” yet most children are actually still enrolled in school, at least until the elementary

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Poverty in Jmeijme can be measured in different ways. One woman explained “We also have to pay for diesel for the stove. We would rather keep warm how people are unable to afford healthy diets due to their low income: than eat. If we can’t afford food and fuel, we will buy fuel. Every two or three days we have to pay LL20,000 [$13] for fuel, which equals about “A lot of families are not able to meet their food needs. For example, they LL300,000 [$200] per month. We have to use the stove for four months eat laban and tea, or cheese and tea. They eat fried potatoes. They don’t every year.” have enough money to buy enough food. You can’t even ask them about the variety of food they are eating. When they have money, they buy food. Other families chose to use wood to heat their houses, which costs around When they don’t have money, they get whatever they can.” LL300,000 ($200) per truckload. Most families would need at least two loads to The insufficient income is also affecting the ability of the residents in Jmei- see them through the winter months. jme to educate their children. One man explained: Education “One indicator of poverty is that parents cannot afford to send their children to private schools. So they put them in public schools, which provide It is a quite recent phenomenon that education has become a universal value in a low quality education. They send their children to public schools and not Jmeijme. One man mentioned that families did not start educating their children the ones [private schools] outside, because they cannot afford it.” until about 30 years ago; however, even at this point families did not send all of In a country where many believe that public schools are extremely lacking in their children to school. One woman remembers, “The boys did go to school. terms of quality education, being forced to send a child to public school can be My dad didn’t like to educate girls. The majority of families in my generation seen an indication of income insufficiency. Generally, only those in a fairly des- were like this.” She continued: perate situation would select this option for their children. However, in Jmeijme, “By educated, I mean they can read and write. This was the basic defini- the situation for some families is so bad that they cannot afford to educate their tion of education then. They used to read the Quran and that was the children. One woman said, “Now everyone wants to educate their kids, but not definition of education. I think this type of education is better than going everyone has the means. It is a small percentage that doesn’t go to school. Some to Brevet nowadays. This is what my father and grandfather used to tell me, register the kids but they can’t pay for the bus, so they don’t go.” that education was better back then. But I don’t know why. In my father’s generation, there were no schools. They used to sit under a tree and read The expenses incurred in the village are similar to those in other communi- the Quran with the sheikh.” ties around the country. Parents must pay for tuition, the autocar, uniforms, and books for their children. One woman explained that the tuition for private school Eventually a school was built in Jmeijme. It was closed after the 2006 war may cost up to LL1.5 million ($1,000) per year, per child. She estimated that the for repairs, but reopened shortly after. The school since reclosed in 2010, as other associated costs would add up to another LL1.5 million ($1,000) as well. one man explained: “The Jmeijme school closed because the physical environ- Many of the families in the area, who do not have their own land, rent ag- ment of the school was not healthy. It got destroyed in the war and needs main- ricultural land to work on throughout the year. This ranges from LL50,000- tenance.” A few residents mentioned that the school would be reopened once 150,000 ($33-100) per dunam of land; however, there are many additional costs the repairs were complete, while others seemed less sure. The elementary-aged associated with the harvesting and upkeep of the land. students are able to study at a public school in the adjacent Christian village of Other expenses are similar to those found throughout the country. One Safad el Bateekh. One key informant mentioned: woman estimated that giving birth, even with the national health insurance, can “They combined the two schools. It only has 49 children there. When we cost up to LL600,000 ($400), and without insurance it could be as high as LL1 talked to the director of the school, they said they will close next year be- million ($667). The cost of electricity ranges depending on the family and the cause the level of education is weak, there is a low number of children, and time of year, but is often between LL30,000 and LL50,000 ($20-33) per month. low qualifications of the teachers. This is the same in all schools.” Household water, paid for yearly, is LL221,000 ($147). Many families mentioned As such, the educational future of many children from Jmeijme is uncertain. the need for medications for themselves or their children. Some, especially those While some of the other students are bused to the nearby village of Tibnine, needing medication for chronic illnesses or problems, said they were unable to where another public school is located, the extra cost of transportation is a large afford these on a monthly basis. burden on some families. Only one mother mentioned being able to send her One major expense during the winter is the cost of fuel in order to heat the children to a private school, because her husband is in the army and they receive houses. One woman explained her predicament during the cold months: yearly support for the cost of tuition. Construction is underway in Jmeijme to

172 173 JMEIJME 5 build a public high school. One employee from the municipality mentioned that they are not employed because there are no job opportunities.” the project is being supported by the government. While positive trends are apparent in education, there are still reasons to be The school in Jmeijme is not the only one in the area that was affected by concerned about the education of children in the area. The head of the munici- the war. Many of the schools in the area suffered material damage. As the war pality stated, “Not all of the kids [in Jmeijme] go to school. If they don’t have happened over the summer, there was some time for rehabilitation and repairs financial aid, they are not able to afford it. There are maybe 8-10 percent that to take place, and there was a large push within the country, and among inter- don’t got to school ever.” This view was contrasted by a key informant working national donors, not to let the war disrupt the school year. One key informant in Bint Jbeil, who said, “The illiteracy rates [among the children] in Bint Jbeil explained: are 0 percent, but you can find a lot of adults and elderly who are illiterate.” Yet, “Some schools were damaged in the war. So they needed time to reopen. one thing is certain, the dropout rates of children are fairly high, mostly due to But they continued teaching. Some used other buildings until they recon- economic reasons. Families mentioned being unable to pay for the transporta- structed the schools. Qatar and some other donors helped the children pay tion costs, or higher levels of education, like Brevet and university. One woman for tuition fees, books, etc.” said, “Children don’t continue after Brevet because they can’t afford to continue Also located in Bint Jbeil, although not in Jmeijme itself, are several branches after that.” of universities. This benefits families by enabling them to send their children Another reason that children are dropping out is to help their families who to universities in the area instead of having to pay for transportation and living are working in agriculture, specifically those who plant tobacco. One nurse expenses in Beirut, although a full course selection is not offered. One key infor- working in the community explained: mant explained: “The kids are around 10 years old when they start working. But the younger kids will go with their families to the field. There are many kids that stop “There is one branch of the Lebanese University in Bint Jbeil, and a few going to school. They skip school during the planting season. And there are private universities. But not all of the families are able to afford the private many dropouts, mostly from the elementary level, which is a critical time. schools. But it is better than going to Beirut, because it is near to them. Also, They start skipping school for three or four days in a row to go to the fields, here they will make a discount for the locals. They will give them around and then they don’t feel like going back to school anymore. Especially if the 50 percent off, so families do not have to pay the whole cost. But, they hold parents are giving them a small financial incentive. They are not getting their diplomas until they pay their fees. Sometimes they will let them at- anything from school, so they are encouraged to drop out. It is the same tend classes, but that’s it [they will not provide them with the diploma]. You with boys and girls. This is common in the whole region, not just here.” have to pay $4,000 per year, and for a lot of families in the region, this is an imaginary number for them to spend on education.” One key informant elaborated: The same key informant mentioned four vocational training schools in the “Kids will go to school until they are about 10 or 14 years old. And then area. These schools provide skills training for electricians, accountants, computer they [the parents] take them out of school. For example, if the family has technicians, nurses, mechanics, hotel managers, chefs, laboratory technicians, a lot of work in agriculture to do, they will take them out of school for a day to help. This is with the Lebanese families, but some of the Syrian early childhood development workers, etc. He continued: families don’t send them [their children] to school at all. But, I think that “Sometimes it helps them get jobs, like becoming a lab technician in a hos- under the age of 10 they sent them to school. But from the ages of 10 to 14 pital. They need to have a diploma to work in this. But in other trades, like they start dropping out. After the age of 14 the [dropout] percentage gets electricians and mechanics, the owners of the shop don’t take diplomas into higher. They go directly to work, for example as a mechanic, electrician, or consideration. They are all small shops; there are no big companies. So the in agriculture.” diploma will not even influence their income unless they go to Beirut.” While there is evidence that the level of education is increasing over time, While previously very few people were educated, the number is increasing with the poor socioeconomic status in the area, families must utilize every with each subsequent generation. One woman said, “Before we didn’t finish member in order to increase their income to be able to afford their basic needs. school. Compared to my generation they are doing much better in terms of edu- Children are being forced to drop out of school in order to help their parents in cation now.” One man estimated that 10-15 percent of the villagers had finished the fields, therefore prematurely ending their education and continuing the child college. However, many are unmotivated to continue studying when they per- labor trends, which are too common in the area. ceive a lack of job opportunities in the area. As one woman explained, “There are a good number of people who are educated and have college degrees, but

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As in many other communities, women used to give birth with the assistance of TBAs, but are now going to the hospital instead. This is a large added Nutrition and health expense, especially considering the high number of children that families are having. Women noted that the cost of a delivering with a traditional birth at- While it seems as though most families are eating enough food, there is anecdotal tendant used to be around LL15,000 ($10), and it is now at least LL500,000 evidence that families are not eating the quality and variety of food required for ($333) to deliver in a hospital. There are hospitals in Bint Jbeil and Tyre where a healthy diet. Key informants explained that the area used to be more produc- the women can give birth. Many said it was common for women to seek prenatal tive than it is now. Residents were able to cultivate enough food not only for care, but the number of times was dependent on what she could afford. themselves but also to export some outside the area. However, due to the war One problem mentioned by the nurses was that there is not enough time be- and the change in crops that are farmed, residents are becoming increasingly tween successive childbirths: “Some of the women give birth each year. There is dependent on external sources of food. no birth spacing. There was one woman who gave birth to six kids in six years.” Many residents mentioned difficulty in purchasing food, due to the increased One nurse mentioned that there are many women interested in family planning, prices. This is affecting their diet and their ability to prepare healthy food. One but they are often unable to afford birth control: shop owner said, “Everything is expensive, and the food is expensive. If you have a family and you want to buy four kilos of zucchini and half a kilo of meat and “A significant number of women are seeking family planning services. But rice for lunch, it will cost more than LL25,000 [$17]. People cannot afford it. they cannot afford an IUD [intrauterine device]. The Ministry of Public Health [MoPH] used to give out birth control, but it had bad side effects. There is a high cost of living.” Some families described having to make choices Women want to stop having kids, but they can’t afford the pills, so they have in regards to their expenses, and were forced to choose fuel or medicines over more children, and their poverty increases. It is a cycle.” buying food. One nurse working at the local clinic described a change in the types of food The nurses at the local clinic provide home visits for new mothers, and help people, especially children, are eating: them deal with any problems they might be facing. One of the practices the nurses promote is breast-feeding. They believe that only 5 percent of the women “We don’t know exactly what the families eat, but of course there are some in the community do not breast-feed; however, the age at which they will stop nutritional problems. There is some poverty. The kids buy junk food and snacks from the shops. But we have no studies to back this up. Some kids breast-feeding their children varies between three months and one and a half have anemia, not because the parents are neglecting them, but because they years old. Another improvement noted since the clinic opened is the higher per- eat a lot of junk food. It is not severe anemia, but it is diagnosed by the doc- centage of children who have been vaccinated. One of the nurses explained: tor and he gives them vitamins.” “When the dispensary opened 15 years ago, not all of the kids were vacci- The shopkeeper added another piece of evidence to support this claim: “One nated. I started visiting the houses and taking appointments for the women family owes me LL700,000 [$467]. Their kids are always in the hospital, and the to come vaccinate their children. We got really good feedback from the World Health Organization for doing home visits … Now everyone has doctors told him [the father] it is because they lack proper nutrition.” their vaccinations.” Another key informant in the area, who studied nutrition, explained: The clinic provides the vaccinations for free, but charges LL5,000 ($3.3) for “Young children are addicted to chocolate and chips and they don’t eat real food. They drink Pepsi, without drinking fresh juice or eating an apple. the consultation. Yet one local woman explained the situation differently: If the family is educated and knows about these issues, this won’t happen. “We get vaccinations at the dispensary. You pay LL 5,000 ($3.3) for some This is a recent thing. Before they didn’t used to have those things here. of them, but some of them cost more, up to $20. Some families cannot af- They were not available in the markets. There wasn’t anything like this, and ford them if they are more than LL5,000 ($3.3). They will get the ones for there wasn’t a lot of money. For sure this is due to the war. We used to be a LL5,000 ($3.3) but not the other ones. They keep postponing getting the productive community.” vaccinations, so they eventually get a disease. Three-quarters of the village have problems paying for the more expensive ones.” Some of the families in the area grow their own vegetables, but many rely on the shops in the community who bring in vegetables on a regular basis. Some While children in Jmeijme face many of the same problems as children across families also have their own cows and chickens, and therefore produce their own the country, such as the flu and colds, they are at risk of other health issues not milk and eggs. There is no butcher in the Jmeijme, so residents must leave the found in other communities. Children are negatively affected by being forced village to buy meat. to work in the fields at a young age. Children often end up working extremely

176 177 JMEIJME 5 long hours in the sun and some have complained of problems associated with all of the needs of the residents. One key informant explained, “Most of the vil- the heat. Children have also been injured by the tools used in the cultivation of lages have clinics, small ones. They are mostly run by organizations. But not all tobacco. One nurse at the clinic further explained, “Kids have problems with of them are able to treat all cases.” One major problem noted among several key coughing, allergies, and asthma …There is a new trend that we have seen that informants is that small clinics often give out expired medication: some kids, around age three or four, are having allergic reactions because of the “Some dispensaries here give out medication that has already expired. And pests found in tobacco.” people don’t look at it. A friend of mine has diabetes; he is young. And one Children have also been adversely affected by the wars in the region, most month ago a dispensary gave him expired medication and he had a very big recently the 2006 war. Not only were children killed and injured at the time, but problem because of it. He almost died.” due to the UXOs in the area many children have since died. Far too often, chil- There are public and private hospitals in Tibnine, Bint Jbeil, and Tyre. There dren mistook the UXOs for toys and were injured or died as a result. One key are also services affiliated with various institutions and organizations, some run informant explained, “Also, many children died because the bombs looked like by political groups and religious orders. One resident of the area noted that all balls – they were all different shapes and colors.” are welcome to seek services at the Hezbollah hospital, and they charge rea- A long-term effect was the psychological impact that the children have faced sonable fees, like those in the public hospital. A private Christian hospital is since the war. One key informant described the situation: currently being built. One key informant described the situation: “Most of the “There are a lot of psychological problems, especially for the children. They hospitals here are not well-equipped to accept all of the cases, especially, the heard the sounds. Now if a door closes they get frightened. There is one emergency cases. People go to Saida or Beirut. Even in Tyre the hospital is not case of a 13-year-old girl who, after the war, stayed in her house for over a well-equipped.” year. She refused to go out of the house.” Another issue in the area, like many other communities, is that very few Additionally, the low socioeconomic status of the family contributes to the households have health insurance. One woman estimated that as few as 20 per- health problems found in children: “The income is not always enough to cover cent of the families have any health insurance. A nurse at the Jmeijme clinic the basic needs of the families. They just buy the basics and this affects their was unaware of the exact numbers, but said, “Only the employed people have health. The kids get sick throughout the whole year.” health coverage,” which is likely very few given the high rates of employment in As mentioned previously, there is one local clinic where residents can seek agriculture and construction. Unlike other communities with no political affili- treatment and advice for basic health issues. The clinic was founded 15 years ation, some community members are able to receive services because of their ago by an Islamic committee and the Ministry of Social Affairs. There are two alignment with Hezbollah or Amal. Others skip seeking medical consultations nurses in the clinic between 11 a.m. and 2 p.m., depending on the day. They and go directly to pharmacies where they self-prescribe medication. complete mostly first aid, emergency care, and administration work. Prior to the The general health of the community in Jmeijme seems to be deteriorating 2006 war, other doctors were also present at the clinic, such as a gynecologist over time due to several factors. One key informant explained the situation in the and a pediatrician, but all of the specialists left in 2006 and 2007. Now, there area: “They used to raise animals at home – chickens, goats, sheep, etc. Things are two doctors that come one day each, on Thursdays and Saturdays. The were healthier. People used to live very long lives. People used to get a lot of ex- clinic charges LL5,000 ($3.3) for a consultation and does not charge for medica- ercise because they were working on the land a lot.” The change from an active tion, although one nurse said, “Here we only have ‘semi’ medications, not ‘real’ to more a sedentary lifestyle is causing various health problems, most specifically, medications. There is nothing for kids, not even panadol. We get the medication chronic diseases. One of the nurses explained: from MoPH. If we have anything to give out the doctor writes a prescription for “Blood pressure and diabetes increased over time because people are not it.” It was also mentioned that because the clinic is a joint initiative between the working like they used to. There is no physical activity. They have a sed- MoSA and an Islamic committee, it receives less support from the government entary lifestyle and neglect is affecting their health. In the old days, with than other MoSA clinics. farming, they did everything manually. No one had symptoms of the things The clinic mentioned receiving support from some international organiza- we see today. We used to burn the fat. But now because we have become developed and developed tools for farming, the health is decreasing.” tions after the 2006 war, like International Medical Corps (IMC), but after the 2007 Naher el Bared crisis in the north, the funding was pulled from Jmeijme Another reason given for the high prevalence of chronic diseases was the and used to help clinics in that area. prevalence of war in the area. One nurse said, “Diabetes and blood pressure While most villages in the area have small clinics, they are not able to cover are mostly because of the fear of a war, and that people neglect their health.”

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Another woman from the community provided further insight: “We never relax. abilities. It is a school but they don’t sleep there. But it is not enough for We never sleep with a good conscious because we live on the border. We are in a them. There are so many villages and only one school. It is too far for many constant state of fear. It [illness] is from despair and fear.” of them to go there.” As mentioned previously, one nurse also alluded to the fact that people do not The lack of service provision and support for the disabled, perpetuates their take care of themselves: already difficult situation. As one woman explained: “They don’t take medicines regularly. If someone doesn’t have money they “I have a son who was injured in the war. He is disabled now. He sits in a will skip their medication for a month and the situation deteriorates. They shop all day. He has three kids. We get no assistance from anyone. Some- don’t go to doctors regularly. They wait until it gets really bad and then go. times he makes only LL10,000 [$7] in the store. He has a disability card, but They wait until it gets complicated.” it doesn’t help him. He doesn’t even have a house. He stays with us or with his brother. He used to work in someone else’s land before he was injured. This apparent neglect may have more to do with the financial situation of He was injured in the fighting in the 1990s and he needed to have an opera- the residents, being unable to afford consultations and prescriptions, than pur- tion, but it was delayed.” poseful neglect of their health. One factor that is quite alarming is that these chronic diseases are becoming There are a few seasonal variations in the health status of residents. In the more prevalent among the younger generation. One nurse described, “These, winter flu and subsequent infections are more common. A key informant further especially blood pressure and diabetes, are increasing, even among young people explained, “People are more sick in the winter because the families don’t have like 20 to 23 year olds. They are now taking medication for chronic illnesses.” money to have a heater or to buy wood for the heater. They might turn it on She continued saying that people suffering from these may pay up to $100 per sometimes but not all of the time. If they need to buy wood, it is costly and fuel month in medication. is also costly.” One resident noted that there are increased costs for medication The nurse also mentioned that asthma and allergies are quite common in and treatment due to the higher prevalence of illnesses in the winter. In the the area. She explained this health issue as resultant of the local environment: summer diarrhea and viruses, either from bad food or swimming in the river, are more common. There was also an outbreak of eye infections in 2010, which the “People have asthma and allergies because of the humidity in the houses. residents believe were caused by the river water too. Many of the houses have leaks and are very humid. Even the new houses built after the war were not built properly so they are having the same prob- Quite surprisingly, given the historical situation, the nurse did not believe lems. So people have lived their whole lives with these problems of humid- that there were any mental health issues in the area: ity and leaking, which became chronic problems. Also, these problems are “There are no severe mental health problems. But there is the usual frus- because of the poor environment. The soil is very polluted since after the tration caused by the economic and financial situation and the political war. We noticed the problems because of the coughing of the children that situation. There are no cases of post-traumatic stress disorder. We become came to see the doctor. They had only small problems at first, but the par- stronger after each war. We become resilient. We have become so resilient ents couldn’t afford to buy them proper medication or treat them. So they that we are affected when someone dies, but only for a short duration. We become worse and it turned into a chronic disease. The allergies are to have become used to it. It is normalized.” plants and to the dust and substances that came from the machine guns. It went into the soil. A lot of the soil is not clean.” Other health issues mentioned by the residents and nurses were: epilepsy, liver problems, and other infections. Key informants believe that the chronic dis- Disabilities are prevalent in the area, caused by injuries due to the war, as eases are a direct result of the conflict and tensions that have faced the village for well as defects at birth. One woman mentioned a girl in the community who was decades. The asthma and allergies prevalent are most likely caused by the poor born with disabilities. Her family needs to pay $400 per month for her medica- housing conditions and potentially due to the environmental conditions caused tion. One key informant explained the additional problems that children with by the war, for example the dust released from the machine guns or chemicals disabilities face: in the soil. Disabilities are prevalent in the area, many of them caused by the “There are no services for disabled children. Hospitals are not equipped. war or the explosion of cluster bombs that litter the area in its aftermath. While Schools are not equipped. There is not even one school in the area that is the local nurses were unaware of any severe mental health issues, it is evident equipped. They don’t go to school, at least not in the region. If the families have money they will send them to a private school outside of the region. that the war has deeply affected the villagers psychologically. This is evidenced There is a mix of all kinds of disabilities, mental and physical. A lot of by comments constantly referring to past problems and their desire to relocate disabilities are from the war. There is one center specialized in mental dis- away from the border.

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Assets and vulnerabilities Another man explained how the social ties end up acting as an informal safety net, helping the people in times of need, not only in Jmeijme, but all over Leba- Like other rural communities in Lebanon, social assets have historically been non: “It is very hard to find someone in Lebanon who is starving because of the among the greatest assets of the community, though generally over time these social relationships. The social capital has not changed over time. It is still the have weakened. The caza of Bint Jbeil presents an interesting case study because same. You can tell by the relationships with the neighbors.” Yet, not all villagers of the different religions present in the area, as well as the conlicts that have taken agree with these statements. One man stated, “Everything is hard. No one loves place. During the Civil War, as one key informant explained, “There were some each other anymore. If people loved each other then this would be the most clashes between Christians and Shiites in the area. After the war, and until now, amazing village. There is nothing positive here.” there are some people who have problems with religion.” This sentiment is quite Organizational and institutional support in the village have been sporadic common across Lebanon, as the memories of the recent Civil War linger. Yet, over time, either increasing or being interrupted at times of conflict. Prior to the the 2006 war seems to have reintegrated the groups and improved the social ties war, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and other organizations between and within the villages. As the Shiite villages were being targeted, many had been providing medical support through the employment of doctors at the residents fled to, and stayed in, the Christian areas. Key informants describe local clinic. However, their services were interrupted during the war, and the families sharing the same house and the same food throughout the remainder nurses claim that all but two doctors left immediately, or shortly after the war. of the war. After the war, the residents of the area worked together to clear the As mentioned previously, organizations immediately responded to the situation debris and rebuild their houses. While the feelings of connectedness between after the war was over, and provided much-needed supplies, such as blankets and the groups may not be as strong as they were at this time, they are present, and fuel for families, as well as supplies for the clinics. Other donors, mostly coun- they represent a large improvement over earlier social divides in the area. One tries, supplied funding for the reconstruction of buildings and houses, though the man said, “The community relationships are very good, especially with Safad el funding was stopped before many were complete. Bateekh [the neighboring Christian village]. We are integrated together.” Residents mentioned that many organizations have come to the area and Likewise, within the village, there have been changes over time. Generally, completed informal studies, though nothing substantial had been conducted residents agreed that historically the social relationships were better than they previously. An employee at the municipality explained that the United Nations are today, but there was disagreement over whether these relationships are still Development Programme (UNDP) has previously planted trees in the area, pro- strong now. One woman explained her view of the social ties in the past: vided employment opportunities, and is currently working on a project to filter “Thirty to 40 years ago life was more beautiful here because there was a used domestic water so that it can be used to water crops. Signs with the Interna- connection between the people and they had an affection towards each oth- tional Labour Organization and Action Contre la Faim/Action Against Hunger er. If I had one piece of bread, I couldn’t eat it if I knew that other people (ACF) logos were also present in the community. were not eating anything. There was lots of sharing before. Now people are Perhaps the largest source of support that the community has received is not as close as before. One indicator is that people used to visit each other during religious ceremonies, and now it is not happening. Now people are through the humanitarian wings of the political groups Hezbollah and Amal, thinking about their daily hardships and how to make a living, so they don’t who are both active in the larger area. One key informant explained the changes have time for each other. Still now, if anything happens people will come that took place as a result of the rise of the parties, not just for Shiites, but for together. If someone dies people go to see the family. But before there was the whole area: “They do a lot of services for their members. The whole region social cohesion. Everyone was helping everyone else.” benefits from having the parties here. They made a lot of schools, and because Many villagers seem to agree with this woman’s description, that while rela- of their presence you can find official hospitals.” tionships have generally decreased over time, residents, friends, and family mem- At first sight, there seems to be an abundance of natural capital available bers are still able to depend on each other in times of need. One man said: to the village of Jmeijme, although there have been many changes over time, contributing to some of the current problems for the community. As mentioned “People are still caring, they stand together at funerals or at other cele- earlier, Jmeijme’s residents used to depend on various agricultural crops and brations like weddings. People who come from outside enjoy being here because people are generous, even though we are poor. People are nice, livestock as their main source of living. One community member remembers, simple, humble, and we like to have fun and meet new people. We are very “Before there weren’t any machines to make the land flat for farming, so we used hospitable.” to use cows and donkeys to flatten the land.” Over time, and mainly due to the prolonged Civil War, land suffered from abandonment. When farmers were able

182 183 JMEIJME 5 to start using the lands again, much of it was in such a poor condition that they Some people who do have land grow vegetables and olive trees for their own could not afford to restore it to the condition needed for the previously planted consumption. The ones without land either rent land from those who do not crops. Because they were no longer raising livestock and needing large amounts wish to work it or work on other peoples land as day laborers. of feed, there was more freedom in terms of what they could plant. Additionally, The land has suffered from the years of neglect and conflict, and many be- as a branch of the government purchases tobacco at the end of the season, it is lieve it is not as productive as it once was. One key informant whose family farms a guaranteed income for the residents, and another reason why many decided to olives and tobacco explained: move into tobacco production. “The seasons after the 2006 war were very bad. It wasn’t like usual. The Many villagers made tobacco farming their main source of income, although olives, until now, are not producing the same as they used to produce before. they continue to rely on other small crops and jobs to supplement their revenue An engineer said that it was because they were affected by the sounds and during the offseasons. However, the opportunity to grow crops is dependent on the shocks. Also, maybe they [Israel] used toxic materials.” the amount of land available to the villagers. One woman from the village ex- The lands continue to be affected by the UXOs, which have not yet fully been plained, “About 50 percent of the people own their own lands and 50 percent cleared. rent the land. They have had these lands since the time of their ancestors.” The repercussions of the war on the land, as well as the change in crops, have Another explained that their ancestors were the ones who sold the land, many had a large effect on the community in terms of sustainability and health. One generations ago, leaving their families in difficult positions today. While there ap- key informant further explained: pears to be copious amounts of land in the surrounding areas, “There is a lot of unused land that cannot be used for building because it is too steep, and cannot “The problem is that we transformed from a productive community to a consumer community. We used to have parsley, tomatoes, thyme, cucum- be used for farming because it is too rocky.” bers, most of the vegetables. We used to plant them near the houses. But Yet some still own enough land to farm, although not all of them use their now we go and buy it from the shops. We never used to eat things like pre- own land. A woman explained why some villagers rent their land to others: packaged food. But now we do it a lot. We used to have chickens at home and now we go buy chickens from the shops.” “People rent land from other people, like people from Jmeijme. People who rent their land do it because: 1. They don’t like to work in agriculture 2. This was similar to both the nurses’ comments, as well as the comments of el- They are better off so they don’t need to invest in this land. Or, 3. They derly members of the community, who lamented the lack of fresh food that used do not have enough children to help with the farming. If it is just a hus- to be available, as well as the decrease in physical activity among the residents. band and wife, they will rent it because they don’t have enough help to farm the land.” One key informant mentioned a solution to some of the problems that the area is facing in terms of natural capital that is being implemented in other areas of the country: “Now you can see that the world is consuming a lot of organic plants, fruits, and vegetables. The region here is still fertile. The land is still virgin. We can benefit from organic foods in two ways; we can produce organic food [to sell] and we can consume organic food. It will help us to increase our income and at the same time help with the health of the community members and decrease diseases.” He believes that new crops are not being planted because farmers feel tied to the guaranteed income they can generate from tobacco. Any alternative crops would require extra marketing and labor in order to ensure their success and profitability. The community is doing fairly well in terms of the physical infrastructure and assets available in the area. Both electricity and water have been available since the 1960s, although this has inevitably varied during the times of conflict and reconstruction. One woman remembers: A road in Bint Jbeil

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“We got electricity more than 30 years ago. It changed our lives! Before we Families are taking loans not only to pay for their farming inputs, but also to had to handwash clothes, but now we have washing machines. I was young cover their expenses such as school tuition, health care costs, and food. This has when it was installed. I remember being happy about it. We didn’t used to resulted in a cycle of debt where people are taking out one loan to cover another have televisions or fridges. There was one man who was living abroad and one. One shop owner explained: he brought his TV back with him, the whole village used to go watch it.” “Sometimes people take loans to cover their other personal debts. Most Currently the electricity supply alternates between being on for four hours people are taking more debts to cover what they already owe people. For ex- and then off for four hours. While no houses have generators, some use battery- ample, there is a man that owes me money and he is taking a loan to pay me powered lamps when the power is off. back and cover the cost of his children’s illnesses. People keep taking new One nurse explained the situation regarding water in the village: loans. They take out a loan to be able to farm tobacco. So, everything that they make will go back to paying the bank back. But most people can’t pay “The water is not potable but everyone drinks it. Only a few people buy back what they took. It depends on the farming season if they can or can’t. potable water. People who cannot afford to buy water drink water from the People don’t just take it to cover the cost of tobacco farming. They take it to tanks [on their roofs]. The water comes from another village to a large tank cover the debts from schools, grocery stores, diesel, etc.” in Jmeijme, which fills the wells, and then those fill the tanks on the roofs. But this has chlorine and calcium in it. People also save rainwater and filter One key informant feels that the banks were taking advantage of the people it and drink it. This is why they have problems with their kidneys. They have already living in a vulnerable situation: infections and dialysis because of the water and the sand in the water. They think it is normal because it happens to everyone, even the children. They “You can get a loan of up to $6,000 just because you have a tobacco license. have normalized it.” The people who rely only on tobacco buy on credit all year, but the amount that they get from the tobacco crop might not be enough to pay back the There are some problems with gaining sufficient access to water during the loan to the bank and the interest for that year. But people don’t have an- summer months: other way to live. They can’t live all year without any money. The banks take advantage of the situation. The bank is catching them by the neck. The “We don’t get it much and we have to buy it. We get a truck that comes people have to go to cash their tobacco checks at the bank, so the bank will around to fill up the tanks. A few people buy gallons of water, but it is ex- take his money back over the years.” pensive. The truck costs LL20,000-30,000 [$13-20] per delivery. The tank might last a couple of days or more, at most up to a week.” The financial situation of community members was especially affected after the 2006 war, when many lost all of their possessions, as well as lost their liveli- There are no formal sewage networks in Jmeijme, or Bint Jbeil. A pit is cre- hoods for at least the immediate period after the war. One local resident stated, ated underground and the soil and rocks are used as a natural filtration system. “All of the communities have been affected by the economic problems since There was no mention of related health problems, most likely as there are no 2006.” Another resident in Jmeijme succinctly summed up the financial situation water sources nearby to become contaminated with raw sewage: “Here there are in the village: “We are in a constant state of debt.” no rivers, or any other water sources.” The Shiites in Lebanon, as well as the general area, have suffered from ne- Unlike many other poor communities in Lebanon, who cannot access fi- glect by institutions throughout history. Under the occupation residents felt left nancial services, Jmeijme’s residents frequently use banking services, although out by the Lebanese government, as it was unable to enter the area immediately potentially to their detriment. Many members of Jmeijme mentioned that most and only provided basic support to the communities. One key informant noted residents of the village are in large amounts of debt, both to banks and local that even after the liberation, the Lebanese army did not enter the area due to vendors. The major reason that families are taking out such loans is that they security concerns. Instead, Hezbollah and UNIFIL were present in the caza. only receive one payment per year for the tobacco crops, based on the quantity One key informant mentioned the effect of the political parties, Hezbollah and quality of the harvest. This is normally paid around January. Families are and Amal, in the area: unable to sustain themselves over the course of a whole year on this lump sum income, and as a result, resort to borrowing both from banks and local shops. “It is not hurting anyone socially. On a community level, or between com- According to community members and key informants, anyone with a license to munities, it is not hurting, or causing more damage. The damage has al- grow tobacco is able to take out a loan from a bank. For one license, each person ready been done … Historically the Shiite community didn’t have a lot of schools or health centers in their regions. But when Hezbollah and Amal is able to receive a loan of LL4-10 million ($2,667-6,667), which does not have came they gave the Shiite communities some self-respect. They made the to be paid back for three years. communities feel like they had a role. They were important. They had an ef-

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fect and a role at the political level, which they didn’t feel before. Hezbollah Conclusion and Amal came and kind of freed the people from an aristocratic control over them … The rise of the parties was a positive thing, especially for the Jmeijme experiences the multidimensionality of poverty that is largely caused Shiite communities. It didn’t harm the Christians, but it didn’t give them and sustained by its location next to the border and previous historical events. any benefits. Christians don’t have representation in the region, but it is not The repeated violence and conflict, and the 20-year occupation, have not only that they are not able to state their opinion. This is not causing the poverty.” regularly destroyed any developmental gains made by the community, but also While Jmeijme has a municipality, it has only been in operation over the past prevented it from having the security and stability needed to move forward. The two electoral cycles. One employee explained that the municipality is working constant state of vulnerability present in the region prevents investment in edu- on various projects, like making the area greener. They have also compiled a list cation and livelihoods, both to the detriment of future generations as well as the of vulnerable residents who they are trying to help. But residents are concerned current generation seeking a way out of the cycle of poverty they are living in. about not having their voices heard. As one woman said: The effects of the constant shocks are compounded by the fact that the Shiites in “We don’t have anyone to voice our concerns to. Even the sheikh and the Lebanon have historically been marginalized and neglected. Fortunately this has elderly don’t have authority or power. We don’t have anything to be happy been changing since the emergence of the various Shiite movements; although about. The municipality doesn’t take care of us. Even the political parties one could say that the neglect and marginalization continue today. Although the don’t care. They just care about themselves.” poverty in Jmeijme is not immediately obvious upon entering the village, it is not In terms of seasonal changes the residents of Jmeijme operate on a set yearly any less real than the poverty present in the other communities studied. schedule, as dictated by the tobacco harvest. While work takes place throughout the year, they are only paid once a year, which affects their financial situation and their ability to meet their daily needs. Many community members try to obtain extra work in construction during the summer months. For this reason, as well as the additional expenses in the winter, they are better off in the summer. Also, the few residents who do live in Beirut are more likely to return and provide a boost to the economy of Jmeijme during the summer. Seasonality also impacts the health of the residents. Health is often worse in the winter due to the flu and infections, as well the fact that residents are often unable to afford proper treatment and medication. Although the decreased water availability between July and October also contributes to the health problems. Residents have become used to the seasonal changes; they plan their lives around the changes that take place throughout the year. However, they are much more anxious about the frequent shocks which occur in the region. While residents are accostomed to the yearly variations in climate, employment, and income, they feel unable to make any long-term plans, for fear that another conflict may erupt and interfere with, or destroy, these plans. One local villager explained the uneasiness in which all of the residents of the area are constantly living: “People are afraid for the future. Everyone, inside themselves, because of the economy, the war, from the shocks and bad situations. People are afraid. The media creates propaganda that we are not afraid, that we will fight, etc. But we are sick of starting from nothing every five years. We want peace of mind.”

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1. Quoted in (Norton, 1987) p. 14 40. (ILO, 2002) p. 16 2. (Norton, 1987) p. 18 41. (ILO, 2002) p. 14 3. Quoted in (Norton, 1987) p. 18 42. (ILO, 2002) p. 17 4. (Shanahan, 2005) p. 13 5. (Shanahan, 2005) p. 31 6. (Chehabi, 2006) p. 239 7. (Chehabi, 2006) p. 239 8. (Shanahan, 2005) p. 107 9. (Shanahan, 2005) p. 107 10. (Shanahan, 2005) p. 113 11. (Shanahan, 2005) p. 113 12. (Bint Jbeil: Frontiere of our Soul, 2011) However, other sources cite different numbers of villages. For example, Localiban lists 36 villages located in Bint Jbeil (localiban, 2009) 13. (World Vision Lebanon, 2010) 14. (UNDP) (b) 15. Those with tobacco licenses are more easily approved for a loan from the bank; see section “Tobacco industry in Lebanon” for more information 16. (UNDP, 2006) p. 12 17. (UNDP, 2006) p. 13 18. (UNDP, 2006) p. 12 19. (Handicap International, 2008) p. 4 20. (UNDP, 2006) p. 12 21. (UNDP) (b) 22. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. x 23. (UNDP) (b) 24. (ILO, 2002) p. 5 25. (ILO, 2002) p. 5 26. (Halabi, 2010) 27. (ILO, 2000) p. 5 28. One dunam is equal to 1000m2 29. (ILO, 2002) p. vii 30. (ILO, 2002) p. 6 31. (Bassim, Y. R., 2000) 32. (Cortbawi, R., 2010) 33. (Bassim, Y. R., 2000) 34. (ILO, 2002) 35. (Halabi, S., 2010) 36. (ILO, 2002) preface 37. (ILO, 2002) p. 11 38. (ILO, 2002) p. 34 39. (ILO, 2002) p. 20

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A Bedouin tribe in the Bekaa Valley2

“We in Lebanon have become blind to anything that is not organized according to the sectarian order. We recognize communities, but only in as much as they can be placed within the confessional system. All other people who live in Lebanon and who may or may not carry the Lebanese citizenship are transparent: we look straight through them and do not see them.”3 The Bedouin in Lebanon are a group of communities scattered mainly across the Bekaa Valley that remain unseen in spite of their tents, temporary shacks, and very basic houses. Most of their villages do not even appear on maps of the country. There are about 13 tribes with an approximate population of 100,000- 150,000;4 of which about 65,000 are located in the middle Bekaa area. The term bedu comes from the word Bedouin,5 which refers to people who traditionally lived in the baida, the semi-arid and steppe land of Northern Arabia. Historically, the tribes were constantly on the move with their tents, grazing their camels and sheep. As national borders were established across the region, their seasonal migrations became more of a challenge. They became less mobile and either settled or migrated within a more limited area. Historically, the Bedou- ins have led frugal but self-sufficient lives. Those that settled in Lebanon still adhere to tribal traditions and structures, as do those who are spread across Syria, Jordan, and Iraq: “They are ruled by a tribal system specific to them, and by a tribal identity built around customs and traditions no one can circumvent.”6 But as their lives here have grown increasingly stationary, this is slowly changing.

* * * Hussein7 is getting married. His family has been living in the area for at least 30 years. The family lived in Kfarzabat and then in Saida for three years prior to

192 193 ARAB EL HAROUQ 6 moving to their present location. He was born in Hamiyeh. For about 25 years, life is with sheep. I want to live like normal people. It is my dream to get rid of their home was a tent. Then in 2007, they were finally able to buy a small piece the sheep and find a woman who would take me abroad.” But his father doesn’t of land and start building a house. They used to keep sheep, so they sold some want to sell the sheep because “he is used to the work. He loves them. I tell him, of the sheep to buy the land and the building materials. It is the building of this ‘Father, let’s go learn about a new business.’ He says, ‘No, we cannot go work house that is enabling Hussein to finally get married. Before whenever he had under other people.’ I say ‘Dad, life has changed. People went to the moon and wanted to get married, a bride’s parents would say no because his family had no we are still working with sheep.’” Saad says that there is almost no communica- house. He still lives with his mother and some of his other siblings, and when he tion between him and his father: “I can’t tell him or anyone about my problems. gets married, his new bride will move in with his family as he will be unable to He only cares about the sheep – if they ate, how they are, etc.” afford a separate house. Saad was born in the area where they live. His father has two wives and Saad Today, Hussein works for a company for a daily wage of $14. But things are now has 18 siblings – 12 brothers and six sisters. One of Saad’s brothers died expensive, and he says, “It’s not enough for a sandwich and a cigarette.” How- from the cold in the mountains. As they had no money to take him to a doctor; ever, it is a permanent job, although he has no social security benefits and the job the family lacked the means to prevent his brother’s death. involves hard work outside in the sun. He usually only works for 15 days a month Saad has never been to school. The whole family works with sheep and milk. because of weekends and holidays. They deliver the lambs and cut the wool in the spring. They spend the winters in Hussein has four brothers and one sister. Their father died a year after the a very old cave in Bhamdoun in Mount Lebanon and come back down into the family moved into their newly built house. Hussein remembers a hard child- Valley in the summer. Some go in cars while three of them take the sheep. It is hood. When he was born, his father had no work. They just had seven or eight a walk of about two days. sheep, and they used to walk with them while they grazed. They would borrow Saad is 22 years old and single. He explained, “I will not get married before money from herd dealers to buy more sheep. Then when the sheep reproduced, I am 35. Even then maybe it will be hard because I will have no house. We are they would sell the offspring for a small profit and return the money. In the [now] 12 boys and each year one gets married. We build a room for each groom. summer, they did not bring the sheep home, but would sleep in the valley with We build one house [really just a room] per year.” them. Though he does not work with sheep anymore, his brother still does. The life of a shepherd is hard. Saad says: Hussein’s cousin works in agriculture. He rents land to plant vegetables and “The worst thing in life is sheep. I can’t go to weddings or funerals because crops. But for the past 10 years, he has been losing money as rent and labor I can’t leave the sheep. The other day my grandpa died and I couldn’t go have become very expensive. Hussein’s cousin has children – two boys and three to the funeral. Life is hard. You cannot leave the sheep. In the winter, we girls – to take care of. As things got worse, he sold what little land he had and his sleep in the valley and it starts to rain on you. We always sleep with them. We can’t leave them. If you are in the valley and you are walking with them wife’s jewelry to pay off his rising debts. and it starts raining … you can’t find a roof. I have three little siblings that Hussein is grateful for the house they have. It used to be very cold in the are going to school now. The little ones walk with the little sheep.” winter in the tents as they only had carpets on the hard ground. The house Saad dreams of learning a new skill and working in a city (for example, as a is essentially only a skeleton, as most of it is not yet finished. What will be the carpenter). But he knows that if he did that, he would not be welcome at home living room contains only a few plastic chairs and some flimsy mattresses on the anymore and would have to ‘sleep outside’ (he would be kicked out of the house). exposed cement floor. The kitchen contains a refrigerator. The only room that Hussein and Saad are only two of the faces of poverty within the Arab el is near completion is the master bedroom, which will be used by Hussein and Harouq tribe and the larger Bedouin community. There are many other stories, his new wife. The other family members still sleep on the mattresses. Hussein and each is unique. But the common thread through them is that people feel and his family are still very much in the building process, and he is aware that it that they have no options in life and cannot choose what they want. Saad told will take quite some time before the house is completely finished and furnished. the interviewer, “It is always better for you because you can move around and go “One year we put in a window; another year we do something else,” Hussein have fun. All of our life is like this.” explained. Yet somehow they are able to cope with life as it comes. “Life is hard As noted in Chapter 1, Sen defines development as having the freedom to ,but thanks to God,” Hussein said. make choices regarding one’s future. Poverty among the Bedouins of Lebanon Saad8 is a shepherd. He is not getting married any time soon. His life is with is defined not only by low income and other indicators of development but also the sheep. He roams with them and sleeps out in the rain and cold with them. He by a sense of marginalization, a lack of capacities, and an inability or lack of dreams of what life could be: “I hate my life. I think of how bad my life is. All my freedom to make choices impacting one’s own future.

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employment opportunities in agriculture.”14 Bedouin migration and settlement in Lebanon This discrimination and marginalization of the Bedouins in the area was contin- The Bedouins trace their roots back to the Northern Arabian steppe as early as 6000 ued by the newly formed Arab nations after the foreign mandates in the area ended. BC.9 While many today believe that to be nomadic is backward or uncivilized, but Chatty explains that policies were implemented to continue these practices and force the roots of the Bedouins’ nomadism are more complex. Dawn Chatty,10 one of the the Bedouins to settle. In Lebanon there were no specific government policies re- leading researchers on Bedouin issues in the Middle East, explains, “It is important garding forced settlement. However, the Bedouins were “unrecognized and denied to keep in mind that pastoralism, the way of life of the Bedouin, was an off-shoot nationality” and their settlement came as a result of “restrictions imposed on move- of agriculture, not a precursor to it, suggesting that, in evolutionary terms, it is a ment by the rapid privitalisation of land ownership, and the Bedouin’s own quest for 15 sophisticated adaptation to both environmental and political pressure of the central- economic and educational opportunities.” Additionally, Chatty explains that many ized state.”11 faced harassment by authorities as well as surrounding community members, which included acts such as burning their tents and preventing the Bedouins from accessing The Bedouins believe they originate from one of two ancestors, Qais (or Adnan) their pastoral lands. or Qahtan (or Yemen). Since this time, the Bedouins have further subdivided “into These events are some of the most important in shaping the redundant situa- prominent units which may challenge each other in contestations, or group together tion that the Bedouins face today. While the tribes attempted to fight and strike for to face larger challenges.” Chatty explains that these groups are used to address issues affecting their well-being, the authorities attempted to control them and force conflicts and demonstrate both economic and social strength. them to settle, but did not help support them by providing any government services. Bedouins moved into Lebanon, specifically the Bekaa Valley, as early as the 13th Ultimately it was the lack of efforts to support and integrate the tribes that pushed century, where they continued to migrate in and out of the valley seasonally. The the Bedouins not only off of the land they had been working and living on, but also Arab el Harouq tribe was part of the Fadl tribal group, one of the more popu- to the edges of Lebanese society. lous tribes of these groups. “The better known and larger tribal confedertations in the badia of Northern Arabia and the Bekaa Valley included the ‘Aneza Hassanna Source: Chatty, “Bedouin in Lebanon: The Transformation of a way of Life or an Attitude?” [Bu’Eed, ‘Eedeen], the Fadl [Huruuk, Haramisha, Faour], the Mawali, the Beni (2010) Khalid, the Naim and the L’Ouways.”12 The Bedouin in the Bekaa were involved in the struggle against the Ottoman Empire during the great Arab Revolt of World War I. The tribes favored the estab- History and location lishment of an independent Arab state, which would have included the Bekaa Valley. According to key informants, the Arab el Harouq tribe is the largest of the Bed- The tribes even fought against the French Mandate authority in Marjayoun and Rayak, as they believed the authority to be illegitimate. While they lost these battles, ouin tribes in the Bekaa. Chatty explains that it is a sub-tribe originating from the they continued their struggle through general strikes. They did not believe that for- Al-Fadl tribal group.16 The Arab el Harouq settlement is spread across the five eign soldiers should be in the country. Later on, the French Mandate would greatly municipalities of Zahle, Ayn Kfarzabad, Kfarzabad, Turbol, and Dalhamieh affect the tribes due to land redistribution policies, which divided up significant areas (Bedouin settlements are often dispersed across multiple municipalities).17 The of the pastoral lands used by the Bedouins in the Bekaa. tribe’s main settlement is called Faour. It is a large rural area with pockets of Perhaps due to the historical tensions between the French Mandate authority houses and tents, and is not currently a registered geographical entity with the and the Bedouins, when the census was being completed in 1932, many Bedouins actively chose not to participate. Chatty explains, “Much of the reasoning they of- government. Because the tribe is spread out over five municipalities, it doesn’t re- fered for this evasion suggests that at that time the tribes thought that such evasion ceive services from any of them. A commonly argued point was, “If we had our was an act of nationalism, a resistance to colonial distribution of land and bound- own municipality, we wouldn’t have a garbage problem. We would have more aries. Though, eventually this deliberate evasion would have unforeseen negative electricity and more access to water. The roads are in bad condition. It would be effects on the tribes: “The irony is that, while some of the Bedouin evaded the Cen- different.” The borders of the community are Kfarzabad, Zahle, Bar Elias, and sus13 count for the sake of the ‘nation,’ the new nation created by the French legis- Turbol. Speaking generally about informal settlements across the Bekaa Valley, latively excluded the Bedouin and marginalised them even further in the process of state formation. Without a nationality, the majority of the Bedouin tribes residing Chatty describes: in the Bekaa Valley were not able to purchase land in their own name, nor did they “These places exist as geographical entities (generally on the borders of have access to education and public health care. Statelessness also had severe implica municipal districts) but not as legislative ones; they do not exist on Lebanese tions for employment opportunities in the country. As the French sold off pasture government maps … they lack basic infrastructure, and have no sanitation land in the Bekaa Valley for agriculture, the Bedouin were increasingly pushed to networks, piped water, electric networks, or roads. They lack basic public reduce their migrations, to reduce their herd size and to build houses for themselves services such as schooling and health care.”18 and their families. In order to sustain their livelihoods, some Bedouin began to seek

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The Arab el Harouq settlement, Faour, is about 20 km2. It is a big area with easier for us to get accepted into Europe, but because we have no education, we small pockets of families with their houses or tents spread throughout. About can’t travel. No one understands us.” half the land is owned by members of the tribe in parcels of 2,000-50,000 m2. The romantic images of the wandering Bedouin tribe are no longer a reality. The rest of the land in the area is owned by the government. There is a river that An older man in his fifties summed it up: “We all live in this area. We get married ran through the area, but it has been dry for years. It is dry even in winter, when and stay in this area. We don’t leave the area to live. We will always stay here.” there is usually plenty of rain. The tribe traces its heritage back at least 400 years to a prince named Faour, from Wasset in Iraq. The sheikh explained that the area of the settlement is Profile of the community named after the prince, and they claim that he built the Faour Bridge, located in Many community members estimate the Arab el Harouq tribe to consist of the middle of the area. They were a nomadic people of the Syrian Desert (which 15,000 people, with about 10,000 living in or around Faour.19 Since they have goes into Iraq), moving between Homs in Syria, the Bekaa, and parts of Mount settled, most of the tribe is in Lebanon, with very few members still in Syria. All Lebanon, and formerly spending the winter months in Syria where it was drier are Sunni Muslims. Community members estimate that there are up to 20 family and not as cold. Viewing the term bedu as discriminatory, they identify themselves groups, all of whom are descended from one ancestor. One community member as Arabs who have been in Lebanon for a very long time.The sheikh of Kfarzabad stated that the main families of the tribe are the Sabra, Sadoreon, Rahal, Eshile, said, “The tribes have been living in Lebanon for hundreds of years. How do Shein, Shamamta, Isbiah, Saloun, Shahee, Nimber, Sehail, Bshama, Affhad, we know? From cemeteries that date back hundreds of years. Cemeteries are a Aasy, Khusham and Tamee. Most marry within the tribe, with a few marry- very sacred topic for Muslims. All over Lebanon our ancestors are buried.” The ing outsiders. Some of the tribe received Lebanese citizenship either in 1932 or earliest known temporary settlement in the Faour area was established in 1914 1994, though there are still thousands who do not have citizenship. when some would come to work with the animals and in agriculture. The first house was built in Faour in 1925. Others followed in 1932, with more settling in the 1950s. Over the years, other members of the tribe who had settled in Saida, Baabda, Jabal el Ram, the mountains of Akoura, Keserwan, and elsewhere also Bedouins and the Lebanese citizenship moved and settled in Faour. With settlement came changes to the tribe’s nomadic lifestyle. Though a part Hiba Morcos, a researcher from the University of British Columbia writes, “This is of the population (about a 100 families) of Faour continue to go to Baalbek and a human rights issue of the first order. Denying them citizenship in turn is blocking their access to political participation, education and healthcare.”20 the west Bekaa during the summers to work, they always return during the win- Lebanon’s original law regarding nationality dates back to 1925 (before it had ters. Others may go to the cities to sell things or for work, but they return to their even become an independent country and was still part of the Ottoman Empire) homes in Faour. Some go south during the cold winters, where it is warmer. This and states that citizenship be granted to all descendants of men who lived in the way they save on the cost of wood (burned for heating). They rent land there geographical area that is now Lebanon in 1914. The last census in Lebanon was and live in a tent. A few still take their sheep up to Bhamdoun and to the south. conducted in 1932 when it was under the French Mandate. Only those who regis- They live in tents when they are gone, but they always return to their permanent tered that year were declared Lebanese, thereby allowing their descendants to inherit citizenship. While some Bedouins registered as Lebanese at that time, there were homes in Faour. many reasons why others didn’t, or couldn’t. For many, this issue was not of great Other than visits for weddings and family occasions, very few venture out of importance to them. As Morcos says, “To the Bedouins back then, they were pasto- eastern and southern Lebanon for any length of time. It is extremely rare that ralists and their relationship was to the land and not to the newly formed state, and any community members would travel abroad. Out of the whole tribe (which especially not to French foreign rule.”21 Others feared the obligations that accompa- is Muslim) only 10 have undertaken the Haj, something that is expected of all nied having citizenship – joining the military. One man said, “We have been settled Muslims who have the financial means to make the pilgrimage. One man com- since 1932, before the French. Some parents didn’t register their children because mented, “They can’t afford it. It is $4,000 to go. No organization will help you they didn’t want them to send them to the military. They were afraid because at the time it was very dangerous with the Turkish, Ottoman Empire and the World Wars.” go. Its $1,500 for the plane ticket and then there are other expenses and gifts There were those who couldn’t process their citizenship due to the lack of necessary etc.” Another reason they don’t travel is that they face discrimination. During a group discussion, one man commented, “The young people would love to travel, but there is no chance. The Arabic speaking countries won’t accept them. It’s

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paperwork, as fairly extensive documentation was needed. There was another group “Not everyone has citizenship because at the time they had to pay LL50,000 who had not yet settled at that time, as many did not give [$33] for every child and adult. Some couldn’t pay for their whole family. up their nomadic lifestyles until much later than that. All of the kids now don’t have it because we don’t have money. My son is An article by Marcos, in the British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, states the 20 years old and he doesn’t have it. They weren’t registered at birth because following about the 1932 census and the Bedouins in particular: we had to pay. Both me and my husband have it. The government doesn’t “One important result of the 1932 census was that an unknown number accept to give it to them now [those without the citizenship], even if the of people who had resided in Lebanon for generations, were not counted mother and father have it. Now it is all about politics. They could have as Lebanese, and were denied citizenship as result of the enumeration pro- given it before but not now. If the child is less than one and the parents have cess … Article 12 stipulated that only Bedouins who ‘normally’ reside on the citizenship and they are appropriately registered, then they will get the Lebanese territories more than six months were to be counted as Lebanese, citizenship. But if they are older than one they have to go to court and get an instruction which resulted in the exclusion of Sunni Muslim Bedouins a decree from the government.” partly because they could not prove the length of their residence on Leba- One older man said, “I have citizenship but none of my kids do because my nese territory.”22 wife does not have her citizenship.” Many residents explained that in order to get The Bedouins had no other opportunities to gain citizenship for more than citizenship, both parents must have it. They must then register their children within 60 years, until in June 1994 when the Lebanese Government passed the strongly one year of birth and pay LL50,000 [$33]. However, this fee is relatively high for contested Decree 5247. people with low incomes and many children. Meaning that it is becoming increasingly common to find that the older generation has citizenship but few of their “But bureaucracy, government disorganization, local politics and negli- children do. As those who were not registered at birth will eventually get married gence meant that many were denied nationality and some were left in sur- and have their own children, without some sort of intervention, the problem is likely real situations where certain members of a single family were granted citi- to perpetuate until fewer and fewer Bedouins have the citizenship, as was the case zenship while others were left with green laminated laissez-passer papers.”23 before 1932. The reality was that many Bedouins could not get Lebanese citizenship. The Even though approximately 10,000 Bedouins, across the country, acquired the Director of Multi-Initiative on Rights: Search, Assist, and Defend (MIRSAD), in a nationality through the 1994 law, this does not provide them with all of the same correspondence from 2002, stated that Bedouins born in Lebanon are not entitled rights as those who received citizenship prior to 1994. The law requires a 10-year to Lebanese citizenship under the June 1994 Decree 5247. On whether the decree waiting period before one may receive all of the benefits. This includes the right to allowed stateless Bedouins to become Lebanese citizens, he stated: vote, the ability to obtain work in certain sectors, the right to legal land ownership, as well as birth registration. However, because of the appeal submitted in 2000, “There is no eligibility standards [under Decree 5247]. The government the waiting period has been extended indefinitely, effectively eliminating any of the considers naturalization as a gift by the state, not as a right. The names [of potential benefits of having the nationality until the dispute is resolved.28 those who were granted Lebanese citizenship] were chosen without any defined requirements and prerequisites. The document (Decree) consists of 1300 pages.”24 In the area around Faour, besides the Arab el Harouq tribe, there are scattered Lebanese villages and a handful of people that belong to other Bedouin In a study published in 2010, Dawn Chatty explains that the 1994 citizenship tribes. There does not seem to be any animosity towards members of the other drive was only extended as far as those to whom the Lebanese government had granted ‘under-study’25 status in 1958. Furthermore, in 1994 nationality was only Bedouin tribes. A non-Arab el Harouq tribe member commented, “There is “extended to Bedouin men and women as bachelors and spinsters”26 and not as no one else here from my tribe. There are no problems because we are from a married persons. This meant that many who were already married with large fami- different tribe. It’s normal.” There are also a few Syrian gatherings of migrant lies registered as singles. Someone who registered as a single in 1994 could not pass workers living in tents temporarily in the area. their nationality on to their children, leaving their children without nationality. To There are an estimated 1,500 children between the ages of four and 12, complicate matters even more so, in 2000 the Lebanese Maronite League submitted and another 300 youth between the ages of 13 and 16 in the community. Many an appeal against the 1994 Nationalization Law on the grounds that it disrupts the sectarian balance of the country, hindering the execution of the law and placing the now believe that there are a higher percentage of women than men, though no nationality status of many on hold.27 reason was given for this difference. This has resulted in an interesting sociologi- In spite of the confusion, some in the community were able to get Lebanese citi- cal problem. A woman said, “A decision will be made that every man must marry zenship in 1994. But quite a few were not able to take advantage of the opportunity two women from now because there are a larger number of females and fewer as others were actually denied citizenship. This problem continues today and will men.” Similar comments were heard from others. At the time of the interviews only get much worse in the future, as one woman commented:

200 201 ARAB EL HAROUQ 6 the elders had not yet confirmed this decision, but many community members However, there still seem to be some guidelines even though times have were speaking about the possibility of it occurring in the near future. Currently, changed. One male participant in a focus group explained, “Men should choose most men do not take two wives. Although, according to Islam, men are allowed a wife from the tribe. If not from the tribe, then from the village; if not from the to have up to four wives, only a few of the older men have a second wife. This village, then from another Arab village. Finally, if not another Arab village, then trend seems to be based on economic rather than social concerns: the men must they can marry outside.” be able to provide for each wife and their children. One woman commented, Some girls get married as young as 12 and 13 years, and the boys around 15 “The man can marry four women if he has a lot of money. If he has no money and 16 years. However, even this is changing. In earlier times, “if a guy wanted he will only have one wife.” to get married, he didn’t have to build a house. He prepared a tent 500 meters The average family size is seven to 10 individuals. Some families are larger, away from where his parents lived.” Now the expectation is that they will have though very few are smaller. One family consists of a husband, his 22 children a “house” (or a separate room) before he can marry. This is delaying marriage and two wives. Eloping is forbidden and in the past the punishment could be for the men until they are significantly older (30 years or beyond). One man de- very severe; a few interviewees noted that women had been killed for eloping. scribed the situation of two from the community, “Two older boys are engaged But times have changed. “Now, if a couple elopes, they [the bride’s parents] but they can’t get married because they have no house.” Because of this, some take money, around LL5 million [$3,333], from the groom. If he is a stranger, people may remain engaged for years before getting married, if the girl’s parents they take LL12 million [$8,000] and then they reconcile.” The sheikh also plays agree to let her get engaged without the man owning a house. a critical role. One woman commented, “If a girl wants to get married and her parents don’t agree and she elopes, [the sheikh] will interfere and bring them Perceptions of the community together again.” The Bedouins in Lebanon, like some other groups in the country, suffer in many In the past some marriages were arranged by the parents and the couple was aspects of their lives because of prejudices imposed on them by the majority not allowed to see each other before the wedding. However, now it seems the populations (this is also discussed in relation to the Dom community in the chap- younger generation decides who they want to marry, rather than let the decision ter on Hay el Gharbeh). These mainly result from inaccurate generalizations be made by their parents. A woman commented: and ingrained biases, which do not necessarily reflect the reality of the com- “Now very few get married within their own families. Before, you had to munity. They reflect a wariness of those who are different and a disdain for any marry your cousin. The girl had no choice. The parents could kill her if she group that finds itself on the lower echelons of the social hierarchy. Hierarchi- refused. There are still some people like that. But now it’s different. If she doesn’t love him, then she doesn’t have to marry him.” cally superior groups tend to hold two opposing viewpoints about the Bedouins: that they are poor because that is how they choose to live, or that they are actually rich but give the impression they are not in order to increase aid, support, or sympathy. Generally they do not agree that hardships faced by the Bedouin community are in any way connected to the decades of oppression and social and economic exclusion imposed on it. A collection of the comments gathered by the researchers demonstrates the views and perceptions of non-Bedouins about the tribe: “They have money; they are not poor.”

“They have nice cars and big houses.”

“They collect garbage and sell it, like bottles and cans. They say that people can make a lot of money in this, like $200 per day.”

“They are not engaged in political life. They get paid so they vote.” This was also found by other researchers in recently released studies. Chatty Arab el Harouq women preparing food for a wedding notes, “Such discriminatory attitudes are widespread and reach to all levels of

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Lebanese society; politicians, policy makers, service providers and neighboring centers in the Bekaa. Many families still keep sheep (100-500), while others residents all hold negative stereotypical attitudes towards the Bedouin.”29 Anoth- may have cattle or chickens, though this is not their primary work or source of er researcher, Faysal el Kak from AUB, studying the effects of the lack of health income. Many community members explained, there are no permanent jobs or policies geared towards the Bedouin community, explains how the health policy government jobs. makers view the Bedouins: “They are stereotyped as ‘living outside society’ be- Besides working in the fields, some farmers grow their own vegetables and cause they ‘marginalise themselves,’ being ‘illiterate’ and ‘having big families,’ herbs, such as onions, garlic, beans, potatoes, lettuce, parsley, and zucchini. This and always ready to ‘engaged in illegitimate behaviour.’”30 may be on their own small plot of land, or they may have rented the land. One The Bedouins themselves are very aware of the perceptions of others. They woman described the situation: blame this discrimination for their inability to integrate into the wider society “There are very few people here who own land. The others work on other surrounding them. They feel, perhaps rightly so, that their status as Bedouins people’s land. We pay them [to rent the land] and then we harvest it. We affects their ability to obtain employment, access health and education services, pay LL200,000 [$133] per dunam per year without water. With water it’s and improve the situation of their community. The following are only a few of like LL400,000-500,000 [$267-333] per year. We get to keep the harvest. At the comments from the Bedouin community acknowledging the inferior status the start of the year we pay for the next year. The owners of the land are Lebanese from Bar Elias, the surrounding areas, Anjar, Turbol, etc.” placed on them by others: “They call us Bedouins. They mean you are a Bedouin and have no rights. Work in agriculture is mostly during the summer, with the most work being They accuse us of being Bedouins. We used to be Bedouins. But now we are available between June and November. After the harvest, many of the men will settled and have buildings. They still call us Bedouins even though we are go to Beirut to sell the vegetables. Every day they go in the morning, leaving settled now. They try to provoke us by calling us Bedouins.” around 4 a.m., and come back by nighttime. There are some men who work in the surrounding towns as mechanics, in “The government considers us third class because we are Bedouins – so we aluminum or in furniture making. There are others who drive trucks. Out of a have no rights.” community of 10,000 people, only a few dozen men are in the army; they have “When a girl meets someone that works with sheep she thinks he is tough a regular income and social insurance for their families. and dumb and doesn’t know anything. She thinks that people that work with The women work alongside their husbands in the fields, as well as doing sheep don’t understand things, or they will hit women.” additional work, such as selling crops in the surrounding cities and packing veg- Even though the Arab el Harouq tribe has been settled in the area for a long etables and fruits. However, much of this work is seasonal. If the women have time, its members are not recognized as part of the national fabric of society small children they likely stay at home to take care of them, unless the nature because they are not proactive participants in the Lebanese confessional system. of the work permits the women to bring them along (for instance women often Though the Bedouin are Sunni Muslim, their ethnic identity trumps their re- bring small children with them when they are working in the fields). ligious identity, setting them apart and providing one cause for their marginalization. Their mobility, seemingly different cultural practices, and dress raise suspicion. Though many of the older people within the Arab el Harouq tribe now have citizenship, prior to getting it, they could not access public services that other Lebanese could. Unfortunately, there is a new generation growing up within the tribe who do not have citizenship.

Livelihoods

The Arab el Harouq tribe is probably better off economically than some of the other Bedouin tribes in the Bekaa. As the Arab el Harouq started settling from 1914 onwards, they moved from working with animals and being shepherds (pastoralists) to being agriculturalists. While there are still some shepherds, the majority work as day laborers on farms or in factories in Zahle and other urban A little boy caring for his family’s goats

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Many children drop out of school as early as grade 4 or 5 in order to work Children and youth earn on average LL40,000 ($26) a week in the workshops. as agricultural laborers or in factories and workshops in the nearby towns. In Those who work with their families in their fields likely earn a small amount of poorer families the children may never attend school and could start working money, which would go directly towards the income of the family. Some of the as early as age eight. One community member estimated that only 40 percent children also collect tin and other metal lying around and sell it to factories. They of children in the tribe were going to school. There are estimates that at least may earn LL1,000-5,000 ($0.7-3.3) per day selling the metal. 200 children under the age of 15 are working in trades and construction in the The agricultural workers do have some benefits working as day laborers in surrounding towns. the fields. Many landowners permit them to take vegetables for their personal Seasonality affects most of the work being done by the community. For most use: “While they are working they can eat all the potatoes and lettuce they want.” of the agricultural laborers, there is no work in the winter months. Even for those While the Arab el Harouq tribe may be better off than some of the other working in the town, work is reduced during the winter, as demand lessens. So tribes, income sufficiency is still a challenge. One man in a focus group said: whatever they earn over the summer has to last them through the winter months. “All we care about is bringing food to the table. We only work and eat. One middle-aged man said, “One of the biggest problems we face is that only There is no politics or terrorism … We eat one to two meals a day – things five percent of the people have work in the winter because everyone else works like potatoes, greens, but no meat. Only 1 to 2 percent can have meat. It is as day laborers [in the summer]. People need to borrow all winter and have to too expensive. It has been like this forever because we don’t have permanent repay it in the summer.” jobs … Half of the population live in tents because they have no money to build. If they had money they would build brick houses.” However, there are some entrepreneurial individuals within the community. One woman talked about her business: “I collect herbs and go and sell them in Another man explained, “The cost of a house now is LL30 million [$20,000].” Zahle. I make more money than employees.” Others sell animal products. A One member of a family commented, “Households need LL20,000 [$13] per woman described, “We sell the milk. Someone specialized in selling milk [for day for their expenses but many times will only make LL5,000 [$3.3] per day.” large-scale distribution] comes to get it. He gives us LL500-700 [$0.33-0.47] per One woman, referring to her husband, said, “He has a pickup truck and uses kilogram.” it for work during the day. He lives day by day on what he earns; there is never anything extra.” Another man said: Income sufficiency “We must go to Zahle to buy or sell anything. No one wants to sell any- The men who work as day laborers (whether in the towns or in the fields) earn thing in the community because people don’t have money to pay upfront. If someone from the community is selling anything, they will go all the way to between LL10,000-15,000 ($6.7-10) per day, depending on the type of work Zahle because there they will get cash for their goods.” they do. The women earn less, around LL6,000-7,000 ($4-4.7) per day. But none of them has any kind of social insurance or rights. As described by one The same man continued “Most don’t have money to eat well. If they have no man, “[Household] income varies according to the number of family members money, they just glean from the fields and will often eat just one time per day. If who are working. If there are a lot of people working [the family] can make they eat more than once a day it is always the same food.” This is one aspect of LL400,000 [$267] per week.” food insecurity. A new challenge for the Arab el Harouq tribe is that Syrian migrants will complete the same work for less. While a Bedouin man may work for LL15,000 Education ($10) a day, a Syrian migrant worker is able and willing to work for between Formal education was not part of the life or culture of the nomadic tribes. As LL7,000-10,000 ($4.7-6.7) per day. For those permanently living in Lebanon, it a community member explained, “We used to go to Syria, to the desert, to the is impossible to work for such a low salary, as the cost of living is much higher mountains, to the south, everywhere. We didn’t need to get educated. We worked than in Syria. One community member described how the Syrians are able to with our parents.” One man commented, “Through my experience in this com- live on such a low wage: munity, we Bedouin Arabs have high illiteracy. Not just here but also in Baalbek “The Syrians take LL7,000 [$4.7] per day. They [only] eat olives and olive and the north.” Nowadays there are still very high illiteracy rates among both the oil. They bring all of their food and whatever they need from Syria, as elderly and the younger generation. One sheikh estimated that 90 percent of the it’s cheaper there. So, $5 is enough. They even bring their own cigarettes. elderly are illiterate, as well as 30 percent of those under 15. They eat tomatoes and peppers and they smoke, but that is it. They bring It was only as they settled that some families started sending their children chickens and goats to eat. They are here for eight months and buy nothing.”

206 207 ARAB EL HAROUQ 6 to school. Even now among the Arab el Harouq tribe, one community member Institutionalized children in Lebanon estimated that less than half of the 1,500 children receive any schooling.31 There is a very high dropout rate, with the majority dropping out around grade 5. This is mainly due to financial reasons. Also, in the past certificates were given upon In a 2008 Save the Children report it was noted that, “Lebanon has the highest percent of institutionalized children in the world, the majority of which are not or- completion of grade 5, so for children who were not going to complete further phans.”32 The Ministry of Social Affairs reported in 2006 that there were 32,484 education this was seen as a natural stopping point, and sufficient to obtain basic institutionalized children in Lebanon.33 Many children in institutions are placed in employment. Today, people continue to drop out due to the marginalization of there due to family problems, most often related to poverty. Throughout the inter- the community; many feel that education will not help them secure employment views community members explained that parents who are unable to afford tuition and that it is more important to drop out in order to help their families who are and other education-related expenses might place their children in an institution or struggling financially. orphanage if they feel that it will increase their access to education, therefore improving future opportunities. Families often place children with disabilities in institutions There are no public schools in or around Faour. There are three government- as they may not be able to provide the proper care for them or they cannot afford the run elementary schools in Turbol, Bar Elias, and Kfarzabat. Some go to school elevated associated costs of special education and health services.34 in Zahle but it is more expensive. There was a private school located quite close to Faour, called Hamra School, but this closed 10 years ago as it was expensive A handful of students do go on to university. There are about 20 university and people could not afford the fees. graduates in the community. One of the university graduates said: Even for those who have citizenship and can go to public school, the costs “We were seven girls and two boys in my family. The others went up to involved put it beyond the means of most families. One woman estimated the grade 5. My sister and I could finish school because we were in an orphan- costs: “The registration for school is LL50,000 [$33] per year. Transporta- age. They gave us a scholarship [to go to university]. We couldn’t have done tion is LL200,000 [$133] per year per child. It is about LL30,000 [$20] per it on our own. [Since graduating] I have applied to many companies but month if they go to school in Turbol. If they go to another school, then its about none would accept me.” LL50,000 [$33].” Some families indicated that they were able to cover the cost of The challenge for the university graduates who were interviewed was finding tuition; however, as there are no schools located in Faour, monthly transportation jobs upon graduation. All of them claimed they had insufficient wasta or influ- is too expensive given their limited income. This prevents families with several ence to get work, and many said they face discrimination because they are Bed- children from sending all of them to school. ouins. The graduate continued: Some orphanages will accept children if the parents are very poor and not in a position to care for them. One man said: “I graduated from studying business but I can’t find a job because I don’t have wasta. I went to LAU (Lebanese American University), a private uni- “Some kids, when they reach grade 9, pretend to be orphans so they can versity. The reason I got educated in a private university was because there go to an orphanage. So they live there and don’t pay for food, transpor- was a political party that supports orphans by giving them free education. I tation, anything. Some of the kids live in boarding schools in Beirut and studied banking and finance. If you want to work here in a bank you need West Bekaa. There are at least 250 children from here in boarding schools someone with a lot of assets to recommend you. But in the tribe there is no [orphanages].” one with these things to help.” For a child to be accepted into an orphanage, or institution, there should be All this has created a sense of hopelessness. Comments like, “It is worthless to a report that at least one of the child’s parents is either sick or dead, or that the continue studying” were heard repeatedly. One man described: child, himself or herself, is sick. Those who are accepted into the orphanages “We spent a lot of money getting educated. I graduated four months ago and boarding schools get to see their family occasionally. One man said, “My and now I can’t get a job. My brother graduated two years ago and he is children are in a boarding school in the west Bekaa for education. It’s like an still without a job. The main reason we can’t find a job is because of wasta. orphanage and I only see my kids for half an hour every two months.” When you apply, the first thing they ask you is who you are and who you are following [politically]. Rich families get jobs before poor families.” Yet there was an acknowledgement by outsiders working in the community that education is of value. A doctor commented, “All of the problems come from a lack of education.” To date, there are no plans by the government or anyone else to provide accessible education to the community.

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Nutrition and health eggs in the summer. In winter they can’t because they are cold. We don’t sell them. We only get two to three eggs per day.” Some families act as caretakers Because of poverty and lack of diversity in their diets, there is malnutrition of other’s properties. They live and work on the land for most of the year. They among Bedouin children in the Bekaa, though the instance is lower than that may raise chickens for the owners of the land, in which case they are able to eat among the Bedouin children in Akkar (North Lebanon) and Palmyra and Aleppo the eggs that the owners don’t sell. Nobody considers using the chicken for meat (cities in Syria). This is attributed to low intakes of macro and micronutrients, as it takes away from their daily subsistence. Dairy products like milk, cheese, which have a long-term impact on the development of children. The generally and labneh are also very much part of their diet and some families raise cows for poor nutritional status of Bedouin children is attributed to frequent droughts, this purpose. difficult living conditions, scarcity of fruits and vegetables, and the lack of extra In terms of grain consumption, the community uses wheat for baking bread, 35 income sources. However, the children in the Bekaa Valley fared better because in addition to rice and burghol eaten with many meals. If they are working as 36 of the availability of fruits and vegetables. While the values in Figure 5.1 are hired farm laborers, community members can take vegetables and other pro- dated (1994) and may not be as relevant today, they indicate a history of long- duce from the fields for their own consumption. This is a big help to the families. term nutritional problems. When families are harvesting, it guarantees that they will have at least some food: “He is able to go to his family and friends who grow food to get some if he Figure 6.1: Nutritional status of Bedouin children aged 6-10 years in Lebanon and needs it.” At other times it is a struggle to make sure that the family has enough Syria under different nomadic pastoral systems. to eat. Many members of the community spoke of this difficulty: “When you are hungry, all you can think of is how you can produce enough for your children.” Bekaa Akkar Palmyra Aleppo (Lebanon) (Lebanon) (Syria) (Syria) The major nutritional problem is the lack of food diversity, which then results in micronutritional deficiencies. One man commented, “Most people have Severely stunted (% of enough to eat … but the problem is that they are eating the same thing for every children 2 Z-scores below 6.8% 14.8% 24% 41.1% meal.” For children an issue is that they may not be eating food that is suitable reference population) to their stage of development. Another man mentioned this, saying, “Often children are forced to eat food that isn’t appropriate for their age but it’s all that they Mildly stunted (% of chil- have. For example, kids under the age of one are eating potatoes.” dren 1 Z-score below ref- 41.8% 43.2% 69% 70.5% erence population) Breast-feeding is not common even though there is some awareness of its Severely underweight (% benefits. One woman said, “They don’t do it to preserve their own health. It 3.9% 5.7% 7% 14.7% of children) ruins the shape of their body. But their milk is better than a bottle. I know that Mildly underweight (% of breast-feeding is good for the health of women. It prevents diseases.” Those who 26.3% 48.9% 67.5% 64.7% children) do breast-feed their children do so for about a year. Those who do not, give their children powdered milk. This is expensive for them – around LL14,000 ($9) per Source: Baba, Shaar, and Hamadeh, “Nutritional status of Bedouin children” (1994) p. 247-259 kg – and is a strain on their resources. Those who cannot afford to buy powdered milk or infant formula give the children milk from cows and goats. Most families average between one and two meals a day, some manage three. Practices around pregnancy and childbirth are changing. Older members of Few manage to eat meat on a regular basis because it is too expensive, though it community still remember a time when there were no medical services available. is usually consumed on special occasions, like weddings, along with rice and burg- According to one woman, “My mother gave birth among the sheep in Anjar.” hol, labneh, olives, tabouleh, and french fries. Carbohydrates are a big part of their Another woman recalls, “My mom was pregnant and about to give birth. She diet. One woman said, “We mostly eat potatoes. They are ‘the king of the table.’ went to bring wood [from outside] and when she came back she had the wood We eat them in sandwiches and with hamburgers.” Because it is possible to store and a baby on her back. When my mother gave birth to my older sister she was potatoes, the community eats them through the winter, along with grains. In the alone.” One mother described the traditional practices surrounding childbirth: summers they eat more vegetables and less grain. “Before we used to give birth in our houses. But now [we give birth] in Animal protein is not a large part of the daily diet for most people, even hospitals. This changed 10-15 years ago. We used to get the help of a mid- though many keep chickens. One woman commented, “The chickens only give wife [TBA], who was an old woman from the area. You would open your

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legs and then the baby would come out. The women of the neighborhood one of marginalization and neglect. This explains the lack of any social, de- would gather around and the midwife would start pulling the baby. This was velopmental or agricultural policies specific to the needs of those areas.”38 The all at home. The father would wait outside. They used to be upset if they lack of public services in rural areas was a common complaint heard among the had a girl. They were happy to have a boy.” Lebanese interviewed throughout this study as well. As alluded to in the previous quote, practices are starting to change, as one Compounding this fact is that Bedouins are also a marginalized and stig- woman in a group interview commented: matized group because of their ethnicity. In the same study by el Kak, he inter- “Life is better now that we are settled. It is easier. We have schools, homes, viewed policy makers from governmental ministries, UN agencies, local NGOs, and facilities. Before women had to give birth and it was very painful. The as well as private sector policy makers. He found that they not only lacked midwives [TBAs] used to help. Now they give birth in a public hospital in information about the specific health status of the Bedouin, but they lacked any Zahle. No one does it in the house anymore. Now they visit doctors before general knowledge about the communities. He notes: they give birth. They get vitamins, and monitor the child’s condition.” “Most of the policy makers interviewed had little or no knowledge of the A recent study examining gender issues and access to health case released by Bedouin population estimates, identity status and normalisation, geographi- Nisrine Mansour, (a research fellow in the Refugees Studies Center at the Uni- cal distribution in the rural peripheral areas of Lebanon, range of mobility, 39 versity of Oxford) came to similar findings when interviewing Bedouin women. common health problems, or provision and use of health services.” The older women had given birth at home often with the help of a traditional They also “hold unrealistic stereotypes about Bedouin and Bedouin health issues birthday attendant. This often occurred after a long day of work, and almost …”40 Consequently, there are no health policies or initiatives that specifically immediately after the birth the women continued with their work. Now, more target the health needs of the Bedouins, besides the national vaccination cam- women are seeking certified medical help from doctors or midwives to assist them paign, though this is intended to target all the children in the country. Unfortu- with their deliveries. One of the husbands who participated in Mansour’s inter- nately, el Kak also explains that the vaccination campaign is not reaching all of views remembers this change occurring around 1987 or 1988. Now, most of the the Bedouin children, though this may not be only attributed to marginalization younger women use pregnancy tests, ultrasounds, and have prenatal care. This at a policy level.41 change was supported by family members who viewed previously used methods The lack of knowledge regarding the Bedouin communities and the discrimi- as having higher associated health risks. Yet, interestingly, both the older women nation towards them is not limited only to those involved in the development of and the younger women in Mansour’s study explained that giving birth at home policy; it was also identified among health practitioners in the field. One com- was easier than the practices used today. They found that with medical assistance munity member, who assisted with the recently released studies, explained that the process was more painful and troublesome.37 many women, especially those seeking services for prenatal care, have experi- While the vast majority of women today are giving birth in hospitals or enced discrimination by health professionals: with trained medical personnel, some interviewees noted that birthing practices “We found out that there is discrimination between Bedouin women and are still dependent on what a family can afford. Among the poorer families, a the non-Bedouin women. It is not just the fault of the doctor. Also, it is the woman explained: fault of the women too. Some doctors are good and some are not. They skip “The women deliver in their houses. We have no social security, so we have her turn when she is waiting. When they see the Bedouin clothes they think no money to deliver in the hospitals. The public hospital charges LL300,000 she doesn’t understand. The doctor doesn’t explain her situation to her. He [$200] to deliver there. And we don’t have that kind of money. Women just writes the prescription and gives it to her. Then she [the Bedouin wom- don’t seek care during their pregnancies. There are no trained midwives but an] has to go outside and ask [someone else] what is wrong with her. But it the old women [TBAs] with experience help the women.” is also the fault of the Bedouin women too because they don’t claim their rights. They are paying too. It is not acceptable to just take the prescription In terms of access to health care the Bedouins are marginalized in two dif- and walk out. She should ask what is wrong when he gives it to her.” ferent ways. First of all, it has been well-documented that the rural areas of the Mansour, who studied the access issues affecting women seeking reproduc- country often lack even the most basic of health care services, which has a large tive health services, further explains this situation. Though the Bedouin commu- impact on the health of all of the communities there, not just the Bedouins. As nities have increasingly been seeking medical assistance over the past 20 years, the Bedouin tribes are most often located in rural areas, they are firstly affected their lack of full integration into the health care system is attributed to the “back- by the lack of available services. As noted in a study by Faysal el Kak, “... the wardness” and “less-civilised norms of rural and nomadic people.”42 She argues Government’s approach to the peripheral and remote areas of the country, is

212 213 ARAB EL HAROUQ 6 that this view of the community is a misconception, and that their use, or lack Faysal el Kak explains that certain services are often provided to these com- of, health care services has more to do with the institutional discrimination of munities in proportion to the size of the voting power they represent. When these communities, and less with Bedouin traditions and cultures. While she does community members were granted citizenship and were allowed to vote, they acknowledge that cost, financial difficulties, and a lack of transportation play an became a strong force within the country, and political parties were keen to in- important role in the Bedouins’ ability to seek health services, the major barrier crease their voter bases. El Kak explains: to access is intrinsic in the health care system itself, creating a lack of trust on the “After the Naturalisation Law of 1994 Bedouin gained sizable voting power part of the women. She explains: that allowed them into the loop of what is commonly known in Lebanon as “… Bedouin women’s perception of, and engagement with, the health ‘political clientalism.’ In this loop, Bedouin receive social and health services care system are hindered more by the inconsistencies and shortfalls of the through certain political parties, especially those of similar sectarian affilia- 45 health care system than by any specific barriers stemming from their ways tion, in return for their votes.” of life. Their access and use of health services are underpinned by institu- He continues to explain that before the elections two major health centers tional discrimination against their ethnic group at various levels of health were opened in two Bedouin areas (he does not mention which areas specifically), provision.”43 but that, “The centers employ few Bedouin, are highly medicalized and costly, While community members do experience some discrimination in accessing and are not by any means specific or sensitive to Bedouin needs.”46 Some com- services, the availability of health care facilities in the area is improving; a health munity members and key informants alluded to the fact that this was most prob- center funded by the Hariri Foundation opened within the past two years, as ably why the Hariri-funded clinic was built in the community. The Sunni-based well as a new public hospital in Zahle. This clinic is now the nearest health care political organization was hoping to increase the proportion of Sunni votes prior provider for most of the pockets of houses within the community and has the po- to the election. The lack of specific programs and policies related to the needs of tential to alleviate the lack of health case services in Faour. However, it remains the community may be another reason for their hesitancy to access services, even unclear how useful the clinic has been to community members since its opening though the center is located relatively close to most of the community. and whether this is caused by the misconceptions of the community members Either due to certain misunderstandings on the part of the Bedouins (for themselves or problems inherent in the clinic. example costs) or mistrust stemming from the issues mentioned earlier, Bedouins In her study, Mansour described that community members often have mis- might miss out on services of actual use being provided by the Hariri clinic. For conceptions in terms of the services available, even those located within the example, many parents explained that they had not vaccinated their children community: “Some non-governmental dispensaries were dismissed as almost as because they could not afford it. Prior to the presence of the Hariri clinic, the expensive as the private clinics, and as suffering from shortage of medication.”44 families had to take their children outside of Faour to get vaccinations. They re- This attitude was also found among interviewees in Faour. According to doctors ported that the transportation fees, combined with the vaccination costs were too interviewed, a consultation at the Hariri-funded clinic is LL5,000 ($3.3) and an much for them to afford. Although the Bedouins now have much easier access appointment with a specialist is LL10,000; however, most of the community to vaccination services, a group of doctors at the Hariri clinic reported that they members perceive the clinic to be much more expensive than what the doc- still face difficulties in trying to vaccinate the children from the community: tors quoted. Community members noted the cost of a general consultation to “We are doing a vaccination campaign. They don’t bring their kids for vac- be anywhere from LL10,000 to LL30,000 ($6.7-20). Similarly they explained cinations. First vaccinations are free. The government provides it for free. that appointments with a gynecologist cost LL50,000 ($33) and a pediatrician They just consider anything related to Hariri is expensive … We give the LL20,000 to LL25,000 ($13-17). They continued to explain that medicines on first vaccination for free to encourage them to come back. We included 500 average will add another LL30,000 to LL50,000 ($20-33) and they are often children in the first session – all for free. We went to their houses to encour- not available from the clinic. Supporting Mansour’s findings, the lack of avail- age them to bring them but we can’t keep going. We invite them to the mosque to get vaccinated.”47 able medication within the dispensary was a problem confirmed by the health care professionals in the Hariri clinic, reinforcing at least some of the percep- As a result of such campaigns, the majority of the children in the community tions that the community members may have about the clinic. Another difficulty have been vaccinated; however, it is obvious that certain preconceived notions mentioned by community members was that although the clinic was built in the and skepticisms remain on the part of the residents. community, Faour itself is quite large and many community members must still It remains unclear how successfully the clinic has integrated into the com- find transportation in order to access the services. munity. The doctors at the clinic reported having 2,000 patients since it opened,

214 215 ARAB EL HAROUQ 6 though the doctors also reported servicing areas other than just the Bedouin is common throughout Lebanon and there is no evidence to suggest that it is community. It was obvious from the interviews that there are mixed perceptions higher among the Bedouin community than in other communities. from the community in terms of seeking health services there. One sheikh com- Interestingly, one of the community members who helped with Chatty’s re- mented, “There are four or five doctors at the dispensary; it is well organized search studies identified lack of awareness of health issues as one of the chal- with registration cards and good procedures.” Yet, only one community member lenges facing the community. For example, women were often unaware of breast reported accessing services there, also confirming the point that proximity to and cervical cancer, and the need to be frequently tested for these diseases and health services does not correlate with the use of these services by community illnesses. She mentioned that the lack of awareness was particularly common members. Interestingly, the woman mentioned that she received the services for among women. Though as the research was focused on the reproductive health free, something that was not outlined by either the community members or the of women, it was not clear if this was true of other demographics as well. doctors at the clinic itself: Despite all of these facts, the overall perception is that is that the Bedouin are “My daughter was sick. The Hariri dispensary gives free drugs. They helped a healthy people. Comments like the following, from both community members my daughter. They do not give you money but they give you free services and as key informants, were not unusual: and medications.” “We are strong because of the agriculture.” As most of those interviewed do not use the Hariri clinic, they mentioned “They don’t get ill easily because they are used to being outside in the cold visiting the new public hospital in Zahle or another clinic in Kfarzabat. Besides and snow. So it gives them immunity.” these health care options, some go to private doctors in the surrounding towns. As many have no social security and lack nationality “they cannot benefit from Chatty succinctly summarized the health situation facing the Bedouins in the financial support provided by the Lebanese Ministry of Health (MoH) for Lebanon: “The government sector has limited programmes in the rural country- hospitalization.”48 Bedouins must pay for the health services they access. One side and relies heavily on international and national NGOs to provide resources man complained, “It’s too expensive; we can’t afford it. Nothing is free.” Those to state-run clinics and hospitals. The Bedouin, largely without nationality iden- who have citizenship are eligible for assistance while attending public services, tification cards, are unable to access public health services and face discrimina- although there is still a small cost associated with this, which may deter the poor- tory behaviour in private clinics.”49 est in the community from seeking services. Others do not even try to get any medical help because they cannot afford it. One older woman said, “God is the doctor, so you don’t need any other doctors.” Some mentioned that they use traditional medicines and healing practices that have been passed down through the generations. One man said: “This tree [planted near the house] is a defender against insects and animals. It is 18 years old. It is good to plant it near the houses. We planted it when we built the house. It is a kind of nut. And here is a eucalyptus tree. We use it when we have a cold. We take part of it and boil it. We use it to purify the house. When your nose is blocked you can put a towel over boil- ing water with the plant in it and it will get rid of the blocked nose.” Common health problems mentioned were diabetes, heart problems, blood pressure, cancers, and neurological problems. Some blamed environmental issues for cancers and other health problems. One agricultural researcher working in the area mentioned, “Nitrates in the soil should be 14 percent but they are currently at 500 percent. Because of this the government this year has blocked the use of nitrates. So people are using a new type of fertilizer.” Smoking, among both adults and youth, was mentioned numerous times as one of the prominent health problems in the area. Some adults explained that the youth are spending some of their already small income to buy cigarettes. However, this trend Bedouin men and women working in the fields

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Assets and vulnerabilities All of these aspects have impacted the current identity of the Bedouins. While previously their group dynamics were dominated by their historical tradi- The Arab el Harouq tribe faces many of the same vulnerabilities present in other tions and culture, often closely associated with their nomadic lifestyle and pasto- poor communities in Lebanon, but it is notable for its marginalization. In addi- ral livelihoods, these no longer hold true for all community members today. The tion to sharing the physical marginalization common to most of the rural poor, large majority of the Bedouins are predominantly settled, at least for most of the the tribe experiences intense legal and social marginalization, which drive the year. The families are trying to educate their children, and gain meaningful em- dynamics of its poverty. This has implications on community members’ access ployment. Some, but not all, have moved out of the tents and into more modern to education, health services, social security as well as employment opportunities. houses, even if they are sparsely furnished. Yet, even with these attempts, both The impact of their legal marginalization, or in other words lack of citizen- the Bedouins and the surrounding Lebanese communities note that they are not ship, is significant and is one of the issues that makes the whole community fully integrated into the Lebanese society. People from surrounding communities vulnerable. Most families have some members who are citizens and some who note that the Bedouins are distinguishable by their clothing, accents, and way of are not. Within the adult generation, some may have been permitted to register, life. Despite the fact that they have been living in the area for decades, they are while others were denied citizenship. Whether the children were registered most still viewed as outsiders who do not belong. Most of the Bedouins have a desire likely depended on the family’s financial situation at the time of birth. The lack to settle and gain access to services and stable employment, yet there are others of citizenship is sustaining the cycle of poverty in the community. One person who continue to hold on to a more traditional way of life. Either way, until they commented: are accepted by the majority communities in the country, they will remain seg- “If a child [without citizenship] needs to go to a public hospital, they won’t regated, stuck in a period of limbo somewhere between their old lifestyles and accept him. The schools won’t register children with no IDs. They cannot get a job in the government. They cannot get a driving permit. They can- their aspirations for change. not register property in their name. They cannot register marriages with the Chatty recognizes similar findings in her study of the Bedouins in the government. He has nothing that identifies him as who he is, unless he gets Bekaa Valley: a paper from the mukhtar. He has to go to Syria illegally [cross the borders “The Bedouins see themselves as ‘Lebanese’ and seek nationality papers in illegally]. Some that try to go illegally die, or get imprisoned. Their children order to access government services and to vote. Their tribal identity is per- can’t get citizenship.” vasive; it is expressed in dress, in dialect, in collective history and memory The dream of the community was summed up by one man, “I am hoping of movement, in the attachment to herding even if practiced by very few that one day there will be a decree that gives the citizenship to our children. We members at present, and in particular social practices related to birth and are going to ask for our rights to citizenship. Our children need it. A lot of people marriage. Some Bedouin regard themselves as modern, having left behind live as if they don’t even exist. We are like forgotten people.” many of the old social customs which they regard as being at the root of The Bedouins’ difficulty in accessing services is compounded by their blatant their discrimination. Others remain particularly proud of their tribal identity and history of mobility.”50 social marginalization and inability to integrate into the larger framework of Lebanese society. The surrounding communities, even those that are supposed Despite the major obstacles that the community is facing, there is a sense in to be providing support for them, such as the NGOs and health service provid- the tribe that its members have been able to improve their lives in some regards. ers, often use discriminatory terminology when referring to the Bedouins. They A local research assistant who helped with the recently released studies said: believe that the conditions in which the community is living are lifestyle choices, “Other tribes are closed. We are open. Whenever we see people we open not the result of discriminatory treatment. In reality, the maltreatment of the our hearts. We are very generous … In this tribe we have changed from old Bedouins is a direct cause of many of the issues that they are facing today. The habits and traditions, without the help of outside. We helped each other. We Bedouins are unable to obtain meaningful employment, even if they are uni- created an organization. Nobody helped us. The politicians don’t help us. versity educated. Studies have shown that there are impacts on their health, as There are no schools.” they suffer from long waiting times, poor treatment by health professionals, and This is a strong example of the social capital that has not only helped them sur- a lack of information regarding their health condition. The Bedouins are by and vive, but in some cases prosper as well. large socially excluded from the other communities in Lebanon who believe that The tribe is proud of its generosity. One man commented: they do not fit in with the Lebanese sectarian system. This forces the Bedouins “We are known for being generous. We are problem solvers. We are known to live on the outskirts, both physically and socially, of the larger nearby towns, for being preserving people. When a person is in need we help them and we for instance Zahle. 218 219 ARAB EL HAROUQ 6

act as if they are one of our own family. If a poor person dies we will all give election, they come to us and show us plans for a school to be built locally but to make sure he has a proper service. We go around and collect money and after the election nothing happens.” It seems that during elections, politicians tell them it is for someone in need.” provide small gifts of money ($50 or $100), fuel, or cell phone recharge cards in Another said, “We are generous and honest with people. We love strangers. We order to sway the votes in the community. “The problem with this community is treat girls respectfully. Whether they are strangers or in our own community. We that everyone accepts small things around election time, then we suffer the entire respect women.” time between elections.” This tribe’s social capital has created a network whereby community mem- This was also found by Chatty, who explains, “Some Lebanese politicians are bers support each other during the hard times – this acts as their social safety beginning to listen, especially as the Bedouin in Lebanon are a potential block net. As one key informant explained, “They are divided into families and each of Sunni Muslim voters in a country where sectarian interests are paramount family has a leader.” It’s the responsibility of the leader to ensure the well-being and where the identity of the state is still unresolved …”51 The voting block of of the family. An older man said, “We help each other. If someone is poor and Bedouin voters is worrisome to the nearby Christian residents of Zahle, who needs an operation we will collect money for him. If someone dies or becomes are concerned about the potential effects of a large Sunni bloc in the area, even in charge of a big family then we will collect money from all the families. We ask more so if that bloc is made up of residents that they do not feel are part of the for people in need.” Lebanese social framework. Others from outside the tribe have also experienced this generosity. One man Maybe because they are Sunni, they have received some help from the Hariri living in the nearby village of Turbol recalls how the tribe helped them during Foundation, though not many other organizations provide aid or support to the the Civil War: community. Another organization, the Muslim Association for Islamic Projects, has done community education on topics like Islamic morality and healthy living. “We know them. We know them individually. We never had any problems Members of the community made it very clear that no money was provided and with them. There were no incidents [between us and them], even in the war. When the roads were closed and the people from Turbol couldn’t get their there was no teaching on extremism. The International Center for Agricultural daily needs [as the village is located away from the main highway, which Research for Dry Areas (ICARDA) in collaboration with the Lebanese Research they could not access], the people from Faour helped us get meat, etc.” Academy has done extensive research on crops that would be appropriate for the area. They sell seeds that are used by farmers. However, this feeling of gratitude towards the Bedouins is either fairly rare or The one capital that the community has had in abundance is natural capital, long forgotten, as most other villages and nearby cities discriminate against the though even this is slowly changing. The Bekaa is fertile and has water, a rarity in tribe. the Middle East. One man put it, “We have water. Our land is rich in water. We Apart from their ability to work long hours in the fields or factories, the dig wells. We don’t buy water.” Yet, community members have noticed changes community has very little developed human capital. Most said that they had in recent times. Ground water used to be available 35 meters below the surface. never received any kind of vocational training. Only five community members Now ground water is found at depths of 60-65 meters and in the summer as of those interviewed said that they had received some training. One now works deep as 150 meters. Many mentioned that there have been variations in weather as a hairdresser, two as barbers, and the remaining two as nurses. Those who patterns and a decrease in rain and snow. For example, the river running through work in workshops in the nearby town have learnt the necessary skills on the job. the community has been dry for years. One girl explained, “There was a river Access to technology is even more limited. According to community members, here but it is dry. It is usually dry. It has been like this for a long time. Even in the whole village has three phone landlines and it is estimated that only 1 percent the winter [rainy season] it is dry.” The strain on the water resources for both have access to the Internet. agricultural and personal use is increasing with the growing population. One In terms of political involvement, the tribe varies considerably. Some mem- man in a group interview said: bers of the tribe prefer not to partake in the political arena. One group of men “For water we have a well. But you also need electricity [to pump water from asserted, “We are not involved in politics at all. We are not in the parties. We only the well], so without electricity there is no water. This is our only source of stay together. We are only with the government; we support the government.” water and we drink it. Water comes from Anjar but it doesn’t come here. Those who have citizenship are courted by political parties for their votes. But This is government water. We only have to pay for the cost of digging the well. There is one well for every 10 houses. It costs $10,000 to dig one. the reality was summed up by one man, “They all come and visit us in elec- When there is no electricity there is no water. We have enough water for all tions. We support those who promise us projects like roads, schools, and clinics. of the houses all year.” But when we vote for them they forget about us.” Another man said, “Every

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Some in the community have small plots of land – primarily those who have citizenship, as the citizenship allowed them to register the land and obtain property deeds. Others rent land. One of the researchers at the agricultural center explained that three or four people (non-Bedouin) own most of the land in the area. People must pay the landowners to rent the land, usually on a seasonal or yearly basis. This does not include the price of water, which is often very expensive. Each family chooses what type of crops to plant, and then uses the social capital within their family to help with the planting and harvesting. After the crops are harvested, the adults in the family take the crops to Zahle, or even Beirut, to sell. One man described what is happening with the land surrounding his house: “The land around here is 70 dunams. It is someone from Zahle that owns it. People rent the land from the owner but we are not involved. It is $100 per dunam per year. So the total is $7000.” As Lebanon recovered from its traumatic Civil War, much of the public infrastructure was rebuilt and new infrastructure developed. Yet in Faour, most The home of a Bedouin family – many still live in tents services are either lacking or unaffordable, impacting the physical capital of the community. Electricity is erratic and may be available anywhere between 2-10 There is a lack of financial capital to act as a social safety net for the families hours a day. Unlike many other areas of Lebanon, where generators provide in the community. One community member’s comment, “We can’t save money. power during hours when the grid does not, there are no generators in the com- We don’t have enough to save” was reiterated by many others. One man sum- munity. Because of the poverty, most cannot afford fuel for heating in winter and marized it by saying, “We don’t need financial services because we don’t have as a result use firewood. There is no sewage system and most of the sewage is money to deposit in the banks.” During the winter months only about 5 percent disposed of in the river. Some have a septic tank for their toilets, but these invari- have work and any sort of income. As a result they end up borrowing heavily all ably overflow in winter. One woman described the costs of having a tank: winter and then having to repay what they have borrowed in the summer. They “We should pay to empty the tank. Some families do. You pay LL70,000 borrow from their families, neighbors, and sometimes the landowners where they [$47] to have the driver come to empty the tank. But sometimes if the tank work. Some may sell some of the cattle that they have to make it through the is large he has to come twice. So then you pay LL140,000 [$93]. We have to winter. They usually don’t borrow money from stores, though they may take food empty it three or four times per year.” on credit from the butcher and a few other stores. In spite of these challenges, the People believe that the sewage is leaking into their water supplies, which is perception in the neighboring communities is that the Bedouins have money. A causing illnesses. Also, surrounding municipalities bring their garbage and dump comment from a doctor at the clinic summarized this well: “They are expecting it in the community, where it is burnt. Many residents complained of allergies to receive everything for free. So when the fees are little, they don’t appreciate it. they believe to be connected with the smoke from the burning garbage. There is money here but it’s a problem of attitudes.” The lack of financial capac- The main reason for the lack of proper infrastructure and services is because ity is having an impact on the community in many ways. For example, one man the community is split between five municipalities and none of them takes re- described how their lack of financial capital impacts their health: “There are a sponsibility for making the necessary improvements. One man complained: lot of health problems; diabetes, heart problems, blood pressure, neurological problems. It is due to the bad financial situation.” “We have no municipality of our own. We go to the other municipalities [the ones they technically belong to, but don’t feel like they belong to] and they The main coping mechanisms of the Arab el Harouq tribe stem from its don’t answer us. It would be different if we had our own. We have to vote social capital. The network of families enables the community to cope through in other areas, not in our village. If we had our own municipality we wouldn’t difficult seasons. One man said, “The only source of financial help is family and have a garbage problem. We would have more electricity, more access to friends”; this comment was made by many other community members as well. water. The roads are in bad condition [not paved]. It would be different.” One woman summarized this best: “The community is one voice. If we have a wedding we all invite each other. We support each other in the funerals. If there is a bad financial situation then the families will help.”

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Comments from the community: 1. Also spelled “Huruuk” Marginalized and alone 2. This case study is of the Arab el Harouq tribe and may not be representative of the other Bedouin tribes in the Bekaa. “No one helps us.” 3. (Tales of the Baida - Bedouin Folk Tales from Lebanon). The author of “Tales of “No one is fighting for us. Nobody is working for us. People only care the Baidu” is Hamra Abu Eid of the Abu Eid community and he has recorded the about themselves.” orally transmitted history of that community. “Each day we work. We can’t save. We work one day, come home, find 4. (Chatty, 2010) p. 26 someone sick, eat, then work again. We can’t save at all.” 5. The Arab el Harouk tribe prefers to be called Arab as they see the term bedu as derogartory. This was also found in (Chatty, 2010) p. 22 “Richer families don’t help us. They don’t look at us.” 6. (Tales of the Baida - Bedouin Folk Tales from Lebanon) “Our people are left out and nobody helps us. Very few get help.” 7. A pseudonym 8. A pseudonym “In Lebanon it is like fish. The big ones eat the little ones.” 9. Fagan (1986) quoted in (Chatty, 2010) p. 23 10. In 2006 the European Commission provided funding for research projects analyzing health care issues for marginal people in desert and rural settings. From this Conclusion funding came four papers, supervised by Dawn Chatty, looking at Bedouin health issues in Lebanon. The studies involved researchers from both the University of The Arab el Harouq tribe continues to live in ambiguity, wondering why they Oxford as well as the American University of Beirut (AUB). The EU project docu- cannot belong to Lebanese society and establish lives while accessing the benefits ment is entitled “Improving Access to and Quality of Reproductive and Child the government offers its citizens. They are constantly navigating between the Health Care to Marginal Peoples: Bedouin of Lebanon and Jordan. perceptions that the Lebanese have of them and their own reality. One Leba- 11. (Chatty, 2010) p. 23 nese, commenting on the Bedouins, said, “They are marginalized. No one wants 12. (Chatty, 2010) p. 23, 24 them. They don’t belong here. They are intruders, strangers. They have their 13. This is further explained in detail throughout the chapter own cultural practices. They won’t ever be part of society.” 14. (Thomas, 2003); (Haj, 1991) as quoted in (Chatty, 2010) p. 24 The reality of the Bedouins was summed up by one man from the tribe: “We 15. (Chatty, 2010) p. 25 get no help at all. Poverty can lead to a lot of problems and crime. There is a 16. (Chatty, 2010) p. 24 lot of poverty here. We are very, very poor and we get no help from any one.” 17. (Chatty, 2010) p. 26 Marginalization stemming from the lack of citizenship has increased poverty in 18. (Chatty, 2010) p. 26 the tribe. Increasing poverty has in turn deepened negative stereotypes of the 19. This number was estimated by a local NGO worker. Other estimates from the Bedouins and increased their marginalization. It is this cycle that perpetuates community ranged up to 40,000 the poverty of the Arab el Harouq tribe, and it is this cycle that must be broken 20. (Naharnet) if poverty is to be addressed in a serious way. 21. (Naharnet) 22. (Maktabi, 1999) 23. (Naharnet) 24. Quoted in (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada) 25. In 1958 the Lebanese government gave ‘under-study’ status to those Bedouin who had not registered in the 1932 census conducted by the French Mandate. ‘Under- study’ status states the person’s place of birth to be in Lebanon, but does not equate to full nationality or full access to services. Chatty estimates that in 1994 only 10,000 Bedouins out of the total population 100,000-150,000 Bedouins were offered nationality arising from their 1958 status (Chatty, 2010) p.26.

224 225 INTRODUCTION 1

26. (Chatty, 2010) p. 26 27. (Chatty, 2010) p. 26 28. (Chatty, 2010) p. 26 29. (Chatty, 2010) p. 28 30. (Kak, 2010) p. 32 31. The sheikh claims that all the children are in school 32. (Ressler, 2008) p. 95. 33. (Ressler, 2008) p. 96. 34. As is or has been the case in many countries, there are some in Lebanon who believe that having a child with a disability is a punishment from God for committing a sin or other bad action. The children are therefore often stigmatized, isolated, or Part 2 hidden even by their own families. 35. (Baba, Shaar, Hamadeh, & Adra, 1994) 36. (Baba, Shaar, Hamadeh, & Adra, 1994) 37. (Mansour, 2010) p. 45-47 38. (el Kak, 2010) p. 33 POVERTY IN 39. (el Kak, 2010) p. 31 40. (el Kak, 2010) p. 31 41. (el Kak, 2010) p. 33 URBAN LEBANON 42. (Mansour, 2010) p. 42 43. (Mansour, 2010) p. 42 44. (Mansour, 2010) p. 48 45. (el Kak, 2010) p. 34 46. (el Kak, 2010) p. 34 47. In Lebanon, the common practice is that the government provides the vaccination for free; however, the community members must pay for the consultation fee. The cost of the consultation depends on the clinic, and sometimes it may be subsidized in order to provide it for free. Key informant interview. 48. (Mansour, 2010) p. 47 49. (Chatty, 2010) p. 29 50. (Chatty, 2010) p. 27 51. (Chatty, 2010) p. 29

226 227 MAP OF URBAN COMMUNITIES STUDIED

228 229 POVERTY IN URBAN LEBANON

Hay el Gharbeh, Beirut

Eighty-seven percent (3.6 million) of Lebanon’s population of 4.1 million people live in urban areas, a higher proportion than in most other Arab states.1 With greater Beirut being host to a little less than half the country’s population (1.8 million), urbanization is a major issue facing the country. This is already having an impact on the quality of life, the availability and quality of water resources, the cost of infrastructure, as well as the future use of surrounding natural and agricultural land. Urbanization in Lebanon is particularly acute as it is ranked 28th out of 212 countries worldwide and 5th among the 17 countries in the Middle

230 231 POVERTY IN URBAN LEBANON 7

East and North Africa region in terms of the percentage of the total population I. Slums that developed either as direct extensions of existing refugee of the country, which is urban.2 camps or in their vicinity: These included areas around the Armenian The 15-year Civil War and the continuing periodic violence along with the core in Qarantina (at that time), areas such as Naba’a (south of Bourj lack of a cohesive national urban development strategy has resulted in: Hammoud), Horsh Rahal, and sections of Sinn el Fil along the Beirut • Improper land use which is consequently prompting the deterioration of River. The other concentration was around Palestinian camps in Tell physical and environmental conditions el Zaatar (in the eastern suburbs), and the Shatila (in the southern suburbs) and Mar Elias camps (in Beirut proper). • Urban sprawl without adequate provision for roads and infrastructure, open public spaces, parking facilities, etc. II. Slums that developed on agricultural land on the outskirts of the city and in violation of urban regulations: These included the four areas of • Loss of agricultural land Hay el Sellom (Amroussieh) in the southern suburbs, and Zaaytiyyeh • Destruction of national archeological sites3 (Fanar), Roueissat (Jdedeh), and Hay el Ayn (Biaquot) in the eastern Slums and squatter settlements are not new to Beirut and the other major suburbs. urban areas in Lebanon. They have hosted migrants from rural areas like the III. Slums that developed as squatter settlements in areas of contested Bekaa Valley, the south, and Akkar in the north. More recently the inhabitants property rights: These areas include Raml, Ouzai, Horsh el Qateel, include Syrian migrant workers as well as foreign domestic workers.While slums Horsch Tabet, Sabra, and Jnah in the southern suburbs and Wata el and informal urban settlements are often embroiled in issues of legality and Mousseitbeh within the municipal limits of the city. These settlements ownership, slums in Lebanon (and in other parts of the world) are character- are located on contested land, These land disputes arise out of conflicts ized by additional criteria that often arise from the issues of illegality, such as over the establishment of land registries during the French Mandate, “precarious economic and/or political conditions … high levels of vulnerability, rising land prices, and political rivalry. … services and living conditions [that] appear to be lower than other sections of the city.”4 There are three different types of slums and informal settlements in Beirut:5 1. Slums that began as international refugee camps or low income housing areas for international refugees (instituted from 1920-1955) The oldest slums in Beirut are the refugee camps. These are mainly the Arme- nian camps (organized in 1920s), the Syriac camps (also organized in the 1920s), and the Palestinian camps (organized from 1948 onwards).6 The Kurds occupied abandoned camps and deteriorating parts of the city and did not have a camp assigned to them. Only traces of the Armenian camps in Qarantina remain as most of the Armenians resettled in Karm el Zeitoun, Bourj Hammoud, and later in Antelias. The Syriac camps evolved into Hay el Serya’an, an area of low- income housing. The official Palestinian camps and informal gatherings remain. 2. Slums that began as housing areas for rural-urban migrants (1950s- 1960s) As Lebanon industrialized from the 1950s onwards, it drew a significant number of migrants from the rural areas, especially the Bekaa and south Lebanon. They were drawn by employment opportunities near factories (such as in the Bourj Hammoud area, Sad el Baouchrieh, and Choueifat), and near large institutions (such as the international airport and Regie du Tabac), construction sites, and Hay el Gharbeh, Beirut stone quarries (in and around Jdedeh). These migrants settled in three types of areas:

232 233 POVERTY IN URBAN LEBANON 7

3. Slums that began as squatter settlements during the period of the Civil 1. (UN Habitat, 2007) p. 6 War (1975-1990) 2. (World Bank, 2009 ) 3. (UN Habitat, 2007) p. 6 Neighborhoods along the edge of the city center such as Mina el Hosn and Qa- 4. (Fawaz and Peillen, 2003) p. 7 ntari as well as those along the “green line” were evacuated by their owners and 5. (Fawaz and Peillen, 2003) p. 7-21 residents and over time were occupied by lower income families who themselves 6. See Palestinian chapter for more information on the official camps were fleeing from other areas of the city. These areas then slowly deteriorated, and gatherings. turning them into slums. Squatters also moved into vacant areas around Pales- tinian camps near the stadium, destroying large green areas. They also moved into previously unoccupied areas like the beach resort of Jnah. Besides all the other issues of marginalization, lack of services and poor living conditions, the key to understanding urban poverty in the Lebanese context is grasping the various types of land tenure that refugees and migrants in the urban areas of Lebanon have. UN habitat’s Tenure System and its Characteristics is a useful framework for understanding the complexities and challenges that the poor in urban areas face (see Appendix IV).

234 235 HAY EL TANAK

Tripoli

“The bulk of rapid urban growth in developing countries in now taking place in peri-urban areas as poor urban dwellers look for a foothold in the cities and towns where land is more easily available, where they can escape the costs and threats of urban regulation, and where there is a possibility of combining urban and rural livelihoods … It is these sprawling urban peripheries, almost entirely unserviced and unregulated, that make up the bulk of what is referred to as informal settlements.”1 Abu Hassan2 is one of Hay el Tanak’s oldest residents. In the late 1940s, he moved to a small dwelling on what was then a stretch of public land on the coast near the northern municipality of el Mina. The area was not built-up when Abu Hassan arrived from el Mina accompanied by his young wife (a first cousin of his from Akkar, North Lebanon), rather it was mainly fields and wilderness with a lot of wild animals. “We kept the fire going all night to keep the animals away, so people started calling me the ‘king of fire,’” he explained. The area became increasingly built-up and populated over the years, and later on a highway was constructed cutting between what eventually came to be called Hay el Tanak and the sea. The newlyweds bought their house from some Palestinians who had been living in the area. The majority of the 70-80 Palestinian families that were living there at the time moved to the official UNWRA refugee camp of Beddawi by the mid-1950s. UNWRA’s Beddawi camp offered services and sanitation that were simply unavailable in the makeshift, unofficial settlement of Hay el Tanak. This meant that over time the majority of the refugee population in the area was replaced by a population mainly comprised of poor Lebanese and Syrian families who simply could not afford alternative housing.

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Unlike many other residents of the area, life was not always so hand-to- mouth for Abu Hassan. He used to travel and had a family business. He also used to work with his father as a plumber on various construction projects. By his account, the community was not too badly affected during the Civil War: “During the war the Syrians went off, but some stayed. The Lebanese had nowhere to go. This is my country [el Mina]. There was some damage to the furniture and other things.” He recalls a fight at the highway in which 18 people were killed, but he said, “I was strong at that time.” During the war, he would lie about his political ties and sympathies to protect himself and his family. Today, he is a very proud Lebanese national: “This is Lebanese country; not Syrian; not Palestinian.” After the war ended, he worked as a driver and a mechanic until he had a stroke and was partially paralyzed. Abu Hassan now struggles to pay his medical bills and those of his wife, who recently fell and injured her leg. Their significant savings are now gone, and they live on the charity of their children (who give them LL180,000 ($120) per month) and some others whom Abu Hassan helped in the past. The current problems Abu Hassan and his family face are not unique in The main street in Hay el Tanak Hay el Tanak. People came to Hay el Tanak because they were poor, and life in the area continues to be challenging.. Almost universally, residents of the area Today, Abu Hassan’s house has cement walls and an aluminum sheet roof. face challenges in securing basic services, livelihoods, education, and health care; Inside there are just three rooms: a living room, a small bedroom, and a small however, all of these challenges are either exacerbated by or eclipsed by the land kitchen. It is in much better condition now than when Abu Hassan bought it tenure crisis the settlement’s residents have faced since the late 1980s. The land though. He has worked hard over the years to improve it, using any cement he they live on was transferred to private property developers as part of a legal could get to strengthen the structure. Now, however, he cannot improve it further exchange by the government in the late 1980s and early 1990s. These private as building is currently strictly prohibited in Hay el Tanak. The land Abu Has- property developers want to evict the residents in order to build on the land (see san’s home is on is now owned by private investors, and the government is en- section “History and legal status of the community”). forcing a building restriction on their behalf. Meanwhile, the investors endeavor Being one of the oldest residents of Hay el Tanak, Abu Hassan found himself to evict Abu Hassan and his neighbors so that they can develop the prime coastal appointed the community’s unofficial leader. As the cases against eviction went property Hay el Tanak stands on. “I don’t want to leave,” Abu Hassan says. “I to the courts and harassment from the police began, Abu Hassan approached love building something for myself. I built this and rehabilitated this. I am scared various members of parliament and political parties for help. People in Hezbol- of apartments. Aluminium ceilings are safe.” lah told him that if the residents were Shiites, they would have helped them. The Behind Abu Hassan’s house, four of his children have built houses in which community is Sunni. Rafiq Hariri, as prime minister, promised to help and was they live with their families. In total, he and his wife have 11 children: seven boys able to stall the court cases while he tried to find an appropriate solution. Unfor- and four girls. One of his children died at the age of 27. He and all his sons are tunately, Rafiq Hariri was assassinated before a solution was found. Others have illiterate, but two of his daughters finished grades 4 and 5. However, most of his promised help, but almost none has been forthcoming. grandchildren are in school. He said, “Education is important for them, for their Hernando de Soto, the Peruvian economist and the author of The Mystery of life. It’s like a religion.” Four of his sons currently have work, but they do not Capital, writes: earn enough to be able to save. One sells fish, one works as a carrier, one as a “What the poor majority in the developing world do not have, is easy access painter, and one in the municipality as a daily worker. They all struggle to make to the legal system, which, in the advanced nations of the world and for the ends meet. For example, the son who is a painter is married and has a daughter; elite in their own countries, is the gateway to economic success. For it is in the legal system where property documents are created and standardized he earns LL90,000 ($60) per week. “He can only earn [enough] to eat,” Abu according to law. That documentation builds a public memory that permits Hassan said.

238 239 HAY EL TANAK 8

society to engage in such crucial economic activities as identifying and gain- households. A researcher completing a study in the area noted that there were ing access to information about individuals, their assets, their titles, rights, exactly 186 families at the time of her assessment. There are between 55,000 to charges and obligations; establishing the limits of liability for businesses; 75,000 people in the city of el Mina, which also has its own municipality. knowing an asset’s previous economic situation; assuring protection of third Residents told stories of being surrounded by wildlife and wilderness when parties; and quantifying and valuing assets and rights. These public memory mechanisms in turn facilitate such opportunities as access to credit, the they first moved to the area decades ago. There used to be fruit trees (banana, establishment of systems of identification, the creation of systems for credit grape, orange, and lemon), gardens, and a large swampy area. Today there are and insurance information, the provision for housing and infrastructure, tall reeds and other plants surrounding the community, and these often also grow the issue of shares, the mortgage of property, and a host of other economic within the small gardens of the houses. The vegetation is evidence of the com- 3 activities that drive a modern market economy.” munity’s location atop a swamp, which accounts for the fact that during the rainy Having lived in the area for sixty years and not having legal tenure of his season the entire area is flooded. dwelling, Abu Hassan is representative of a poor community that could very Looming at the edge of the community are massive piles of plastic bottles likely succeed and prosper if the threat of eviction were removed and the popu- and garbage, which some local residents sort through and use to make their lation was allowed secure tenure on the land on which they live. But Hay el livelihoods. Children are often seen running barefoot through these piles as they Tanak remains paralyzed. It is a community caught in the midst of changing play in the open area. Behind the garbage piles, a newly constructed wall, sepa- laws, backroom deals, constant police threats, and harassment by outsiders. rating a recently built gas station and convenience store, now blocks the view of Being marginalized from the legal system, the residents have no opportunities to the sea. This was built by one of the new landowners claiming rights to the prop- leverage what they already have to improve the quality of their lives. In spite of erty on which the community is living, and it caused the eviction of four families. organizing themselves, their voices are ignored and they are powerless in trying to protect themselves. Marginalization, exclusion, insecurity, and voicelessness History and legal status of the community are the faces of poverty in Hay el Tanak. There is no record of when Palestinians first settled in the area now known as Hay el Tanak. Given that most Palestinians came to Lebanon during the late History and location 1940s, it cannot have been too long after their arrival that the first non-Pales- tinians moved to the area. Even though the location was not ideal and facilities Hay el Tanak is located near the Mediterranean Sea in the city of el Mina, there were extremely lacking, many of the early residents moved there because west of Tripoli. The community lives just off of the main road that runs along they could do so without buying the land or paying rent. Gradually, as one com- the sea in the southern area of el Mina. Hay el Tanak is made up of a few dirt munity member explained, “Poor people started to come, like a chain.” Often roads, each of which is lined with makeshift housing on both sides. The main people who were struggling in their current contexts would hear about the area feature of the community is the corrugated tin roofing that covers most of the from a family or a friend who had moved there. People were attracted by the idea housing. This corrogated roofing also gives the community its name: tanak is of not having to pay rent or buy the land. Slowly the area was built up to its cur- the Arabic for metal. The houses are made up of various materials, including rent size, with families arriving and leaving over the years, the latter group selling cement bricks and reinforced cardboard. They were built in a haphazard fashion their makeshift housing to other poor families for a small price.4 as residents arrived in the community over the years. More recently, as parts of By most accounts, the community was fairly unaffected by the Civil War, the houses, especially the roofs, have fallen apart, residents have been forbidden though it raged all around and there was some property damage. Those who from making renovations, and they have been forced to “rebuild” using blue tar- were able to, fled the area for their safety, but many returned when they felt the paulin held in place by tires. This is now the most noticeable feature when one situation was secure enough to do so. overlooks the community. Residents claim that while they were never able to rise out of poverty, until According to the newly elected mayor, Hay el Tanak is one of four margin- about 20 years ago their lives were relatively simple and peaceful. Until then the alized areas in el Mina. Many of the residents explained that the community is land they live on was owned by the government. One man said that the govern- part of a larger area called Hara el Jdedeh. One of the community leaders ex- ment knew they were squatting there, and he even had a piece of paper ac- plained that Hay el Tanak currently covers just over 30,000 m2 and that the com- knowledging that he and his family had been living there in the 1960s and 1970s. munity is “like a village,” with approximately 1,000 people in approximately 200 However, around the late 1980s and early 1990s, through a complex Lebanese

240 241 HAY EL TANAK 8 law, the government was allowed to exchange land plots with private owners. Profile of the community Without notice, the land on which Hay el Tanak is located changed hands.5 It was a while before the new owners of Hay el Tanak tried to claim the land. Hay el Tanak is made up of Lebanese, Syrians, and Palestinians, although per- Some residents claim that the new owners’ interest in the land came only after ceptions of the actual makeup of the community vary according to who is being a rezoning of el Mina dramatically increased the value of the seafront property. interviewed. While one of the community leaders said that there were only 30-40 The previous mayor of el Mina planned to create a tourist destination in the area Syrian families, others debated over whether there was a Syrian or Lebanese ma- with beaches, a corniche, and restaurants. As city development prospects came to jority. An elderly woman commented, “The Syrians come to live here because light, the value of seafront property further increased. it is a better life. The majority of the people in the community are Lebanese. Since then, the community has been fighting in the courts for appropriate There are very few Syrians.” Yet, another old woman claimed, “I know [person- compensation with the few resources it has. Other communities in the area ally] three Syrian families, but they are the majority in Hay el Tanak. They are around Hay el Tanak have been relocated in the past, but they were offered more than the Lebanese. There is one street that is all Syrian.” This discrepancy meaningful reimbursement: enough money to allow them to purchase a house may be attributable to the fact that citizenship is not openly discussed – possibly or apartment in the nearby areas. With skyrocketing real estate prices in el Mina out of fear of discrimination, or perhaps as a result of the presence of many and Tripoli, the small amount of money now being offered to some residents mixed families within the community or families that have migrated regularly would not pay rent even for one year. Other residents have been offered nothing. between Syria and Lebanon over the years. However, most people agreed that Technically, the residents of Hay el Tanak are illegally squatting on what is there are few Palestinian families in the community, perhaps only three or four. now private land. The community lives in constant fear of being evicted, often One community leader, who had drafted petitions on behalf of all the families putting their lives on hold to protest against the bulldozers threatening to destroy in the area, estimated that 60 percent are Lebanese, 30 percent are Syrian, and their homes or to attend court sessions about their cases. The court cases, which 4 percent are Palestinian. have been a back-and-forth battle between the landowners and the residents, Many of the Syrians and Palestinians have been living in the area for their are often postponed for various reasons. But while the the legal battles continue, whole lives and are considered “just as Lebanese” as anyone else. Unlike some police have prohibited residents from rebuilding their precarious houses – hence of the other poorer communities in Lebanon where the people live in isolated the tarpaulin roofs. The police regularly patrol the area to make sure that no pockets based on religion or ethnicity, there is some overiding sense of commu- repair work or construction is being done. As much as some residents would like nity in Hay el Tanak; which is unusual for Lebanon. The common crisis around to stay (generally those that have been there a long time) and others (the newer eviction that members of the commmunity face has united them. Abu Walid ones) want to leave, their fight is for either resettlement or fair and adequate commented, “The community is gathered because they live next to each other. compensation. Abu Walid, one of the informal leaders of the community, stated, There aren’t any groups under a certain title.” One Lebanese woman said, “Syr- “If they want this area, give us compensation like they did for the others.” In the ians and Lebanese help each other. The relationships are good. They are one of midst of all of this, desperate families with no other options for housing continue us.” While the crisis around their insecure tenure brings them together, and the to arrive, even though they are aware of the challenges currently being faced in residents are eager to say that they are one community, time spent in the area the courts. evidences that residents are nonetheless very aware of the nationality differences between the groups. This is not an uncommon way of thinking in Lebanon. Most of the residents are originally from el Mina, with some from nearby areas like Minye and Akkar in the mountains. The community is mostly Sunni Comments from the community: Muslims with no known Christian families. There is a lot of mobility with people Poor quality housing and families constantly coming and going, although some families have been in “There are holes in the roof. Our roof is cracked. One year ago my son could have the area for generations. There were no noticeable gender differences within died because the ceiling fell when he came in. When something collapses, we can’t the demographics of the community. While some couples recently moved to the rebuild it because the area is not for us. The police have told us that we aren’t allowed area because they cannot afford housing anywhere else, other families have been to rebuild, so we just put cardboard on the roof. Also, the toilet floods and the smell living in the area for 50 years, with each subsequent generation born there. is awful. There are problems with the water and flooding.” The households in Hay el Tanak vary in makeup. Some are young couples that have just moved to the area, others are widows or female-headed

242 243 HAY EL TANAK 8 households, and some are nuclear family units living together. Many are house- Most people in Hay el Tanak struggle with being perceived as poor and holds consisting of extended families living within the same property, often in marginalized, especially by the government. The reality is that most are poor, connected buildings. This stems from the fact that the community grew slowly but they want to make clear to outsiders that poverty is not always connected over time. The original inhabitants had much more space when building their to criminal behavior. Despite the poverty, people often mentioned the integrity houses. Then, as the original community members started having children, and found within the community, though people remained ashamed of the situation the children then got married, it was much easier to build them a house attached they are living in. People often said that they were proud of being poor, though to their own or within their property area. For this reason, some of the enclosed they were also ashamed of talking about it. Abu Walid commented, “There is properties, which are surrounded by walls, may contain up to five related fami- nothing wrong in being poor. We are poor because we have no jobs and because lies. There is one property with five sons and their families, consisting of 40 of sickness.” All the interviewees said that they work hard to provide a good life people living within the same complex. for their families, but they feel as though their neighborhood is one of the poor- According to a researcher who previously studied the area, the housing units est in Lebanon and challenged others to find an area that is poorer. are rarely larger than two living spaces (one bedroom and one living room which is often converted into a bedroom at night), a small kitchen, and a bathroom. In some of the houses the kitchens and bathrooms are located outside the house, Comments from the community: under a covered area. The large families must make do with the space they have, An honorable and honest neighborhood as they are now unable to continue building. An older woman said: “I am proud of being poor, but I want a solution for it. I don’t want to be poor all “I left my house and came to live with my mom after my son died. There are the time. In the newspaper they said that the neighborhood is a most honorable and two beds, one living room, one kitchen, one bathroom, and a garden. I live honest neighborhood. Though we are too poor, it was mentioned that we are the there now with my brother and his wife, my husband, and my mom … My best and the most honorable neighborhood because we have no drugs, no gangs, no family is six boys and two girls. There are 14 of us living in the house now.” problems. All our children are raised well, and though they work in carrying things, all of them are or were at school.” Women in the area generally get married and start having children somewhere between the ages of 16 and 18, although in some families there are girls engaged to be married at as young as 14 years old. The number of children per household ranges from two to 10, with the average for 22 households inter- Livelihoods viewed being 5.7 children. The households with fewer children are usually young couples that have only recently started their families. While some of the women Many community members blamed their poverty on the lack of sufficient em- expressed a desire to implement family planning methods, their husbands gener- ployment in Lebanon. One woman said, “There is poverty here because there is ally disagreed with them. A few families stated that they refused to have more no work here. There is no employment. The majority of the men stay at home. children until their financial situation was more secure. One man said, “I have That’s the main reason … Not even education will help; only wasta will get us two kids. If God doesn’t make things better then I don’t want any more kids. jobs.” While most community members have some kind of work, they do not I think large family sizes contribute to poverty.” The man’s wife then added, earn enough to support their families on a month-to-month basis; many cannot “People used to give birth to 10 babies, now it’s fewer.” find work or are unable to work in winter. There are a few female-headed households. In most cases either the husband Many also feel that a lack of education was one of the main causes of pov- had died or had left to get married to someone else. The situation is extremely erty as it increases the challenge of finding gainful employment. Due to their difficult for the women who are left to take care of their children and find the generally low level of education, the majority of jobs the people of Hay el Tanak means to support their families. hold are either seasonal or irregular and unstable. Most of the people inter- Everyone interviewed considered the neighborhood to be a good area and with- viewed were either currently unemployed, had been recently unemployed, or out the typical problems which are found in poor communities elsewhere. They all knew many residents that were unemployed. stated that there is no crime or drugs, and there are no delinquencies. One commu- One job that the community is known for is waste collection. Residents sort nity member commented, “Here people are nicer and cleaner than in other places. through garbage and take out all the material that can be recycled, which they They are all nice and good, but they don’t have a chance.” Residents were very then sell to a company in Tripoli for a very small profit. This work is mostly done adamant that although they are poor, they are good citizens – honest and honorable. by the men and children. Sometimes the men will find things in the garbage that

244 245 HAY EL TANAK 8 can be repaired, cleaned, and resold, and the women then take on these tasks. far from downtown Tripoli and is not easily accessible by public transportation, This is very hard work and the income is minimal. residents have to pay around $2 a day to travel to and from the area. With the Some of the men work in trades. At the entrance of Hay el Tanak there are limited income they are making, some mentioned that it is not worth it to make some woodworking and furniture shops, and some car mechanics. While none the trip into the city to look for work. of these shops and garages are owned by residents of Hay el Tanak, many men from the community work in them. The work is unstable and is dependent on Income sufficiency the number of contracts being completed at the shops. Other men work in con- While most residents could not state an average income for the community, they struction jobs outside the settlement, such as tiling. This work is dependent on all agreed that what they earn is not enough. Most of the work available is con- the amount of work the builder has and on the season: there is little or no work tract work, such as sorting plastic and garbage or making furniture, and the available in the winter. income from it depends on the amount of work completed. Fishermen’s incomes A few men from the community are taxi drivers, putting in as many hours depend on the quality and quantity of their catch. “There is no security for us. as they are able to. Although there is more flexibility in driving a taxi, drivers’ We have no insurance,” a fisherman’s wife commented. A fisherman’s (house- incomes are susceptible to the price of benzene and drivers often face more legal hold) income might vary between $0 and about $30 per day, with the average troubles – as the profession is government regulated – than other workers. One being $10-14 per day when it is possible to fish. Those who sorted plastic said man had to pay $400 because he had forgotten his license. that they might only make a few thousand Lebanese pounds per day. A few resi- Many men in the community work as fishermen, mostly through the nights dents stated that their average household income was approximately LL20,000 in the summer. Very few of them are able to work in winter because of the harsh ($13) per day. and inclement weather. One woman spoke of a boat accident that almost killed Typically in Hay el Tanak only the man in the house works. As a result most her husband. Fishing in the area is unpredictable, and the income is dependent families are dependent on only one income. Sometimes women also work, but on the quality and quantity of the catch. The fish are sold to middlemen, and this is fairly rare as they are usually taking care of their children. A few of those many fishermen said they felt that they were being swindled by being offered interviewed mentioned that their elder sons are also working, earning about $10 lower than fair prices. a day. The parents, however, preferred that their children started saving their Some women work outside their homes, often when their husband is unable money to purchase a house and to use for their own futures. Occasionally the to find a job either because the market is particularly bad or because of health older children who are not married help out with family expenses. problems. Many women expressed a wish to work in order to improve their The elderly are particularly vulnerable in not having a livelihood or a steady financial situation, but they were unable to do so because of young children. stream of income, especially if they are not living with their children in an ex- The women that have employment work in a variety of jobs. Some work with tended family situation. Many of the elderly couples have no income earners their families in cleaning items of garbage to resell them. Others are cleaners in in the household. Most of them rely on “allowances” from their children. But homes and hospitals. Some women buy goods, such as clothing from the souq, more often than not, their children and their children’s families are facing their and then sell them locally for a slight profit. There are a few women in the com- own hardships as well and are not able spare a lot. This is particularly difficult as munity who have finished high school; this is very rare for the area. They tutor many of the elderly are facing health problems and need to pay for healthcare some of the neighborhood children whose parents are able to afford it. A few and medication. One elderly woman explained, “I have osteoporosis, hyperten- of the younger girls who dropped out of school early are studying hairdressing. sion, and diabetes. I have several medications that I need to take, but I can’t One woman explained that many homes have chickens, which the family afford it; only if God makes things easier or the kids help can I take them.” keeps for the eggs. When they have extra eggs, they will sell them to neighbors. The mantra of many residents is, “If you work you eat. If you don’t work, Sometimes they will sell a chicken to the neighbors for special occasions. She you don’t eat.” One woman said that people must choose between eating and mentioned that this did not happen often and that families could not rely on this buying new clothes, so they chose to eat. Many families stated that they are for regular income. She also said that she grows grapevines, the fruit of which unable to purchase enough food to feed their families. Another woman said: she mostly uses for her own cooking but will sometimes sell to the neighbors as well. “… some people don’t have money to eat. And I swear to God, that there One factor limiting employment options for some was the cost of transpor- are some people in this neighborhood that don’t have one loaf of bread in their house … There is no loaf of bread in their house so they can feed tation from Hay el Tanak to either el Mina or Tripoli. As the area is located their kids.”

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Part of the problem is that there are no nearby souqs or stores where people huge amounts in penalties, which they feel they will never be able to pay. Abu can purchase fresh food. Residents are forced to either travel into el Mina to buy Hassan said: food, paying $2 for transportation, or rely on the men who come in vans selling “We had to pay LL10 million [$6,667] or go to jail for six months … We vegetables at inflated prices. Many also said that these vegetables are less fresh fought the decision and had to pay LL320,000 [$213] instead. This was to than those available at a souq outside the community. evacuate. But only when I die will I leave here. Others are still in the court Expenses related to their houses vary as there are different kinds of hom- process and they have to pay $20 for every day that they stay here.” eownership. The early residents of Hay el Tanak did not purchase the land or pay any rent. Some newcomers rent their homes from those who have left, others Education purchased houses, and some built their houses themselves, often on the land belonging to their relatives. One woman said that her monthly rent is LL320,000 The level of education in the Hay el Tanak is not very high. For the most part, ($214), which leaves her family with very little for their other expenses. Another the current generation of working adults has minimal education. While some family who recently moved to the area paid around $5,000 to purchase their have no education, most have completed a few grades of schooling. Only one small two-room house. The majority do not pay any rent. woman interviewed had completed her Baccalaureate. Despite that, and de- Many people outside of Hay el Tanak think that residents in the commu- pending on their financial resources, most of the parents are attempting to keep nity do not have to pay for their electricity. However, electricity in each house is their children in school. The parents see the value of education and want to measured by a meter, and one resident said that it costs them between $20 and ensure that the younger generation will not miss out on opportunities because of $50 per month. While some residents have access to generators that they can use a lack of education. One resident stated, “The social problems are exclusion and during the frequent power cuts, most are unable to afford such a luxury (around dropouts. There are only a few kids, maybe 1 percent, who never go to school.” $17 per month), and this often leaves them in the cold during the winter months. In most of the families interviewed, the girls tend to drop out between grades There is no sewage collection provided by the city, and residents must pay 3 and 5, though there are a few who have completed high school and even start- $50 to have their sewage pits emptied, which is done approximately every two ed university. The young boys in the area seem to be less educated than the girls. months. If the pits are not emptied, the area around the house will flood. Some families said that their boys had had no education at all. If they do attend Health expenses are often what cause the most trouble for the residents of school, they tend to drop out around grade 4, about the same time as most of Hay el Tanak, forcing them to borrow money from family, friends, and neighbors the girls. One resident commented, “Boys are left in the streets. Some will go to or forgo treatment altogether. No one in Hay el Tanak has health insurance, school, but it depends on the boy. Generally, in this area, the boys are not edu- and this forces some to take desperate measures. Some women said that they cated. But also, the girls are not very educated.” gave birth at home even though they were sick, because they could not afford to There are no schools in Hay el Tanak today, although residents who have go to a hospital. One woman explained that her daughter has heart problems lived in the area for years said that there had been a primary school. The build- and is supposed to have a scan every two months to monitor the progress. Since ing that housed this school was used by soldiers during the Civil War and was the scan is $200 each time, the last time she had one was two years ago. The destroyed around 1988. All the children in Hay el Tanak must travel outside of daughter frequently asks her mother if she looks sick or if her lips are blue. Her the area to go to school. Some children attend school in a nearby area called Ma- mother lies to her because she cannot bear the thought of her daughter knowing sakan. Some of the parents feel that the quality of this school is bad and that it how sick she really is. Two mothers told of their children being in car accidents. has poor teaching standards. The primary language of instruction is Arabic, but One explained, “Our daughter was hit by a car. But since we had no money, the because the school only goes up to grade 9, the children must switch to an Eng- hospital kicked us out. You need money to enter the emergency room, even if lish or French speaking school when they finish. Many children then drop out you are dying.” because of the increased language demands. One girl who attended the school Additionally, the community has to bear the financial strain of the continu- explained that there are children in grade 5 who cannot read or write. The ing court battle over their land. Because of it they are forced to pay for a lawyer school would, adhering to a former Lebanese practice, just pass each child into and topographer in order to help them with their claims in court and to un- subsequent years until they drop out.6 There is also a private school in Masakan, derstand the complicated legal system. The court has already begun fining the but it seems that none of the families in the area can afford to send their children residents for each day that they stay on the land. While payment is sometimes there. Some families send their children to the Nassar public school in el Mina. postponed during court procedures, many residents have already accumulated Most of the families interviewed complained of poor quality schools and

248 249 HAY EL TANAK 8 teachers, regardless of which school their children were attending. They said that the teachers judge the children, which hinders their education. One mother said, “Sometimes the teacher judges the children on their physical appearance and they underestimate their ability. My daughter was smart and knows French better than Arabic.” Another example was of an 11-year-old girl with disabilities. She was harassed to the point where she had to leave school. She was then not accepted at any other schools because of her disabilities. Some women also spoke of a change in the attitude and behavior of the children. These women feel that when they themselves attended school, the children respected their teachers. They say this is no longer the case. An older woman said, “Children used to be scared of their teachers, but now it is the opposite; things have changed over generations.” Someone also mentioned that drugs are prevalent in the schools now.. The cost of tuition varies between different schools, with some families paying $20, $50, or $100 per child per year. This does not include the cost of school supplies, books, or transportation, which may be up to $20 per child per month. One mother said that since the prices are so high, she has to send her children to school on foot because they cannot afford to take the bus. Another woman said that tuition fees begin to increase after grade 7. A family with four A house in Hay el Tanak children attending school will spend approximately $500 on tuition and trans- Health and nutrition portation per year, to receive an education that they feel is poor quality. But for most families living here there are no other options. Considering the lack of proper hygiene, the cramped living conditions, extreme All of those interviewed claimed that education was important and the key to difficulties in the winter, the ever grinding pressure of poverty, and the uncertain- getting out of poverty. Referring to her children, one woman said: ties connected with their land tenure, it is surprising that health problems in the “We studied, but we dropped out at an early age. If I start working, I will put community are not worse than they are. “I was surprised that there were no seri- my small children in school. I like studying; it is very important. The only ous health problems. Even though they are poor, they may be attentive to their thing that bothers my heart is that my kids and I are not educated. It is the health. Or they may have adapted over the years,” a PhD researcher studying only thing that ensures a good job.” the community commented. One woman explained that the health conditions Some in the community went so far as to hire tutors for their children to ensure that people in the community face are all God’s will; it doesn’t matter where you that they would stay in school. A mother and her two daughters who have all live, it is out of your control. However, community members spoke of many ail- finished high school work in the community as tutors. ments of varying degrees of seriousness during interviews. When the residents When asked why children dropped out of school early, the most common were asked about the overall health of their community, the answers varied sig- answer was the lack of financial means to pay for all of the costs associated with nificantly from “average” to “good” to “severe health problems.” education. Many felt great regret and remorse that they themselves were not Some commonly mentioned health problems were osteoporosis, hyperten- educated and are now unable to pay for their children to be educated. When sion, diabetes, asthma, and cardiovascular problems. Some other less preva- asked if they were removing their children from school to have them work and lent problems were back issues, strokes, lung cancer, paralysis, and muscular help the family financially, they replied that this was not the case, they simply problems. One man also alluded to the prevalence of mental health problems: could not afford the associated costs of attending school. One woman, who sent “There is desperation here, more than you think.” her daughters to school but not her sons, said, “Education is very important. Parents listed a variety of health problems that their children face. Two We love to educate our children but we can’t. So what can we do?” Some of the mothers said that their children have hemorrhoids; one child needs an opera- daughters of those interviewed had dropped out of school to get married, but tion, but the family can’t afford to pay for it. Many women spoke of various the age at which this occurred varied significantly. problems that arise as a result of the moisture in their houses, such as kidney and back problems, asthma, and throat and ear problems. The 11-year-old girl

250 251 HAY EL TANAK 8 with severe disabilities has already had four operations to correct her physical could not afford to attend them. One man commented, “I can’t pay more than mobility and her vision. She still needs further operations, but her parents cannot LL10,000 ($6.7) a month on health care costs.” afford them at this time. Two women said that their infant sons had passed away Two other facilities mentioned were a private clinic in Bab el Tabenneh (an due to health conditions, but they did not elaborate further. One mother talked area in Tripoli) and an Islamic hospital. The private clinic costs LL10,000 ($6.7) about her daughter who has a hole in her heart and needs to have regular scans for a checkup, but it cannot complete all procedures. One resident said it was and an operation, which the family cannot afford. Since the need for surgery has better than many public clinics, but they have to travel to Tripoli to use it. The become urgent, the community is collecting money to try and fund the opera- two people who spoke of having had operations had them in Beirut and in Trip- tion for her. oli. They said the procedures were expensive and that they could not afford to One of the young women tutoring in the community said that the children’s pay for all of the medical procedures that they were recommended to complete. mental health is affected because of the pressures of poverty and the uncertainty Because there are no clinics in Hay el Tanak itself, residents must take public of the future. One boy was distressed because his parents beat him, and this af- transportation or get a ride to the health care facilities. This is not easy for those fected his educational performance. with physical problems, and it has actually deterred some from completing ex- Many parents spoke of the unhygienic conditions during the winter when aminations. One woman explained how she had a herniated disk in her back. they need to carry their children through water when the community floods. Her son would drive her to a clinic, but once she arrived, she could not sit and They are concerned that the flood water is mixed with sewage water. wait for her turn when there were many people ahead of her because of the pain Unlike other communities interviewed, all of the women spoken to had had she was in. Also, she could not walk back to the community by herself. She says their children vaccinated. that she is “tired of the dispensary” and no longer goes there. A few of the parents interviewed mentioned the desire to have fewer chil- One community member said that if they cannot afford to visit a clinic, they dren. One commented, “It is better to have only two to three kids. Then your will treat the problem at home. They will visit a pharmacy and explain their kids can wear nice clothes and eat good food. Now we can only buy clothes on problems, hoping to get the correct medication. None of those interviewed had special occasions.” any sort of insurance coverage. Prenatal and postnatal care varied significantly among residents. Some said Most of the community members complained of the difficulty in covering that they had prenatal care every month before giving birth, but others never had health care costs, including examinations, treatments, and medications. One any. One woman said that she went every two to three months during her preg- man commented, “If [families] have money, they get health care. If not, then nancy, depending on what her doctor told her. She said that she often went to a they have nothing.” Another person interviewed indicated the lack of support regular dispensary, as there are no special services for pregnant women. Some of from external institutions, stating that even though political organizations in the the women gave birth in hospitals while others used TBAs from el Mina. None area know of the health problems that people in the area face, they will only proof the women reported any difficulties during their childbirths, although some of vide “LL1,000 [$0.7] per month.” Many people said they had been prescribed their children had been born by cesarean section. One woman said that the cost medications but were unable to afford them. However, it was noted that many of hospitals influences where they will give birth. While some hospitals are more of the elderly in the community often had large amounts of medicine that they expensive, she only paid LL25,000 ($17) to give birth. kept in their homes, which might belie some of their claims of inability to afford There are a few clinics, dispensaries, and hospitals in the areas nearby. The medication. large majority said they could only afford to go to the public ones, due to a lack As the community is fairly isolated from the markets and souq, it is hard for of money. There is a “cheap” clinic in el Mina where patients only have to pay residents to obtain fresh food supplies. The small shops in the area sell only basic LL10,000 ($6.7) for an examination, according to residents. But one community nonperishable food items. As a result the residents must find other ways of ob- member felt that the examinations were too quick and not enough attention was taining fresh foods. Some of the men from the community will go to the souq in paid to the patients. There is also a clinic associated with the Hariri Foundation el Mina and purchase fresh foods, mostly fruits and vegetables, and then come in Masakan that some visit. Residents report that it costs around LL10,000 ($6.7) back to the area and sell the food at high prices. One woman explained that it is for a consultation, LL20,000 ($13) for medications, and LL30,000 ($20) for tests; mostly the Syrians that do this job. Some residents are annoyed at having to pay the clinic does not provide any free services. There is another dispensary in Ma- more for the food, but their only alternative is to go to the souq themselves and sakan where residents say a consultation costs LL7,000-10,000 ($4.7-6.7). There pay the additional transportation cost. Many feel vulnerable because of their are also private clinics in el Mina and Tripoli, though most interviewees said they dependency on the vegetable trucks: “If a vegetable seller doesn’t come here, we

252 253 HAY EL TANAK 8 have a hard time getting to the souq, because it’s hard to leave.” when other family members are in need. However, other than this, no groups Likewise, no meat and only some dairy products are available in Hay el offer any support. “There are no networks or groups for help,” a community Tanak, and residents need to go into el Mina in order to purchase these items. member said. Many mentioned that if they were in one of the political par- One woman said she goes every day, while another elderly woman only goes ties, they would benefit by receiving aid. Most were too dismayed at the empty once every two to three months; she relies on her neighbors to help her. Howev- promises they had received from politicians over the years for them to now join er, some residents explained that they cannot afford to eat these items every day any of the parties. anyway, as they are too expensive. One woman explained, “We eat three times Some community members have strong family ties in the area, which they a day, sometimes less. It depends. Having milk and meat depends on money. We use for support during the hard times. As some residents were born in the area, eat diverse foods but milk, etc., are more expensive.” and all of their siblings still live there, they have a strong informal safety net. When asked about breast-feeding and how the women perceived its value, Additionally, nationality groups tend to welcome their own. Lebanese or Syrians the answers varied. Some women breast-feed their children for months, some- arriving in the area would be more likely to be included within their larger com- times even years, but “the majority of women in the community don’t breast- munity, whereas minorities, such as the Palestinians would have a more limited feed.” Some women explained that they had milk for some of their children but social network. Many of the new residents, for example the young couples that not others. Most used bottles with milk that they purchased from the pharmacy. moved to the area because of the cheap housing, said they feel much less of a One mother commented, “If you don’t have enough money for milk, you can connection to the community. find alternatives like milk and rice, milk and wheat, etc.” Perceptions of the trust and reciprocity in Hay el Tanak varied among community members. Some feel that the community is a large cohesive group, “like a family,” where people help each other. These people feel that there is no dis- Assets and vulnerabilities crimination between any of the groups in the community, and that there are “good relationships between the groups.” Ties are felt not only between families The human capital available to residents of Hay el Tanak is limited. The feeling and nationalities, but also between neighbors who share little in common other of exclusion from access to help or information is a common sentiment shared than living in the same community. by all members of the area. Those who are Lebanese expressed dismay that their Others explained, “We are not together,” and that each family or nationality government is not helping them, and they often feel that foreigners have more sticks together, with little regard for the others living in the area. Some feel that access to employment and help than they do. the different nationalities in the area are like “two different communities” (refer- When people face a challenge, most have nowhere to access information ring to the Lebanese and Syrian groups). One reason explained for the disagree- with which to help themselves. Some people mentioned that while the police ment is fights between children that escalate into fights between their parents. still have control over the area, they do not seek help from them because of all Some also blamed the influx of new residents into the area as the source of of the problems and confrontations between the two groups in the past. Others distrust between neighbors, saying that in the past everyone had felt like family. mentioned seeking the help of officials or politicians, but this very rarely resulted A third group felt indifferent to their neighbors, saying that there was little or in any kind of help for community members. Often they would be turned away no interaction between them. One woman explained, “I don’t know about the without the desired assistance, or they would be given only a fraction of what relationships between people … I know people superficially, but I don’t know any they needed if it was financial aid. Some people spoke of going to the informal details of their lives … I didn’t have any negative experiences with other people, leader of the community when needing information, especially regarding the but I’ve heard of fights between people.” These feelings may have to do with the legal situation they were facing. As he has spent many hours learning about the size and influence of their social networks. situation, facing the courts, and speaking to the media, he was often much more Ironically, the legal situation facing Hay el Tanak has had a galvanizing effect knowledgeable about the subject than others. Many people also mentioned that in terms of community cohesiveness. When a bulldozer or the police are threat- they turn to God when they have problems. ening the area, the whole community will band together to fight against the A strong sentiment expressed by all of the community members was the threat. People will also support each other in court, whether the case is specifi- feeling of abandonment by most outside their immediate area. Members of the cally against them or not. One resident said, “Because of the situation, everyone community rarely feel that they belong to any groups other than their family or sticks together.” their nationality within the community. In terms of social capital, people often On the other hand, some residents believe that their neighbors are telling the spoke of receiving financial support from their families and in turn offering it

254 255 HAY EL TANAK 8 police when they try to rebuild parts of their houses. The police then come and The physical assets of the community are limited, poorly maintained, and destroy what has been built if the residents cannot afford to bribe the policemen often problematic in terms of access and functionality. One very noticeable to ignore the violation. Those affected were unsure as to why their neighbors feature of Hay el Tanak is the lack of proper infrastructure. The roads in the would do this, but some suspected that they might receive a payoff from the community are not paved and are often completely flooded during the winter. police for reporting the construction. This was a major source of frustration Consequently, the houses in the community also flood. Some of the houses were for many people whose houses have fallen apart and who are unable to make constructed 50 years ago. Others are newer but have been constructed over time repairs. One resident suggested that the government was not helping with the with few financial resources, resulting in haphazard building methods and the situation because there are Syrians living in Hay el Tanak and, therefore, it is not use of poor quality building materials. As mentioned repeatedly, people feel that seen as a “Lebanese” problem. Inevitably this creates tension between those who their houses are in poor condition and in need of repair, but because of the legal feel this is the case and the Syrian population within the community. issues they are unable to do any further construction. Many complained of the Throughout the community’s history, it has had two informal “leaders.” Abu cold and dampness in winter and the moisture and humidity in summer, which Hassan was one of the original members of the community, who arrived about sometimes leads to health problems. Some of the roofs of the houses are made 55 years ago, and has lived there ever since. He worked to bring people together of nothing more than tarpaulin and plastic sheets, which often results in flooding and to fight against the courts once the legal issues arose. Abu Walid took over inside the houses during the rainy season. the “leadership” once the health of Abu Hassan began to deteriorate. Since Most houses have televisions, and some have satellite dishes. However, basic this time, he has been spearheading the struggle that the community is facing. furniture is often lacking. Many residents sleep on mats on the floor, which they He is in touch with the media, has had the entire community sign petitions, has fold up during the day. There are often no tables or chairs, and people eat their attended the court sessions, and has met with many politicians to discuss their meals on the floors. Due to overcrowding, many people often sleep in the same cause. Many of the community members have come to think of this man as room. their leader or as the president of the area. Although many of the residents did Hay el Tanak consists mainly of homes, with a few shops and some garages. not feel a connection with their neighbors, they always mentioned Abu Walid as Many of those interviewed feel that the area is large enough to merit more gov- someone who was trusted and respected, and as a strong source of influence in ernment services and commercial areas, including a school and a pharmacy or the community. a clinic. Even traveling to the closest town, el Mina, is a challenge for many residents due to financial, health, or family reasons. When the first residents moved to the area, they set up an informal system of accessing electricity by splicing it from some of the main wires running past the area. About six years ago, the residents wanted to legalize the electricity in Hay el Tanak. The community members were initially told that they would have to pay LL500,000 per house ($333). After going to the courts to protest, the cost was decreased to LL50,000 ($33). However, after one week they heard of a new decision that increased the price back up to LL500,000 ($333), but since they had not paid the full amount on time an additional fine of LL120,000 ($80) was added. One resident said that she had to sell her wedding ring in order to cover the cost. There is now a meter in each house to monitor and charge for the electricity used. Some pay between LL45,000-65,000 ($30-43) for two months, others pay between LL45,000-50,000 ($30-33) per month. There are still frequent power cuts following a general pattern of four hours on and four hours off. As mentioned earlier, only some of the residents have the financial means to access a common generator, in order to deal with the frequent power cuts. Water access is a huge problem for residents of Hay el Tanak. There are The outside of a house in Hay el Tanak wells that provide water for domestic use, but because they are close to the sea,

256 257 HAY EL TANAK 8 the water is salty and cannot be used for drinking. About 10 years ago, drinking The community claims to have been living peacefully in the area, with the in- water started to be pumped to the houses from a water distribution company, formal consent of the government, until the late 1980s when the land changed although many still question the quality of this water. One man said that this hands to private owners. Since then the community has been embroiled in this water is pumped for free, but many residents mentioned that they have to pay for legal battle, fighting for their right to fair compensation. drinking water. Regardless, an elderly man seemed happy that they had finally This fight has been off and on, depending on the political climate of the received drinking water as, “For 40 years we were bringing in our own drinking time; for instance, when Rafiq Hariri was in power, he stalled the court processes water.” and demanded a fair solution for all parties involved. After his death, his wishes The water systems are often shut off for days at a time. Just before the in- were subsequently denied and the court proceedings started again. Certain terviews were completed, Hay el Tanak had been without water for five days. judges have postponed rulings, waited for further information, or ruled in favor It was cut off because a new building was being constructed, but the residents of the community for the short term, but the landowners have been persistent in had had no previous warnings. Officials had also been planning on cutting off pursuing the cases and the issue continues to this day. the electricity, until the community protested and spoke with a deputy from the There have been small battles with the police and bulldozers who have come north who fought for their case. During these times the population of Hay el to demolish homes in the area. The community has banded together and pro- Tanak had to fill bottles with water from the wells and buy their drinking water. tested, with women and children participating as well. While no one mentioned There are no sewage networks in Hay el Tanak. Instead each house has a pit any injuries during these confrontations, these were major events for members underneath it, which is used to collect the waste. Residents must pay to have this of the community. emptied approximately every one to two months, at a cost of around LL75,000 In addition to shocks, there are also seasonal challenges with which the com- ($50) each time. Many of the pits are small and overflow easily if not emptied munity must cope. Without fail, every resident of Hay el Tanak mentioned the frequently or during the rainy seasons. This results in wastewater flooding the horrible conditions experienced during the winter. Because the area was origi- streets and the houses, often creating problems between neighbors. Due to the nally built on a swamp, its proximity to the sea and the lack of drainage systems building restrictions, residents are forbidden from constructing larger pits. mean that the area completely floods during the winter months. Residents com- There is very little financial capital in the community. Only one man inter- plained of flooding both in the streets and in their houses. As the water causes viewed, Abu Hassan, mentioned that he had been able to save money throughout the sewage pits to overflow, the area often floods with wastewater. his lifetime, but this was quickly spent on health care costs. Some other people To cope, residents do not go outside. If they need to speak with a neighbor spoke of residents that were able to save enough to move out of the community, they will yell from their door. Parents must carry their children to school, rolling some selling their houses and others renting to new tenants. up their own pants and taking off their shoes to walk in the water. However, the vast majority lives from paycheck to paycheck. The financial Due to the poor housing conditions, the strong rains also leak through the situation of those in the community differs from household to household and roofs. The moisture gathers in the houses and many people complained of is somewhat dependent on how many children there are. Since most jobs are seasonal or unstable, the population is unable to guarantee regular and secure income, increasing their financial troubles. No resident mentioned the need to use, or the availability of, any financial services. In fact, when residents were asked about their financial capital and situation, and whether they were able to save, it was almost a laughing matter for them. It was so preposterous that they would ever be able to use any formal financial services that they had never even considered it. Sometimes family members or neighbors borrow money from each other if they are in desperate need. This is most often the case for unexpected health problems. A few women mentioned selling their jewelry to be able to purchase their houses in Hay el Tanak or to pay for large costs, like installing electricity. The major shocks felt by the community of Hay el Tanak pertain to the legal issues they are facing and the subsequent conflicts with the police. Residents sort through garbage and recyclying for items that can be repaired or resold

258 259 HAY EL TANAK 8 health problems associated with the dampness. Abu Hassan’s son, who has lived cal systems defined by corruption and the lack of work being done to help their in the area his whole life, said, “In the winter when it is raining we are walking case. Many explained that they don’t actually want aid or handouts from the up the street with water up to our knees. We are trying to sleep with water drip- government, but instead they want stable jobs and a viable solution to their prob- ping on our heads. When we close the door, it feels like a freezer. There is water lem. Residents feel that they are a burden to a government that would sooner all around us.” have them displaced than try and offer a meaningful solution for their situation. Some residents also spoke of the extreme heat and the mosquitoes in the Many people stated that their situation would be improved if they were con- summer months, but this is generally felt to be far less of an issue than the prob- nected to a political party, because they would have increased access to resources lems they face in the winter. and power. Yet they maintained that they had no faith in the overall political The other major seasonal change was employment availability. Many of the system. Only one community member alluded to supporting a political organi- community members are fishermen, and most are unable to work during the zation; all of the others claimed to be neutral, not supporting any party. winter months. Sometimes the men try to work in other areas, such as repair- The community is completely disillusioned with the political system, as they ing boats, but it is very unstable work. Some of their families try to save small often receive promises of support and improvements from politicians immedi- amounts during the summer months to tide them over during the winter when ately before elections, in order to secure their votes. One man said, “During their income inevitably decreases, but they find this difficult. elections the government looks around at the community and we start to The most significant trend noted by the community members is the gradual get attention.” increase in population over the years. Since the first community members inhab- Only one deputy has consistently tried to help the community. Residents ited the area in the 1950s, the number of residents has steadily grown. One of have nicknamed him “the father of poverty,” and he does what he can to stop the first community members explained, “People came here slowly, one-by-one. the court procedures and the destruction of houses. However, being only one Even now there are people coming and building houses.” person, he lacks the resources to do anything other than advocate for the area. Since a new mayor was elected for el Mina in the spring of 2010, some residents have high hopes that the situation will change for the better. Many Comments from the community: community members feel that the previous government was more focused on Migration to the area increasing tourism and building up the city than protecting its own citizens. A particular point of discontent was a large park that was built in el Mina: one “To buy the house here I sold a piece of my gold and my daughter sold a piece of resident queried, “Are the environment and animals more important than us?” her gold. We borrowed money from our family to buy it here. It was $5000 and we Some residents said they would go to the police for help, as they still have paid $1000 for rehabilitation.” authority over the area, but most members of Hay el Tanak said they were dis- “We built our house from wood, aluminum, etc. We used the wall from our neigh- mayed by the way the police had treated them in the past. bor’s house to start. My husband’s friend was living here, and he told us to come Community members often mentioned that the landowners receive more and live beside him.” support from politicians because they are rich and have wasta, the connections needed to win their case. “When we first came, the police came two times and destroyed what we had built. Similarly, there is a lack of support from development organizations. There We rebuilt because we had no other place to go.” are no NGOs working in the community. One participant felt that not only their community but also the whole northern part of Lebanon, has been ignored by “I was with my family. Then I got married and moved here. I moved here during NGOs.7 Another woman thought that the lack of NGOs present in the com- the war. I came here because there is no law; I couldn’t rent somewhere else. I still munity was due to the fact that they were living on illegal land. NGOs would can’t rent now.” be taking a risk by working there as any work initiated could easily be undone during the land reclamation process. While there are no NGOs providing development work, there are a few char- When speaking about the problems facing their community, the harshest ities and individuals who donate goods or money to the community. None of the reactions were usually against politicians and the government. Most residents community members spoken to know who these organizations or individuals stated that they stopped voting because they were so fed up with social and politi- are, or why they are interested in donating to the area. One woman comes once

260 261 HAY EL TANAK 8 a month and gives people LL50,000 ($33). Another person comes once or twice support themselves during this process. One resident explained, “There are no per month and gives meat to the residents. Most people thought the frequency of networks or groups for help.” these visits increased during the month of Ramadan. Many community members feel isolated both physically and socially. Resi- Many of the community members feel helpless to change their situation. dents often stated the troubles they face going into el Mina because it is expen- Some were unsure of how they cope during the hard times, just saying, “We sive or they have nowhere to leave their children during these trips. Perhaps manage.” The ability to deal with shocks and difficulties often depends on the even more important is the feeling of social isolation from a place they consider family and community ties that a particular resident feels within the area. As themselves to be a part of. One woman who was born in el Mina said, “We are mentioned in other sections, there is quite a large informal system of borrowing citizens of Mina, we feel we belong here.” But when these desperate residents money, food, and medicines within the community. The residents are interde- ask for help from the municipality or politicians, they are turned away, or even pendent, helping each other cope in difficult times. laughed at. One woman stated, “When they cut off the water, I took an empty Only a few residents spoke of selling their assets, mostly jewelry, in order to water bottle to Mina to get drinking water. But the people there laughed at me face shocks or deal with difficult situations. Often people just make do with less, and asked me what I was doing. I had no water for several days.” Another man whether it is less food, furniture, educational opportunities, or health care treat- said he did not think they would even let him use the bathrooms in the munici- ments. pality building. One woman summed up her experience, which is very similar to that of The media has helped the community in the past in giving them a voice other residents: (however limited) by coming to the protests and conflicts when the police arrive. “We take care of ourselves. I don’t know how we live when my husband The community has been interviewed several times, allowing residents to express doesn’t work. We just have the necessary money to eat. We had periods their side of the story. Unfortunately, as one man said, “Nothing has changed to where we couldn’t afford to eat. I borrowed money and opened up a small help our situation.” shop. I have debts to pay back, but that’s ok. Thanks to God we are eating In a documentary made about the community one man said: and drinking.” “We have children and no one looks at us. We have children that need The members of Hay el Tanak feel that they have been abandoned and there medicine and hospitals. No one asks about us. But the community goes and is a sense of powerlessness as a result. The sentiment is particularly strong among votes for them [the politicians], but when we ask for help they don’t answer. the Lebanese, who feel that their own country won’t even assist them. These I went to the deputies because my son’s treatment cost me LL4 million [$2667]; I went and knocked on the deputy’s door. He told us that he had negative feelings are mostly directed at the government, as they have offered no money to support us, but he gave us LL100,000 [$66]. What will that do source of help for the community. The residents of the area feel voiceless as no for me? Will that feed his son? The LL100,000 [$66] won’t feed anyone. In one will listen to their problems. One man explained, “The problem is that the these days LL100,000 [$66] is like LL1,000 [$0.7] … No one looks at us, government is not with us. In many other countries the government will at least no one cares about us.” come and listen. Maybe they won’t do anything, but they will come and listen, but not here.” Comments from the community: While most residents feel they are citizens of Lebanon, and often part of Dreams and hopes the el Mina community, they do not think that others feel the same about them. “The community needs houses. We don’t care if it’s only one room. Instead of giving Many alluded to feeling as though the government only thought of them as a us money, I wish to have my own house and I would reimburse people for it later.” problem, as a scar on the land, standing in the way of developing el Mina into a “I wish I could leave tomorrow, that God could help and I could just leave … I don’t tourist destination. One woman said, “We are like a disease for them.” Another want huge amounts of money, just enough. The owners have the right to claim their woman said, “No one looks at us or helps us, not the government, the municipal- land. It is theirs after all.” ity, no one.” “There are 186 families and about 1000 people. I want my country to look at these The residents feel helpless to change their own situation. They are fighting people. Some of them don’t have money, like me, but I am better off than other against the landowners who are more powerful in terms of both wealth and people here. Look at these people, and make a house for them. Instead of taking connections. The community members have nowhere to turn for help or sup- people out of here and instead of giving money to them, I want the government to port, and have no choice or say over what happens to their homes. They are give them a place to stay. We don’t want charity. We want to have proper landlords and pay for our houses.” vulnerable to the decisions of the courts, even though they have few resources to

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Conclusion 1. (UN Habitat, 2009) 2. A pseudonym Land tenure issues, similar to the ongoing dispute in Hay el Tanak, are becom- 3. (Institute for Liberty and Democracy, 2009) ing increasingly common in impoverished communities across the country. Be- 4. While they do not own the land on which their houses were built, they do cause of migration into urban areas and the need for laborers in construction “own” their houses because they built them. and other industries, people settle on available land and often live undisturbed, 5. The following are pictures taken of maps obtained by community members sometimes for decades. As the value of the land increases and changes hands showing the official parcels of land and the current layout of houses in Hay into private ownership, the residents become illegal squatters overnight. el Tanak: The residents of Hay el Tanak are not poor because they live in Hay el Tanak. The poor have come to Hay el Tanak because they have nowhere else to go. So they live in Hay el Tanak with few services, in deplorable conditions, and often unable to access and maintain secure and regular jobs and income because of where they are located. Surprisingly, and in contradiction to perceptions of the poor as being manip- ulative and trying to get all that they can, the residents or Hay el Tanak recognize the legality of the private owners’ claims to the land they live on and only want justice and to be treated fairly. Some residents feel sympathy with the landowners and acknowledged that they were living on their land illegally. Many residents explained that they thought they should leave the land, but were entitled to fair compensation, as has been the case in the past with similar situations. Some, but not all, residents expressed a strong desire to leave the area because of the poor housing and sanitary conditions; however, they have nowhere else to go. Others, mainly those that have been living there for their whole lives, said that they would never leave the area. They expressed a clear sentiment that it is their home, and they could never move into an apartment after having lived in Hay el Tanak all their lives. But because they are poor, they are powerless; because they have a limited voice, they are marginalized.

264 265 6. In following a former Lebanese practice called automatic promotion, HAY EL GHARBEH schools were unable to fail a child until they reached grade 4. This often resulted in children being moved to subsequent years without the necessary Beirut skills. Upon reaching grade 5 many children would be forced to repeat the grade, sometimes dropping out at this point. 7. There are NGOs working in north Lebanon. Some of them are: The Safadi Foundation, The Hariri Foundation, The Mikati Foundation, and World Vision.

A street in Hay el Gharbeh

Abu Khalil1 will work at any job he can get. Lately he has been selling narguileh pipes. Hay el Gharbeh has been his home since 1985, when he moved with his family – around the same time as hundreds of other families – looking for better opportunities. For a while during the Civil War, he and his family were forced to leave the area and move to Khaldeh, an area south of the Beirut International Airport. When they came back they settled into the same house that they had left, which he inherited from his father.

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The area around their home used to be quite empty and open. But today it does not receive any of the benefits or services available within the camp. One is a crowded shantytown. The house used to be a small wooden shack. Today key informant working for Tahaddi Association explained that people “don’t it is no bigger, but the walls are now made from cement and the roof from cor- understand that this area is Lebanese. They [other Lebanese] criticize and say, rugated metal. Though it is a small place for his family of eight children, he has ‘Why are you helping Palestinians when there are people from Lebanon that gotten used to it since he cannot afford to pay rent anywhere else. need help.’” Indeed, a nurse working in the community said, “I was surprised to He has three boys and five girls. His eldest daughter is 22 years old and mar- see people living like this in Lebanon. You hear about it in other places but not ried with children. His youngest child is two and a half. He is a part of a larger here in Beirut.” family of 17 brothers and sisters, all of whom have children of their own. As he says, they are now his “tribe.” Ethnically Abu Khalil and his kin are Dom, Dom in Lebanon specifically from the Turkmen tribe. His wife, who is also Turkmen, is from Syria. Abu Khalil has Lebanese citizenship, as do all his children, though there are Very little is known about the Dom in Lebanon and the surrounding countries. A recently released report by the NGO Terre des hommes (Tdh) called A Child Protection many Dom who do not. Assessment: the Dom people and their Children in Lebanon provides some extremely valuable The families of his five brothers who live around him provide the social safety insight into the communities, as it is the first study of its kind in the region. net that enables them to get through hard times. Sometimes he borrows money The Dom communities are commonly mistaken as Bedouin, and while they are from them, and at other times from local storeowners. They solve their own distinct groups with very different histories and cultural practices, both are minority problems and rarely even greet others in the community, much less socially mix groups in Lebanon and face similar issues in terms of marginalization and discrimi- with the other communities in Hay el Gharbeh. nation from majority communities. (See Arab el Harouq chapter for more information.) They are commonly referred to, derogatorily, as the Nawar. His wife helps him to support the family financially. Sometimes she cleans While the Bedouins are pastoralists originating from the Arabian Peninsula,3 the houses in Beirut. But none of the work that she has is stable. At times she will Domari Society of Jerusalem notes that the Dom, a nomadic group of perform- have work all week and at other times she won’t have any. His brothers work in ers, originated from India. Accounts tell of thousands migrating towards to Persia, restaurants selling narguileh. None of their wives works outside the home. Abu between the 3rd and the 10th centuries, where they were invited to perform in the Khalil feels that once he has a stable job, he does not want his wife to work clean- Iranian courts.4 ing houses either. There is speculation that the Roma in Europe and the Dom in the Middle East share similar origins, but that over time the two groups began to refer to themselves Only some of his children are in school. Two of his daughters go to the using different terminology. The groups in the Middle East and North Africa started school run by Tahaddi Association – a charity providing health and educational using the word “Dom,” which means “man” in their native language, Domari, while services in Hay el Gharbeh.2 Another boy and girl dropped out recently; he says the groups in Europe and North America adopted the term “Rom” or “Lom.”5 To- they weren’t doing well. He cannot afford to send them to any other schools. All day Dom communities can be found in most countries of the region, including Leba- of his children have been reasonably healthy. Whenever they have health prob- non, Syria, Jordan, Israel, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Cyprus, Iran, Iraq, 6 lems, they are able to get free medical assistance from the clinic that Tahaddi Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkey. Association runs, but this service has only become available in recent years. Abu Khalil is the face of poverty in the informal urban settlement of Hay el Gharbeh in Beirut, a poverty that is more than just a lack of financial resources. The urban poor here belong to small, tight-knit groups of families or clans, History and location linked by ethnicity and religion, that support each other but have little access to other social services unless they are offered by charitable organizations. Even Hay el Gharbeh fits the UN’s operational definition of an urban slum or shan- though some may have been here for a long time, they remain socially isolated, tytown, namely in that it has a combination of inadequate access to safe water, economically vulnerable, and powerless to improve their conditions. Though inadequate access to sanitation and other infrastructure, poor structural quality they may vote (if they have Lebanese citizenship), they receive few benefits from of housing, overcrowding, and insecure residential status.7 (See appendix IV) any political party and hardly any services from the government. In essence they Geographically, Hay el Gharbeh is part of the Ghobeiry municipality in remain voiceless. southern Beirut. It lies between the Camille Chamoun stadium and the main Few people realize that Hay el Gharbeh exists, as most wrongly assume that road of the Sabra “camp” and the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp, just south it is part of the adjacent Palestinian refugee camp. Since it is not, the community of the area of Daouq. Its name means “western quarter or area.” It was named

268 269 HAY EL GHARBEH 9 in the early 1980s in order to identify it as a separate area west of the Sabra and Though Hay el Gharbeh borders the Palestinian area of Sabra (which is not Shatila Palestinian areas so as to spare it from the attacks on the camps during one of the official UNRWA camps), each area has a very different demographic the Civil War.8 makeup. Sabra has an estimated population of 12,000 people in a little less than The area north of Hay el Gharbeh, called Tareq el Jdedeh, used to be known 250 acres.12 It is a poor neighborhood adjacent to the UNWRA Shatila camp as the “Arab Farm,” as tribes from the Arabian Peninsula and Iraq came and and is an unofficial gathering of Palestinian families, which has in more recent settled there at the beginning of the 20th century. However, the area began to years swelled with Lebanese Shiites displaced from southern Lebanon and other lose its rural nature in the 1940s and 1950s as more families arrived from places foreign populations looking for cheap accommodation. such as el Bashura and el Basta. By the 1960s and the 1970s new families such as Hay el Gharbeh is located on a slight hillside, which slopes from the west- the el Baghdadi, Saab, Hallak, and others arrived. All this resulted in significant ern edge of the settlement, near the newly built airport highway, down towards urban development throughout the area.9 Sabra. Standing at the top of the hill overlooking the settlement, the built up Historically, the land on which Hay el Gharbeh is located was privately area of high-rise buildings in Sabra stands in sharp contrast to the slum-like con- owned by individuals and, during the 1930s and 1940s, an Egyptian company. It ditions of Hay el Gharbeh. The dwellings were originally mainly shacks made of was outside the city limits of Beirut at that time and was land that was left over wood or corrugated metal sheets. Though most of the dwellings now have brick when the old airport for Beirut was built along the coast. The airport and the walls, the roofs and many of the walls are still a patchwork of cardboard, plastic adjacent land were located on the plain of Ouzai. sheets, and other discarded material. Hay el Gharbeh is mainly residential with In 1936 the land was partitioned into parcels identified as 1824, 1922, 1986, a few workshops, businesses, and shops along the borders of the community. 189, and 187. The owners of the land were Mr. Tabet and Mr. Rifai. How- Those who have lived in Hay el Gharbeh for two generations say that there have ever, their descendants were involved in disputes over the various properties until been no major changes in the past 10-12 years other than the area becoming about 1950, and as a result the land was held either by the bank or the munici- more crowded. pality. The Shatila camp was established by United Nations Relief and Works There are still no precise boundaries to Hay el Gharbeh, as it continues to Agency (UNRWA) for the Palestinian refugees of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War grow and evolve. Initially the 1824 and 187 parcels of land had been identified and was located on adjacent land, which used to be occupied by the French as Hay el Gharbeh. Today the boundaries of the community are not just physi- military. The camp was named after a Mr. Chatila, who owned land next to the cal, but also psychological and social. The boundaries of the community can former French military area. Originally the western limit of the camp was the vary based on the perceptions of the person one talks to. For instance, communi- old Saida road, which was built by order of a court along a previously existing ties within the area often define the boundaries in terms of the areas occupied path.10 Though the old Saida road officially separates the camp from the above- by those that share their nationality or ethnicity. During the interviews it was not mentioned properties, by 1960 the road had begun to look like an internal road unusual to hear opposing statements such as: “There are no foreigners here,” or of the camp. “The majority is Syrian,” neither of which is true. As the Palestinian population in the Shatila camp grew, it spread southwards In the early 1990s, right after the Civil War, the community was less crowded towards the area now known as Sabra. It also spread west across the old Saida than it is now. When the founders of Tahaddi Association started visiting the road, especially into the areas 1824 and 187. By 1960, there were more than area during the early 1990s, there were a lot of security checkpoints manned 3000 Palestinians in the Shatila camp and in its unofficial extension west in the by militias and a visitor could not walk around the area alone. The land is now areas of 1824 and 187. In the 1950s the government initiated urban planning in owned by the municipality, but people build on it illegally and rent or sell the the southern suburbs of Beirut. In 1955 the government expropriated the west- property they have built at will. As one key informant commented, “There are ern side of most of the five parcels of land to build the stadium.11 no documents to prove who owns what.” By the beginning of the Civil War in 1975, the other three parcels of land (1922, Even though the area was identified as separate from the Palestinian camps 1986, and 189) were partially occupied by illegal squatters. By 1982 what remained nearby, Hay el Gharbeh was bombed during the Civil War and many fami- of all five parcels of land was fully built up and by 1987 the area was crowded. Much lies moved into the stadium along with Palestinian families from the neighbor- of the built up area on the western sides of parcels 1824 and 187 was destroyed ing camps. Others fled to areas like Khaldeh, south of the airport. In 1992 the during the later part of the Civil War in the 1980s. Yet, despite the destruction, most people in the stadium and many families in the area around the stadium were of the people continued to live there. What has developed on those two parcels of expelled in order to rebuild the stadium. Since then there has been a steady property since the Civil War is an illegal settlement and a shantytown. trickle into the settlement of people from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and from

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Syria. There are still a few Palestinians left in Hay el Gharbeh. The main popu- Among the newer residents in Hay el Gharbeh are a few young men from lation influx occurred about 10-15 years ago. This was also the time when people Syria who are going to university in Lebanon. There are also some Lebanese started building on the site rather than living only in wooden shacks. who have salaries (about $600 a month) but who choose to live in Hay el Ghar- During the 2006 war many left out of fear because the area was so close to beh because it is closer to where they work and enables them to save on transpor- Haret Hreik, which was bombed extensively. In May 2008 many of the Dom tation costs. This is part of a growing trend in Lebanon where people, because people, who are Sunnis, escaped from the area as they felt particularly vulnerable of the high cost of real estate and the lack of adequate transportation, choose because of the potential for a Sunni versus Shiite conflict. Most of the families to continue living in informal settlements near their place of work rather than who left during these two episodes have since returned. moving to other parts of the city.15 Interestingly, given that all of the groups in the community are poor and marginalized in the wider context of Lebanese society, an informal social hi- Profile of the community erarchy has been created among the residents in the area, generally with the Lebanese citizens at the top, the Dom communities at the bottom, and the other Hay el Gharbeh is a mosaic and patchwork of different groups and communi- foreign populations in between. Even among the Dom tribes there seems to be ties. All the major segments of the community have been there for at least 13 some social stratification, with the Kanju tribe ostracized by the other tribes. years now, though there are new, smaller additions to the mosaic. There are The groups in Hay el Gharbeh live as small self-contained communities Lebanese Shiites from southern Lebanon, the Bekaa Valley, and other parts of with very little awareness of or interaction with other groups in the area. One Beirut. There are Dom, who are Sunni, some of whose families are originally resident’s comments reflect this attitude clearly. A Lebanese Shiite woman said, from Syria, though not all. The Dom people are broken down into a number of “There are Nawar [Dom] but we don’t speak or communicate with them. There tribes including the Turkmen, Kanju, Asmar, Hassan, and el Ali, among others. is no interaction …” Others reflect this attitude as well. Another Lebanese Shiite The Tdh report found that 72 percent of the Dom assessed have Lebanese na- woman commented, “The area is mostly Syrian. No one talks to anyone. If tionality13 (see textbox “Dom populations and Lebanese citizenship”), although anyone comes around, you have to hit them and then they won’t come again.” the Kanju tribe, in particular, lack legal status. There are also Syrian migrant She doesn’t talk with anyone in the area other than very basic greetings. This workers who are not Dom. There are a few Palestinians along with some Egyp- type of distrust between the groups in the area has been partly fueled by periodic tians, Iraqis, and a few other foreigners, for example Sri Lankans. Interestingly, episodes of violence. there are no known Christian families in the area. The most reasonable estimate, from both community members and key informants, is that about 10,000 people live in Hay el Gharbeh, although this is Dom populations and Lebanese citizenship impossible to verify, and the number is constantly changing. Initially the area’s Many of the Dom received citizenship through the naturalization law (decree 5247), population was predominantly comprised of men, many having come alone which was passed in 1994. Cause for concern is that over one-fifth of those studied from other parts of Lebanon or from Syria to look for work. These men would by Tdh still do not have citizenship, affecting their ability to access public services. live together, often sharing one room. Many of them have since brought their Twenty-one percent lack any nationality (a small percentage have either Syrian families to live with them, which has pushed up the rents in the area. On any or Palestinian nationality). Among this group it was reported that 6 percent have given day, mostly women and children are visible in the community as the men applied for Lebanese citizenship and are awaiting approval, though because of their “under-study” status they do have some rights and some access to government ser- are out at work. However, the gender balance may not be equal in Hay el Ghar- vices (see Arab el Harouq chapter for more information about the under-study status beh; one key informant estimated that up to 20 percent of the men from the and citizenship issues). A full 15 percent are classified as “Non-ID” and have no of- community may be in jail.16 ficial identification papers. The study mentions that a very small number once had citizenship but lost it because they had not registered their families for generations.14 Those who do have citizenship have increasingly been able to access government services, which have provided some positive impacts on the community. For example, the Tdh report notes a clear generational gap in educational attainment between those born before and after 1994, when the naturalization law was passed (see section on Education).

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Dom populations across Lebanon of Lebanon or from abroad. Likewise, some will leave the area if they marry someone from elsewhere. There are no official estimates on the number of Dom living in Lebanon. While the Historically the Dom communities were nomadic. In some countries in the Tdh study attempted to provide such information, the researchers came across difficulties in reaching a definitive estimate, though they were able to approximate the region they continue a semi-nomadic lifestyle, though this does not seem to be number of Dom living in certain communities where extensive household surveys the case in Lebanon, contrary to popular opinion. The Tdh report noted that took place. It is estimated that there are 150 households and 922 Dom residents in only 13 percent continue with any sort of consistent migration. Some attributed Hay el Gharbeh, making up half the number of Dom living in Beirut. The other half this change in lifestyle to be a consequence of receiving nationality.19 are found in the area of Horsh (Sabra). Regional differences were found in terms War and civil conflict have also influenced in- and out-migration from the of the average household size, with the largest number of people per household in area. During the 15-year Civil War, families at times moved into the area to Beirut, and the smallest in Saida. 17 escape fighting in the south, while at other times families moved out because of Figure 9.1: Estimated size of the Dom populations in selected areas of Lebanon the settlement’s proximity to the Palestinian camps and the constant threat of violence that resulted. Families that left the community often went to places like Estimated Estimated size Average Region number of of the Dom Khaldeh and the Camille Chamoun stadium. household size homes population One Lebanese Shiite woman described how she eventually came to settle in the area: Beirut 300 6.15 1,844 Saida 187 5.30 990 “I was living in the south and we were displaced. My husband’s father died in a massacre 17 years ago. That is why we came here. Fifty families used Tyre 48 5.79 278 to go around to the restaurants to beg for food. We had no means of living. Total 535 N/A 3,112 We came to the area because the housing was free. But the house was made Source: Terre des hommes, “A Child Protection Assessment” (2011) p.18-20 of aluminum [corrugated metal]; there was no cement. We found the house we are currently living in and moved here. My husband found work carrying things on his back. We were very poor and we had no money. Eventu- There are few older people in the community as they usually remain in the ally we changed the house into a ‘real’ house [with cement]. My husband villages the families have come from. There are very few in Hay el Gharbeh who worked only a few days a week, so even the children sold things to make money. All my sons have wives from the south. They left the house when are over 60 years old. The occasional household has one or two elderly family they were 15, 17, and 20 years old. My sons didn’t have any money to live members. The community is mostly people of working age and there are a lot here, but they were able to find a place to rent in Dahiyeh.” of children around. This trend can also be explained by the fact that the Dom population in Lebanon is extremely young. The recent assessment found that 50 Again, during the 2006 war, families moved out because adjacent communi- percent were under the age of 14 and almost 90 percent of those sampled were ties like Haret Hreik were being bombed. During the incidences of violence in under the age of 35.18 2008, many Sunni families left the area fearing a wider conflict. In every one While there are some very young families with just one or two children, a of these instances, most of the families returned when the conflict or violence typical household consists of between four and eight children. There is the rare ended, as they had nowhere else to stay permanently. single-parent household where the husband has divorced his wife. There are also The cost of these migrations was significant. One interviewee explained: a few men who have two wives and, as a result, two families. “Some of the people that were fleeing were hit by bombs and small arms fire. All of the houses were robbed during the war. People took the windows Mobility and doors and sold them … People didn’t even dare turn on their car head- lights. But they didn’t hit this area.” Unlike urban slums in many other parts of the world, there isn’t that much mo- Many people who come to Hay el Gharbeh come because they cannot afford bility in or out of Hay el Gharbeh. It is not a floating community. If anything, to live anywhere else: overtime, there has been a significant influx into the area, with few able to leave. While there have been many newcomers, most families have been there for be- “My family lives in the area because we can’t afford to live anywhere else. tween six and 10 years. Some families have been there for at least two genera- Here we don’t have to pay rent [many do pay rent]. Previously we lived in Khaldeh, but because it was overcrowded the municipality came and we tions. Many, as they get married, will bring spouses to the area from other parts had to leave. There the social aspect was better, even if the houses were

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worse [made from wood]. Here we face many more problems – health Livelihoods problems, environmental problems, and pollution problems [garbage]. Our house caught on fire twice. We have no one to talk to when we face prob- Families in Hay el Gharbeh usually have one wage earner, typically the man. The lems in the community.” wife may occasionally work outside the home to supplement the man’s income, Considering the length of tenure of most families and their inability to afford though this varies between the different communities that make up the mosaic to live anywhere else, in many ways there is an element of permanence to Hay of Hay el Gharbeh. Within some families in the Dom community, women are el Gharbeh, as most people see this as their home even if they are not there by the primary wage earners, with men finding work only occasionally – though the choice. Yet, however long the families have been living in the area, there remains perception among outsiders that Dom men rarely ever work is not true. Among a reality similar to the one that other marginalized communities face; they have the Syrian and Lebanese communities the majority of the men are the wage no power or voice. As the community continues to squat on government and earners, with few of the women working. If the children are in their late teens or private land, their living situation is left in an extremely vulnerable state, and young adults (especially if they are boys) and are not yet married, they also work they are susceptible to being evicted or having their houses destroyed by the au- and contribute to the family’s income. thorities at any moment. One key informant working in the area explained the Very few men in Hay el Gharbeh have steady jobs. Those who do may work views of the community members, “All of them think the situation is temporary; in a store or a restaurant (as waiters, selling narguileh, or slaughtering chickens, either the government will compensate them or kick them out.” In fact, in May for example). Many work as day laborers in construction, as heavy equipment 2011, there were clashes between the Internal Security Forces (ISF) and residents operators, or as drivers. Some work in the vegetable market in Sabra or try and of the community as the ISF destroyed some of the recently built shops in the sell things on the street. Others play drums at weddings to supplement their community and one home. Key informants explained that the confrontation in- meager incomes. One key informant noted that some of the Dom men collect volved shouting, tear gas, and shooting. The residents lit tires on fire to protest, things and then sell them in the streets. Those working for daily wages or selling but eventually a bulldozer destroyed some of the newly constructed buildings in things on the street are especially vulnerable when the weather turns bad and the area. As these communities are already marginalized socially and economi- they are unable to work. There are a couple of stores, manoushe shops, and some cally, events like this greatly impact those who have lost their homes, all of their workshops located in the community. Some of the owners of these shops live in belongings, and their investments. Hay el Gharbeh.

Comments from the community: Mobility among community members of Hay el Gharbeh

“Only people that have a poor financial situation will come to the community.”

“We used to live in Bourj el Barajneh. I came with my own family. We were renting a house [there] but it was too expensive.”

“We came here because the land was free and we could not afford to buy land.”

“Everyone built their house. But the land is the government’s land. I am worried, very afraid that something will happen and I will have nowhere to go. I don’t know about my rights.”

“We came here because we could not afford to live anywhere else. But even here it feels too expensive … We are working more but the salary is the same and the rent is more expensive, LL200,000-250,000 [$133-167]. The owner said that he would kick us out if we could not pay, but we have nowhere else to go.”

A house in Hay el Gharbeh

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Not many of the Syrian and Lebanese women work outside the home. They As evidenced by the slowness of community members to admit to begging, may try to get some work if their husband’s income is insufficient; however, their the community is eager to be perceived as respectable. This desire is reflected decision not to work may have more to do with cultural values than income in the earnestness of community members to point out that they are hardwork- sufficiency. Some women are also unable to work because of the presence of ing, honest employees. As one woman said, “People in the community work in young children in the house and the need to stay at home to care for them. It normal jobs like shop owners, employees. They work to sustain their families was found that 25 percent of the Dom women in the communities studied in the and needs.” Tdh report were working. The report states, “Even though the overall number of women working is low, it is considerably high in the context of Arab societies in which men are traditionally the breadwinners.”20 A younger Dom man Children working and living in the streets whose wife works commented, “Once I get a stable job, I will not let her work.” Lebanon has ratified two International Labour Organization Conventions (No. 138 The most common work women in Hay el Gharbeh try to get is cleaning work and 182) that pertain to working children. These set standards for the minimum age in Beirut. Some are very industrious and will do anything. A couple of women of employment (14), the types of work that children may be involved in, and at what mentioned having worked in a sewing factory. Some peel garlic and prepare ages they may be involved in each. However, child labor is still common in Lebanon. parsley for restaurants, which they can do in their own homes while continuing The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) estimates that there are 4,000 chil- to care for their children. One woman interviewed picks up empty cans and sells dren between the ages of 10 and 13 working and 29,000 between 14 and 17 working. Another 9,000 within those age groups are looking for work. Children are often them to get money for food. working in dangerous conditions for very little money. Common types of jobs for chil- Alot of the men are illiterate and therefore are limited in the work that they dren are: working on the streets (begging, selling small items, washing cars, shinning can do, which is usually hard physical labor. When women do seek work, it seems shoes, etc.), painting, delivering groceries, helping in workshops, unskilled labor, help- to be easier for them to find it than men. According to one of the founders of ing in restaurants, and collecting metal. Certain groups are more likely to be involved Tahaddi association, this can have a very negative impact on the self-esteem of in exploitative labor practices, namely Lebanese children from low-income families, the men as they feel that they should be providing for their families. The Tdh the children of migrant workers, and Palestinian and Iraqi refugees. Often these children have dropped out of school early, which may be because their families are report comes to similar conclusions, noting that women working outside of the unable to pay for the tuition, or their income earning capacity is needed to support house is a source of conflict between husbands and wives as the men’s traditional their families. UNICEF estimates that 95 percent of working children aged 10-13 roles have been altered.21 and 84 percent of 14 to 17-year-old children are illiterate. While, in theory, Lebanon In midst of the struggle for livelihoods in Hay el Gharbeh, there is a trend has taken some steps to regulate and monitor the conditions in which children are among some of the Dom families to send their younger children to work. The working, they are rarely put into practice as the related ministries lack the resources most common work that these children are involved in is collecting “garbage” needed for proper implementation. Additionally, while child labor is illegal, most are working out of necessity to support their families, therefore dismantling the sector (cans and bottles) that they can sell for money. The interviews indicated that a completely may be counterproductive to helping those most in need. small number were involved in begging and other street work on Fridays. Par- Unlike many other countries, most of the children working on the streets do not ticipants explained that Fridays were selected because some schools are closed actually live there. Usually they have houses and families but are forced to work on on Fridays, in accordance with the Islamic holidays, and some employees receive the streets due to the low-economic situation in which their families find themselves. their paychecks on Friday, and therefore may have increased amounts of money These families depend on income derived from all family members in order to meet or be feeling more generous. Interestingly, the Tdh report found that 50 percent their basic needs. Some others have fallen into situations with gangs who force them of the Dom adults explained that Dom children worked in begging on the street, to beg and sell, and take their profits. Sources say that the number of children working or living on the streets is impossible to determine. One key informant, operating yet only 6.8 percent admitted that their own children begged. It can therefore be a safe house for vulnerable children estimated that 15 percent of those on the streets assumed that children begging is more of a common occurrence than parents are Lebanese, 55 percent are foreigners, and 30 percent have mixed Lebanese-foreign are willing to admit, most likely due to the negative stigma associated with it. parents. As most of the children are foreigners, they often do not have identification Some of the children interviewed who admitted to begging explained that they papers, meaning that they are unable to attend government-run public schools and were doing it to help their families financially, while others were begging in order do not have access to public health services. to buy things for themselves. The report explains that because of their limited education and skill set, they are forced to work in these types of endeavors to gain any financial independence.22

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Income sufficiency four of her six children in a public school said, “They like to learn. I hope they will get a good education and have everything that I was deprived of. I want The average income for a family is $300-700 per month. Among the Dom com- them to live outside this area.” munities it is particularly low: 75 percent noted receiving an income of less than The school run by Tahaddi Association is the only one situated within the 23 LL500,000 ($333). Those with reasonably steady jobs or seasonal jobs get paid geographical boundaries of Hay el Gharbeh. The majority of its students are either weekly or every two weeks. Many of the men are constantly looking for from the Dom community. The school provides free education for all children additional contracts and work to supplement their incomes. Others get paid attending. Lebanese and Syrian families tend to send their children to schools in daily or earn whatever they can from selling on the streets. the surrounding areas, including one private but government-subsidized institu- Insufficient income, the lack of regular employment, and the constant strug- tion immediately adjacent to Hay el Gharbeh. The government subsidizes half gle to find work puts a tremendous strain on most families’ ability to manage the tuition at this school and the parents pay the other half. If for some reason their finances, as well as cover basic education, health, and living costs. Most of parents are unable to pay their half, they can get assistance from a charitable the families interviewed have borrowed money from their neighbors or extended organization. Palestinian students usually attend UNRWA schools. family, or they have bought things on credit from the local store. Each month, The Tahaddi Association school cannot offer the same credentials to the these debts have to be paid back. One family commented, “The trend is that students as other Lebanese schools. It offers only five years of education at the people get paid on a weekly basis [on Saturday]. So during the week we eat what- moment. The school is meant to help children from a marginalized community ever we can. On Saturday and Sunday we buy better food that we cannot afford who did not commence studying at a normal school. To help these children, they to have during the week.” For those who are day laborers, the challenges are even try and accelerate the government curriculum to accomplish as much as possible more significant. One man said, “If I work, we eat. If not, we don’t eat.” in the five years that the children are there. They take children between the ages The cost of living, even in the informal settlements of Beirut, is high. Rent of eight and 14 years. If parents try and enroll their children at a younger age, (for those who pay rent) in Hay el Gharbeh is $75-200 for one or two rooms, a they are encouraged to enroll their children in a “normal” school instead. Nor- small kitchen, and a toilet. Basic expenses for water, electricity, food, cigarettes, mally, the children have never attended a school and have never studied anything and phone for a family of six are about $400-475 per month – excluding rent. before they attend the Tahaddi Association school. When a child enrolls at the Those who do not send their children to the Tahaddi Association school have age of eight they start at the kindergarten level. By age 14, students may reach additional expenses of school fees and sometimes paying for the bus for the chil- grade 3 or 4. They use the Lebanese government’s curriculum but don’t stick to dren to go to school. Most families said that they had little left over to buy any- it rigidly. Oftentimes even the kindergarten level in the government curriculum thing else, such as clothing. is too high for the children; they must learn things like letters and how to hold a pencil. So the teachers will start off with informal educational games and activi- Education ties in order to lay an even more basic foundation for learning, which is often There is a fairly high level of illiteracy among the women in Hay el Gharbeh.24 lacking. The men fare slightly better, though few mentioned having an education higher There are more boys at the Tahaddi Association school than girls. At the than grade 7. While exact education rates among the whole community are not kindergarten level the class is about 60 percent male. As the grades go up, the known, the recent Tdh report provides some insight into the Dom communities number of girls decreases. At the time of research, in grade 3 there were only across Beirut, Saida, and Tyre. It was found that 77 percent of those surveyed two girls, and in grade 4 only one. The parents sometimes take the girls out of had never attended school, though this number increased significantly when ex- school to do house work or to take care of younger siblings. The other school on amining those who were born before 1994. Generally, among those born before the edge of Hay el Gharbeh, which has predominantly Lebanese students, has a the naturalization law 85 percent had never attended school, though the rates in more balanced ratio of boys to girls. Beirut are higher, falling at 91 percent.25 There are 10 teachers at the Tahaddi Association school along with a speech In spite of this, there is an expressed desire among most of the parents that therapist. To teach the parents and the children the importance of responsibility, their children be literate and receive at least a basic education. One mother the school has a policy that the children cannot miss too many days of school, stated, “I have three children in a public school outside the community. I would otherwise they will not be allowed to continue. For many families from the Dom like them to graduate from school no matter what the cost. I would take any job communities, this is the first generation that has learned to read. This is a source that is respectful to my honor to educate my children.” Another mother who has of real pride, and as a result there is a waiting list for admission to the school.

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One teacher explained, “This school has a different system than other places. Another woman’s comment demonstrated the changing attitudes of the community: There is a focus on basic education (with all courses) and personal character, life “If I can afford it, I would put the kids in school; I know the value of it.” One middle- skills, values, and personality. There is a policy of nonviolence. So the kids like aged man, a Dom, summarized it best: to come to the school.” “Education is important. It is like the light. If you are not educated, then Not all the children in the community go to school and often this is due to you have your eyes closed [this is based on an Arabic proverb]. Because I the lack of finances. Parents often remove their children from the school in the am not educated, I am here now. If I had an education, it would be differ- middle of the year because they cannot afford the tuition fees. For parents who ent. The only reason people don’t get an education is because of financial cannot access the public education available, there are few options. One Syrian reasons. Everyone wants it.” migrant said, “None of the kids are in school. They used to go to school in Syria Yet the realities of the poor and the entanglements of poverty allow only a but I did not enroll them here because it is too expensive.” Her eldest child was few to break out of its vicious cycle by being able to access a complete education. in high school before dropping out. Her second child continued until grade 9 before also dropping out to start working and to help the family financially. “I Health and nutrition am sad because other kids go to school, but my kids come home from work and they are dirty. They were doing well in school before they left.” There are not as many gastrointestinal problems as one would expect in Hay el While many parents desire their children to get at least a basic level of edu- Gharbeh, a slum with poor water and sanitation facilities. However, there are cation, many children do not finish primary school. Some children drop out to many other health related issues, most of them similar to those of any urban work in unskilled jobs due to lack of finances. Once they start earning some population. According to one doctor working at the Tahaddi Association clinic, money, they are not motivated to go back to school. One key informant men- there are the usual communicable diseases, such as upper respiratory and viral tioned that girls are sometimes pulled out of school by their parents in order to infections including bronchitis, colds, and pneumonia. Ear, nose, and throat in- get married or help their families with the household chores. Boys are sometimes fections usually increase during the winter months. There are cases of muscular removed from school if they have repeatedly failed grades. At this point, their and skeletal diseases and chronic diseases such as diabetes and scabies (which, parents may encourage them to start working. Among the Dom community, according to a doctor are found in higher instances in Hay el Gharbeh than in some additional reasons for children dropping were mentioned. Some parents other areas of Beirut). Considering the crowded living conditions, it is surpris- will send their children out to beg. The children often get caught and are put into ing that there has only been one outbreak of TB reported in the community. It institutions.26 In other cases, the parents travel constantly and take their children occurred in 1994 and one girl died from the disease. In the past year there was with them. For some Dom girls, their parents will send them out to “dance” one case of meningitis where a boy of 11 died. Skin diseases and rat and insect when they are as young as 12-14 years old. A good number of these girls are sent bites seem to be quite common because of the poor hygienic conditions. There to the Gulf countries or to Syria, where they get “paid a lot.”27 are no reported cases of HIV/AIDS, though there is also no screening done in While much of this is discouraging and disconcerting, education is slowly the area. However, doctors expressed concern that there should be testing due changing attitudes. One teacher at the Tahaddi Association school mentioned: to the prevalence of drug use and sex workers in the area. Many cases of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), especially among women, are treated at the “Ever since I started working here seven years ago, there has been a slow Tahaddi Association clinic, which might simply be because a higher proportion change. On the level of individuals [kids] you see a difference between those that are attending school and those that are not. The main barrier is the of female patients seek medical consultations. There are also problems related mentality of the parents and their lifestyle. For example, one student was to extensive smoking. always tired. So I went to see his parents and find out why. It was because The lack of proper maternal health care available to the community makes they always have people over at their small house. I told the parent that he the women particularly vulnerable. All of them have access to a range of con- should make rules within the house first so that his child could succeed. But traceptives (pills, IUDs, injections, and condoms) through dispensaries. However, probably it won’t change. The children are changing but not the commu- many do not use them and rely on the “natural method.” Some of this has to do nity or the family …” with cultural attitudes, especially among the men, who want more children. On Similarly, among the community members spoken to, there are glimpses of the other hand, from anecdotal evidence it seems that a lot of women have abor- hope. One Dom mother has all her children in school apart from the ones who are tions because their husbands do not want another child. Other times the woman too young to be registered. Likewise, both of her sisters have registered their children. will have this procedure done in secret. Early marriages are quite common, some

282 283 HAY EL GHARBEH 9 women reported having been married and given birth to their first child by the Besides the usual colds and other communicable diseases, one problem that age of 16. It is rare to find a single 18-20 year old girl in the community. This is commonly seen at the Tahaddi Association clinic is children involved in ac- puts the lives of young women at considerable risk, not only because of their cidents. There are no designated areas in Hay el Gharbeh for children to play, so young age but also because of the lack of proper prenatal care in the community. they play wherever they find space; for example, on the roofs. There are regular The Lebanese women with nationality have the ability to go to a hos- incidents of children falling off of the roofs and getting injured. Additionally, pital to give birth at subsidized costs. The Tdh report explains that the Dom many Dom children get cuts and infections on their feet because they do not women with citizenship also use public hospitals where they pay approximately wear shoes. Other accidents include getting hurt while playing with garbage, LL40,000 ($27) for the delivery and a three-night stay. The Palestinians may getting hurt because of the lack of safe playing areas, burns because of unsafe use the UNRWA services, such Haifa Hospital. Others, including those without cooking space or from playing with fire crackers, vehicle accidents, and environ- IDs may give birth at a private hospital, if they can afford the high costs. Others mental hazards (such as pollution from inhaling cigarette smoke or smoke from still give birth at home, often using the services of a TBA, but sometimes rely- burning garbage) are some biggest challenges that the children face because of ing on families or neighbors to help with the process. Some pregnant women the poor living conditions, and these contribute to the significant number of in- go for prenatal checkups, but this may be only once or twice throughout the juries and health problems that they face. pregnancy. Very few go for any postnatal checkups. Usually, the only times they Many of the children are vaccinated, though not all. The Tahaddi Asso- go for checkups is during the pregnancy or after the birth, if there are problems. ciation clinic vaccinates children when it can, and the Palestinian children are The incidents of maternal mortality are low. One of the doctors at the Tahaddi vaccinated through UNRWA. Unfortunately many of the parents, especially the Association clinic said that she was aware of only one or two maternal deaths in Dom parents, do not see the benefit of vaccination. According to a doctor in the recent years. community, their attitude is often, “He’s not sick; why would I bother?” How- It is suspected by some of the medical staff at Tahaddi Association that ever, overall there has been a change in the attitudes towards vaccination and infant mortality rates may be higher in Hay el Gharbeh than in other areas there is greater motivation to get children vaccinated, especially amongst those of Beirut. The causes seem to be related to illnesses, diseases, and accidents. who regularly attend the Tahaddi Association clinic. Occasionally parents also mention the ‘evil eye’ as a cause for infant mortality. The stress of living in a poor and marginalized community is linked with Almost all the cases are unreported. One doctor stated, “Once people have built cases of hypertension, diabetes, depression, and other mental health issues. Ac- up immunity they are OK. But they wait too long to get help [or help for their cording to the doctor, depression seems to be more prevalent among women, children]. So they have decreased quality of life.” This information should be particularly those who are Lebanese. One nurse explained why these issues do taken with caution though, as there have not been any formal studies to back up not seem to be as prevalent among the Dom women: “The Dom women learn their suspicions. to accept their situation. They are taught that life is like this, so they don’t expect it to be any other way.” The women who come to the clinic want to talk about such issues as the death of a child, family problems, stress, grief, where and how Comments from the community: they live, how they are stuck at home with their children, the fact that they have Making sacrifices to access health care – one mother’s story no money, that they have to report to their in-laws, and the violence they experi- “I was seven months pregnant and my daughter was 1 year and 1 month old. She ence from their husbands. These experiences reflect the reality of all the groups got sick. She couldn’t eat anything and started swelling. I sold some jewelry to go to a in the community regardless of ethnicity or religion. Though much more rare, hospital outside the area because my husband wasn’t doing well with his selling things there were also cases of depression found amongst the male Dom. They seem and he was also sick (though we didn’t know it then). My daughter was in the hospital for a while and then she died. to be related to the high unemployment rate among this demographic, which “I gave birth to my son with the help of a TBA in our own house. Then we found generates feelings of insecurity and inadequacy because they are unable to find out that my husband had TB and couldn’t work for two years. I got pregnant again jobs and provide for their families. and would take my son with me to work cleaning houses.” Intermarriages appeared not uncommon within certain segments of the community – especially among the Syrians but less so amongst the Dom. The marriages are often between first cousins. The health practitioners in the community suspect that genetically related health problems arise from these intermarriages. Some children have died because of recessive diseases.

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There are a number of health facilities and services that the population at go and get food. If we have no money, I will just bring eggs, labneh, and cheese. Hay el Gharbeh can access. As mentioned previously, the Tahaddi Association We eat typical Lebanese food because it can feed a lot of people and it’s not so runs a clinic and is the only primary health care provider in the community. expensive; it’s made with lots of rice. If there is money, we’ll cook other things.” The Amal party has a clinic just outside the area. There is a public hospital Most buy food daily; the majority does not have refrigerators to store food (the Hariri Hospital) and an Arab University supported private Egyptian clinic for longer periods of time. Most homes are only equipped with a small gas stove nearby. The Palestinians use the UNRWA hospital. Among the various groups which serves as the “kitchen” for a household of 8-12 people. in the community, the Dom appear to have the worst health because “they seem The food insecurity and the lack of food diversity impact the health of the to have few resources, little money, no citizenship, and no ‘know-how’ to manage women and children in particular. One nurse explained that obesity is common their resources. They don’t even try to change; they accept life as it is. They feel among the women because of high carbohydrate intake and the lack of physical everything is against them so they end up giving up.” Amongst the Dom, the activity. It is also quite common for the mothers to give their children money to Kanjus have even less access to health services. Some cannot access the public buy junk food and snacks rather than fight with them to eat the healthier foods, hospitals as they are not citizens and they don’t have the money to go to a private which are available in the market. Junk food in Lebanon is relatively cheap, and clinic. They have problems getting to the Tahaddi Association clinic as the path it can be used to feed a large family on a small budget. As a result many children to the clinic goes through areas occupied by groups that are hostile to them. are underweight or have micronutrient deficiencies. Very few within Hay el Gharbeh have health insurance because many do not The challenge to developing a healthy community among the poor is sig- have secure jobs or Lebanese citizenship. This limits their options with regards to nificant. There is a sense of hopelessness and this has a direct bearing on the accessing health care. They either go to a free clinic, though there are not many health of the community and of individuals. One of the doctors at the Tahaddi and they do not treat all health issues, or they take loans from each other to go to Association clinic reflecting on his own experience said: a private clinic or hospital. The few with health insurance may go to the govern- “When I first came I was eager to see change. I perceived things differently. ment hospital and receive care at subsidized rates. But then I went through a period of thinking that things can’t change. For It is important to note that though the community experiences food insecu- example, I wanted to give someone medication to treat problems so that he rity, they are not chronically hungry.28 Some families do not have the resources to could live longer; he responded ‘Why would I want to live longer?’” buy food if they do not find work on a particular day, and thus, “will go to bed hungry.” One woman described her situation: Assets and vulnerabilities “Sometimes we eat and sometimes we don’t when my husband can’t find work. Sometimes we will eat one time per day in the morning. It is irregular. Hay el Gharbeh experiences a range of vulnerabilities, of more types perhaps I give my [infant] son water and sugar instead of milk because milk is very than any of the other communities studied. Oftentimes in the other communi- expensive … I get our food from the vegetable market – potatoes, cucumbers, tomatoes. Sometimes at the market they throw out vegetables and I ties, one prevalent vulnerability was apparent – be it related to land tenure, loca- will take those.” tion, or access to services – but in Hay el Gharbeh an array of issues negatively impacts the ability of residents to be respected, self-sufficient members of society. There is enough food available in the area and all the groups within the com- However, no single issue generates such immediate instability as to eclipse all munity may access that food. Most women buy vegetables and groceries from others. the market in Sabra. For the extremely poor the access may not be on a regular Many of the other poor communities in Lebanon are homogenous groups, basis. The main nutritional problem is the lack of micronutrients like vitamins made up of one religion, nationality, ethnic, or political group. As described and iron, and the lack of food diversity. They eat a lot of starches like rice, po- earlier, Hay el Gharbeh is a patchwork of different and self-contained communi- tatoes, and pasta because these are cheap and easy to cook. A typical meal in- ties and groups bound by family, tribal, ethnic, or religious obligations, which cludes bread, rice, or potatoes. Stews are quite common but will be cooked with greatly affects their social capital. Positive relationships between the different vegetables and without meat. If their income increases, they will add lentils to communities are essentially nonexistent, meaning that there is little community the stew. They eat a lot of vegetables, but they do not eat as much fruit because support or action in order to improve the situation of the area as a whole. In fruits are seen as a luxury. Often they cannot afford good meat, so they do not eat fact, most of the community is divided between the groups – physically, socially, much of it. Some people keep chickens. Their protein intake comes mainly from and psychologically. Each segment of the population occupies a different area in cheese, yogurt, labneh, and lentils. One woman said, “If my husband works, I will the community.

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They are ‘dirty,’ ‘they steal,’ ‘they hide money,’ ‘they are beggars,’ ‘they Marginalization of the Dom communities in Lebanon don’t want to be any better off,’ ‘they send their children to beg.’ All of the Using labeling theory, Tdh explains how the larger groups in the country have his- groups discriminate against them. This affects their lives through low self- torically marginalized the Dom communities, though over two-thirds of the Dom esteem, especially the children. The children know what people think about surveyed do in fact have Lebanese citizenship. The report explains that itinerant them: ‘This is what people think about us, why would we change?’ The bad communities are often labeled as deviant groups because they do not appear to comments don’t help them. It defines them. And education is not enough to conform to societal norms. Outsiders perceive differences such as their nonseden- get out. It affects access to services, for example, schools will tell them they tary lifestyle, their clothing, and their social and economic activities – thought to are full. But if we go with them then it’s ok. If they go alone with money include begging and prostitution – despite the fact that these may not really exist. it will be harder but they might let them in. There is pressure from other Even the term Nawar, as they are most commonly referred to by other groups, is ex- parents not to let them in.” tremely derogatory, signifying selfishness, stinginess, and dirtiness or chaos.29 One Dom woman explained some of the discrimination she has suffered: This has large consequences on some of the groups, for example the Kanju “In Khalde [where they used to live] journalists came and wrote about us in the newspaper saying that we work in prostitution, kidnap our children, tribe, who are not able to access the Tahaddi Association medical clinic because eat human flesh, etc. They wrote bad things about us, like we send our kids they are in conflict with the groups controlling the area in which it is located. to beg. Some do but not all of us. When people see us they will hide their One woman described her husband’s situation, which is just one of many similar purses or pick up their children because they are scared of us. Another ste- examples heard throughout the interviews: reotype by outsiders is prostitution. Many people offer me money to sleep with them. I feel bad; do I look like a prostitute? No, I am not like that. Not “The Shiite won’t buy from his shop because he is Palestinian. He looks all people are the same. I get hurt when people think of me like this. So I Shiite so they will come in, but when they hear him talk then they know he cry. God will punish them. No one believes us.” isn’t and they won’t buy from him. The Syrians used to come buy from his shop but in 2006 everyone left and there was no one to come buy from him. The dominant groups fail to see the living conditions of the Dom as a result of Also, close to him, there is another Shiite butcher so people [the Shiites] go their social, cultural, and economic marginalization and instead attribute these to him instead.” conditions to lifestyle choices and traditional customs. Many of the stakeholders who participated in the Tdh report actually believe that the Dom communities Oftentimes in Hay el Gharbeh, social support networks are found within the have more money than they will admit to, which they associate with illegal activi- smallest unit of the community, the family. For some, like the Dom, this support ties, and that their living conditions and social exclusion are an active choice made system may extend to higher levels, such as those from the same tribal or ethnic 30 by the Dom themselves. group. Similarly, some of the Syrians and Palestinians may be able to depend on Unfortunately, many of these stereotypes have been internalized by the Dom their fellow countrymen. In Hay el Gharbeh these loyalties are of value in terms communities. Tdh uses stratification theory to explain this concept, which exam- ines how people view themselves in relation to their position in a social order or of physical and social protection, as well as access to an informal borrowing and setting. Unfortunately, researchers from Tdh, as well as from this study, noted that lending system in times of financial difficulties. One nurse at the Tahaddi As- the Dom, when referring to themselves, often mention the negative characteristics sociation clinic elaborated, “People have no access to help; they only go to each that other groups attribute to them. The report states, “The lack of self-ascribed other. They don’t have anywhere else to go. Sometimes they go to Tahaddi As- positive attributes of Dom identity means that many Dom have no pride for their sociation for help.” Yet, for many in Hay el Gharbeh, these social networks are identity.”31 This has resulted in many from the Dom community trying to assimi- neither large or influential enough to have a significant impact on the well-being late into mainstream society in order to avoid discrimination. For example, it was found that many of the adults were not teaching their children the Domari lan- of the community members. As most of the families within the community are guage as a protection mechanism, in order to spare them from prejudices.32 The struggling themselves, there is only so much help that they can offer each other. Tdh report summarizes, “… far from the prevailing perceptions amongst Leba- One woman described, “My sons try to help me financially, but each of them has nese and Palestinians, the Dom in Lebanon are not clinging to some “traditional” five or six kids, so they can’t even help themselves.” identity … they are eager to achieve a better standard of living, even if this means A Lebanese woman’s comments clearly show the alienation prevalent in the rejecting aspects of their own culture.”33 community: “No one loves anyone here. Everyone is alone … I don’t feel like One of the doctors interviewed clearly explained these dynamics: “The gypsies are the most marginalized and then the migrant workers. I’m part of any group. I am on my own. I don’t trust anyone. My problems are With the gypsies there are preconceived notions and social discriminations. my own.”

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Yet, there have been times when some elements of the community have uni- fied and participated in collective community action. There have been a few striking examples of the community’s capacity to overcome challenges, such Water crisis in the southern suburbs of Beirut as when the groups mobilized to gain access to electricity, water, and a sewage “About two-thirds of the southern suburbs’ needs for potable and usable water are system (explained more fully later in the chapter). Similarly, although there are not being met. Water is alternatively obtained wither through stationary and mobile few details available, it seems as though the community members stood together tanks or artesian wells, most of which are polluted and thus represent a health hazard. during the recent conflict with the ISF, in order to protect the houses and shops “Al-Ghandir River springs from Wadi Shahrur and passes through the southern of the residents. So, while they may not help each other with day-to-day prob- suburbs. It is nourished by many large springs, along which various agricultural and lems, it seems as though the community comes together when dealing with par- industrial activities are established. High levels of lead, zinc, chrome, nickel, and ticularly difficult issues. cadmium (heavy minerals), in addition to ammonium, sodium and potassium are recorded … Along the same lines, the human capital found within the community is most “Beirut and its suburbs face many problems of interpenetration of sea water. often linked to community members’ individual social groups. When people seek After the 1960s and 1970s, they witnessed a continuous economic boom that re- advice and information, they often turn to those within their own social net- quired providing additional water for domestic use (mainly due to population growth, works, usually the elderly members. One Lebanese woman commented, “When postwar reconstruction, migration towards the capital, abusive exploitation of under- there are problems people seek the advice of the elderly who have status in the ground water sources, decrease in the average rainfall in addition to the torrential community.” Sometimes the elderly members from the various groups meet in rain that flows into the sea before being used). This depleted the underground water reserves and the basic sources no longer satisfied the population needs. The absence order to solve more widespread problems between the different populations. of proper water management definitely aggravated the problem.” One key informant explained that this is also prevalent within the Dom community: “When this [conflicts] happens they sometimes have an elder who will Source: Arab NGO Network for Development, “Development Reforms in Lebanon” (2008), p. 54 try to solve the problems between the two tribes.” One of the biggest vulnerabilities that Hay el Gharbeh faces is a lack of physical capital, though some aspects have improved slightly. Contributing fac- Whereas before there was no electricity whatsoever, the electricity supply tors to the particularly weak infrastructure are the fact that Hay el Gharbeh is now, like in much of Beirut, is erratic. There are generators but access to them is located in the southern area of Beirut, which was devastated during the Civil unaffordable for most of the community. Those who can afford one pay between War and again impacted by the 2006 war, and that the land is still owned by the LL5,000 ($3.3) and LL14,000 ($9) per month for a few hours of electricity. Water government and private owners, effectively making all development there illegal. is available from the government but most believe it is of very poor quality. As a It does not help, of course, that the area attracts some of the poorest people from result many access water from the various wells in the area. Most pay between across the country and that rehabilitating the infrastructure is usually completely LL15,000 ($10) and LL20,000 ($13) per month. Some buy water for drinking; beyond their financial means. others filter the water they get. (See textbox “Water crisis in the southern Beirut Hay el Gharbeh has seen an improvement with regards to availability of suburbs.”) water and electricity and access to a sewage system. But significant challenges There is only a limited sewage system available and many homes had to dig still remain. Like most urban slums and illegal settlements, no utilities or services their own septic tanks. When there was no sewage system, the area would flood were initially available in Hay el Gharbeh. Over time, collective action by parts and water and sewage would enter the houses. When a sewage system was finally of the community resulted in the availability of electricity and water, although installed, it appears work on it was not done properly. There are reports that the both are often sporadic or of poor quality. One resident explained: smell is now worse and that sewage and water seep up from the ground. Houses still flood during the winter months, and some sewage problems remain. “When we first arrived there was no electricity. Twenty-five families worked Besides water, electricity, and sewage, there is very little other infrastructure together to get a well and then we had access to water. For electricity we in the community. Other than one small portion at the upper end of Hay el got together and went to the electricity company, and we did it again to get sewage. The electricity was in 1997-98. We went to the company and told Gharbeh, the lanes and alleyways are not paved. Most of them are gravel or them the address. They said that area didn’t exist. We would show them the mud, they are uneven and often littered with broken glass, rubble, or garbage. burns that kids had from the candles. The women and children would go. One Dom woman described the area around her house, which she explained Finally they gave us electricity. Then we had to go individually to get it for has become an informal garbage dump: “I am ashamed when people come to each house.”

290 291 HAY EL GHARBEH 9 visit me because of the trash outside. I am disgusted to walk through it. Even if NGOs, other than the Tahaddi Association. As with other informal gatherings we are poor it is not an excuse to be dirty. If it were up to me I would clean the across the country, this may be explained by the fact that NGOs are weary of whole place up.” working in an area from which they may eventually be evicted due to land ten- In addition to the flooding and sewage issues, there are other problems re- ureship issues. Some also mentioned the presence of religiously affiliated po- lated to the poor construction of the houses. Most of the houses are in a deplor- litical groups in the area that provide support mechanisms for their members, able state, often made of little other than cement blocks, corrugated metal, and although this was difficult to verify due to the sensitivity of the topic. reinforced cardboard. The houses are hot in the summer and cold in the winter, One very noteworthy aspect of the poverty in Hay el Gharbeh is the commu- because of the drafts, which come through the holes in the walls and roofs. One nity’s vulnerability to shocks at both a national and local level, including both ex- woman described, “My house is humid and my child has lung problems. The ternal conflicts and internal tensions. As mentioned earlier, the area was greatly doctor said that it is because of the living conditions. But we can’t do anything impacted during the Civil War. Similarly, the war in 2006 and the conflict in 2008 about it.” also had an effect on the community. Fearing that these periods would escalate Many have limited assets, appliances, or pieces of furniture within their into a widespread conflict, many of the families fled the area, only to return to households, though usually more are found in the Lebanese households. Those their homes to find that they had been vandalized and robbed. Additionally, the with any kind of regular job may have a refrigerator. Yet surprisingly, almost all community is located in a politically sensitive area where there have been clashes have a television and a satellite dish. A comment made by a social worker ex- as recently as January 2011 when the opposition toppled the government. In the plained this apparent contradiction between experiencing a lack of income and following days there were conflicts at the main Kola intersection, as well as in the having the ability to afford a television: neighborhood of Tareq el Jdedeh, both in close proximity to the area. “A family without a television is very poor. This is the minimum that each Throughout the interviews, key informants noted the large impact of clashes family has. It is the only thing that they have to have fun. It is the cheapest occurring within the community, and between Dom families in particular. The way of connecting to the outside world and the cheapest way of entertain- conflicts and violence often result in injuries, casualties, and long-term grudges ment. I would be very worried if there was a family without a TV.” between the offending groups, usually forcing family members to flee the area. In a community that experiences social exclusion, as well as high illiteracy Right before the time of the interviews two tribes were fighting and, subsequent- rates, having a television is one of the only ways of learning about the outside ly, many of the men had fled to the mountains. In the past whole families gener- world. ally fled, but now it’s mostly just the men who go, especially if the children are There is a lack of financial capital and resources available to the community. in school. Members of the Tahaddi Association staff explained that many of the Community members do not have access to banking services, such as loans, as houses have weapons and, unfortunately, fights between the tribes don’t end until most do not have steady incomes. One Lebanese woman said, “I don’t even the one that has been wronged has taken revenge, or the offending tribe pays a know where the banks are. I keep my money at home with me. But I can’t save. sum sufficient to cover the loss of the other. We can barely afford living expenses.” They take informal loans from each Another shock that affects the community is the constant threat of eviction. other and occasionally from local stores, although, since most of the families are While this may not be as prevalent as in some of the other poor neighborhoods struggling to get by, they cannot always rely on this coping mechanism. Some of in Lebanon, such as Hay el Tanak where the displacement of the community is the Syrians explained that they had problems affording things in Lebanon as the actively being pursued, it is nonetheless a prevalent issue. As mentioned earlier, costs are much higher than they are in Syria, for example the costs associated in May 2011 the ISF came and destroyed numerous shops and one home. One with education, which resulted in them not enrolling their children in school. man explained his fears of living on government land: “I am worried, very afraid Interestingly, no natural capital was mentioned by any of the community that something will happen and I will have no where to go.” In a community members. already struggling to survive, these measures are massive setbacks affecting their One point of contention among some of the community members is that ability to act as self-sustaining members of society. the adjacent Palestinian camps receive more support, though none of this sup- There is evidence of new trends emerging in the area, increasing the prob- port is extended to Hay el Gharbeh. One Palestinian woman living in the area lems faced by the community members. Reportedly, physical insecurity, drugs, explained, “There is a lot of financial aid to the camps but we don’t get any and prostitution have risen significantly in the last few years. One woman said: because we live outside and not in the camps. It’s like we are living off the map.” “There is a lot of fighting because of rent and addictions – for example, Additionally, when it comes to social institutions, there is very little support from hashish, heroin, and paint thinners. Young boys make trouble and steal.

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Some boys can’t afford drugs so they use paint thinner. Some girls sell their Others lack citizenship because of birth registration issues. This was often bodies. They need to make an income for their families. People see it as a linked with the inability to pay for birth certificates, or to pay the midwife who normal way to survive. People steal from the Syrian workers because they needs to issue the birth certificate, who then would withhold the necessary pa- have money.” perwork. One of the Tahaddi Association staff further explained this problem Much of the problem seems to be related to the high rates of unemployment and the subsequent issues: among the youth, as explained by a nurse working in the area: “They are addict- “Many [Dom] hold Lebanese nationality. If they do not it’s because they ed to pain killers which they get from Sabra. Since nothing is controlled there, can’t pay for birth certificates, which creates a cycle of “paperlessness” for this community can get anything they want from there. But the drug problems the next generations. When they don’t have proper papers then they can’t are very secretive, so it is hard to know if there are any trends.” register at schools or at clinics. Some midwifes will withhold a birth cer- Another trend, which is closely linked with the community’s lack of social tificate if they are unable to pay for her services. If they eventually get the money they may able to get the papers. But if she leaves the area or they capital and has increased tensions within the area, is the influx of newcomers don’t have a good relationship with her, they may never be able to get them. who are perceived as different from the longer-term residents. One elderly Leba- Also, if the mother marries someone who does not have nationality then the nese women said, “Then people started coming; it became overcrowded with children will never get it, for example to a Palestinian.”34 people from different backgrounds … There are different mentalities and differ- While all the foregoing often results in the community being voiceless and ent ways of thinking.” The social fragmentation is most evident in community powerless, there have been extreme circumstances under which the community members’ attitudes towards the Dom people as already explained above. has made itself heard, such as in its campaigns for water and electricity. However, The sense of powerlessness and voicelessness in a marginalized community it has been unable to sustain its voice, perhaps due to its lack of economic clout, like Hay el Gharbeh is evident in many different ways. The lack of Lebanese citi- its own fractious environment undoing the unity it needs to be heard, or simply zenship for many living in the community restricts their ability to access public exhaustion resulting from frustrating and thankless battles with the authorities. health care, public education, and social security. Complicating this factor is that In terms of political institutions, the community is very much self-governed, the poor in Lebanon may not always be aware of their rights, as explained by though the structure of leadership and governance is highly informal. When one key informant: “People are not always aware of the policies that affect them, there are problems, people seek out the advice of elders who have status within for example having an ID. They don’t know their rights because they are not their group. There are also some men within the various groups to whom people educated or exposed.” Citizenship in Lebanon is often a political issue. One may go for help solving problems. The “heads” of the various groups will work woman working with Tahaddi Association explained that political groups gave to solve problems as they arise in order to keep the peace. However, the lack Lebanese citizenship to some as a attempt to gain their support in elections: of any formal governance structure in the community leaves the inhabitants “Gypsies [Dom] … most of them have Lebanese nationalities now. The politi- vulnerable. cal leaders came and gave them cards so they could vote for them.” Yet, many Many mentioned that the army and police do not enter the area unless specif- still lack citizenship. There were many different reasons given as to why some ically called, though sometimes when this happened in the past they did not only of the Dom did not have citizenship. One woman explained that her parents’ arrest those involved in the problem. One woman explained what has happened marriage was not properly registered, and as such she and her siblings were not upon calling the police into the community: “Even though you have rights, you able to receive nationality. Unfortunately, this has had many significant impacts go to prison.” Another community member spoke of a mass arrest of 25 people throughout her lifetime, most likely leading to the dire situation she is living in after a fight. Fear of detention may contribute to the community’s unwillingness today. She explained: to contact authorities and the following sentiment expressed by one resident: “This affected me in many ways. I couldn’t go to school, so I couldn’t work. “There is no governance, no police, no army, no nothing.” Many jobs require someone to read and write [she can’t]. But I have tried If there are problems affecting the Palestinians in Hay el Gharbeh, the Popu- to do other jobs. Some won’t take me because they require an ID. I can do lar Committee35 from the nearby camp gets involved. One Palestinian resident de- anything, I can’t read and write, but I’m intelligent. I can do anything but I don’t have an ID. I can’t go to the hospital because I don’t have an ID. To scribed, “There are problems within each group. Even though there are different give birth I had to go to a private hospital that costs $300-400, but if I had people involved, the Popular Committee will talk with Hezbollah and Amal and an ID I could pay LL30,000 [$20] at a public hospital … My children don’t get them to talk to their people in order to solve the problems. The Popular Com- have IDs either.” mittee also works with the army and government if there are problems that they can’t solve.”

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The presence of political groups like Amal, who wield considerable influence in the area, have a mitigating effect on certain types of violence. One young man 1. A pseudonym explained: 2. Tahaddi Association is a charity providing health and educational services “There were many conflicts between people, but since Amal came people in Hay el Gharbeh. The word Tahaddi means “challenge” in Arabic, and are afraid to get into fights. We are affiliated with Amal, so I feel protected if refers to challenging poverty. The association was founded by Dr. Agnes I get into a fight. People attack each other with knives … But Amal recruited Sanders and Catherine Mourtada. me so I am protected.” 3. (Chatty, 2010) p. 22-23 However, those without any political affiliations are more vulnerable and 4. (The Domary Society of Jerusalem n.d.) without wasta. One young man illustrated the point with his situation: “If I had 5. (The Domary Society of Jerusalem n.d.) a reference I would have already gone to get help to put my children in school. 6. (The Domary Society of Jerusalem n.d.) But I have only God.” 7. (UN-HABITAT, 2007) p. 2 A doctor at the local clinic who has been working there for over seven years 8. (Rifai, 2004) summarized the situation in Hay el Gharbeh: 9. (Rifai, 2004) 10. (Clerc-Huybrechts, 2002) p.231 “The Lebanese Shiite have better health. They have access to better ser- 11. (Clerc-Huybrechts, 2002) p.234 vices … The controlling factor is Lebanese (political and military), so they get better things. The Dom are marginalized. The Palestinians are not in a 12. (Tristam, 2008) good relationship with other factions. Also the process of employing people 13. (Tdh, 2011) p.18 makes it easier for the Lebanese. The Dom are very nice. They even say 14. (Tdh, 2011) p. 18, 23, 88 that they are the lowest caste in the community. The housing is better for 15. (Lebanon: Development Disorder, 2010) p.59 the Lebanese. It’s not cardboard.” 16. This comment was not mentioned by any of the community members, though this may be because they were unwilling to admit that any of their relatives are in jail. Additionally, if there is a high number of men in jail, this Conclusion may have more to do with the fact that many of the men in the community do not have citizenship, and less to do with the fact that they are committing Hay el Gharbeh is one face of poverty in Lebanon. A marginalized community, illegal activities. The Lebanese Authorities have been known to jail those it is home to people and groups who live on the edge and are often powerless people who cannot produce official identity papers. and voiceless. Yet the poor in Hay el Gharbeh have a resilience and a sense of 17. (Tdh, 2011) p. 19-20 community within their own ethnic, tribal, or religious groups that enables them 18. (Tdh, 2011) p. 20 to survive and makes life bearable. There is a growing sense of despair as they 19. (Tdh, 2011) p. 19 look at the future, and of insecurity because of the lack of legal tenure on the 20. (Tdh, 2011) p. 26 land. Violence is both an internal and external reality, and problems such as drug 21. (Tdh, 2011) p. 26 addiction, prostitution, and high unemployment among the youth are emerging. 22. (Tdh, 2011) p. 54-55 There issues are fraying even the internal fabric of each group, the one existing 23. (Tdh, 2011) p. 27 safety net for an otherwise highly vulnerable population. 24. The Tdh report found similar results noting that 81 percent of females had never attended school, compared to 73.6 percent of men, (Tdh, 2011) p. 24 25. It should be noted that among school-aged children (4-16 year olds) 68 percent reported never having attended school, though the average in Beirut is lower, at 48 percent, (Tdh, 2011) p. 23 26. The Tdh report also found that children were being incarcerated; however they also heard of less severe punishment such as fine and short-term detentions, after which they are often released far from their homes. (Tdh, 2011) p. 56

296 297 27. Similar findings were noted in the Tdh study. One man interviewed in that KARM EL ZEITOUN study worked as a security guard for the girls dancing in the United Arab Beirut Emirates. He claims that the girls can make up to $100 per night, or $3000 per month. The best ones can earn up to $7000 per month. Though, unfortunately, he also mentioned that this payment is not just for dancing and also depended on the girls making themselves “sexually available” for the clients. (Tdh, 2011) p. 58-59 28. There are various definitions of food security. Some of the various definitions are: a guarantee that a family has permanent and regular physical and economic access to a basic supply of food whose quantity and quality are sufficient to meet their nutritional needs. The availability of food and one’s access to it. A family and household are considered food secure when they do not live in hunger or fear of starvation. It also refers to the availability of sufficient and nutritious food for the population. It is the ability of an individual to access sufficient food on a day-to-day basis. 29. (Tdh, 2011) p. 31 30. (Tdh, 2011) p. 30-32. This perception among outside groups was also noted in the observations made by the researchers while conducting this assessment. 31. (Tdh, 2011) p. 34 32. (Tdh, 2011) p. 33-34 33. (Tdh, 2011) p. 35 34. In Lebanon, a Lebanese mother who marries a foreigner is currently not able to pass on her citizenship to her children, effectively eliminating their ability to seek government services, and any other rights afforded to Leba- nese citizens. 35. For a more detailed explanation about the Popular Committees and their function see the Palestinian refugee chapter.

Karm el Zeitoun

Beniamin1 has lived in Karm el Zeitoun for 70 years. He used to work in a leath- er factory, but during the Civil War the owner left and he lost his job. Today he runs a small convenience store, which his family has owned for fifty years. Benia- min never married, though his three brothers and three sisters have all married and have children. Only one brother still lives in Lebanon; the rest live in France. He can still recall a time when Karm el Zeitoun (which means the olive grove)

298 299 KARM EL ZEITOUN 10 lived up to its name and was full of olive trees. He remembers moving there been times of tension between the various groups in the past, mostly in parallel with his family and when they built their house. Beniamin is Armenian2 and has with conflicts occurring on a national scale. However, almost all acknowledge Lebanese nationality. His Armenian Orthodox Christian faith and identity are that things are currently calm in the community. In fact, most of the groups are important to him: “I follow Jesus and I go to church sometimes.” living side-by-side, instead of in segregated units with clear divisions as is the Though many Armenians who used to live in Karm el Zeitoun have left for case in other mixed communities in Lebanon. Yet, there is one glaring example places such as America, France, and Canada over the past 30 years, Beniamin is where this friendly treatment towards each other differs; the foreign migrant and happy where he is: “I don’t want to go anywhere. I want to be here. Life is good, domestic workers are marginalized from the rest of the community. Often, they everyone is good. People love me.” live in their own isolated areas or in a group of houses on one street. The other Imad3 is a painter who works six days a week and earns between $100 and residents claim to know nothing about them, only alleging that they are increas- $150 a week. He is Syrian and only moved to Karm el Zeitoun in the summer of ing the problems and crime within the community. They justify this isolation 2010. He is not married and shares a house with three or four other Syrian men by saying that the foreign nationals form their own communities. Yet, as far as who are either electricians or painters. He too likes the area: “This is a nice area mixed communities in Lebanon go, Karm el Zeitoun is a model of how most … It is decent. There are no troubles in the area.” groups can live together in relative peace, even supporting each other in times of Mihret4 is from Ethiopia and has been in Lebanon for seven years working need, though not all groups within the community are afforded this treatment. as a domestic worker. She shares a small two-room house with another woman. Unlike some of the other urban slums around Lebanon, Karm el Zeitoun She works freelance and is paid by the hour. Her work is often part-time, but is not defined by extreme poverty. Rather, it is an area that at one time was a that is only because there is not enough available. “I have no savings, just like reasonably safe and homogenous part of town, but that is changing quickly. As many Lebanese people,” she said. Her support network consists only of female the younger generation of Armenians (who have been the majority in the com- Ethiopian friends. She does not socialize outside her group of friends other than munity since its beginning) either emigrate or marry and move out to other parts going to the Evangelical church and to Bible studies. Her faith is important for of the city or country, new migrants are moving in, attracted by the area’s cheap her in coping with the difficulties of life. For the last few years she has been in the rents and central location within Beirut. country illegally as she is unable to afford the $1000 a year for a work permit.5 Enrica Morlicchio of the University of Naples writes about the changing She likes Lebanon. “There is no work and no jobs in Ethiopia. It is better here,” nature of European poverty and the ensuing debate. She identifies two types she said. Sometimes she is able to send money to her sister back home. Other of poverty: “traditional poverty, which was passed on from one generation to times, when she runs short of money, she borrows from friends, but she always another and was linked to economic factors, [and] the new urban forms of pov- pays them back at the end of the month. erty consisting of a concatenation of negative events (loss of job, income, hous- Ali6 is a 22-year-old Shiite Muslim. He was born in Karm el Zeitoun and has ing, family breakdown, separations and divorce) which led to an incapacity to lived there all his life, but his family is originally from Kifar Kila on the southern run one’s own life and be good consumers …”7 While the negative events she border. Two years ago, Ali gave up studying because “I wasn’t doing very well mentions may be similar to what is experienced by families and individuals in with my grades.” He now works in a restaurant full-time. His father works in Lebanon, these have been further complicated by the Civil War, population dis- silver. He has five brother and three sisters, all of whom are now married, unlike placements, and the resulting destruction of the economy. A new event impact- Ali. One of his brothers is a doctor, but the others are “nothing,” although Ali ing people’s lives in Karm el Zeitoun is the influx into the area of single migrant pointed out that one of his sisters trained to be a kindergarten teacher. They all workers looking for cheap accommodation. have “good enough” salaries. All except one of his siblings are living nearby but The poverty in Karm el Zeitoun is not generational nor, for most, is it resul- outside of Karm el Zeitoun itself. Ali likes living in Karm el Zeitoun. “I want to tant from the marginalization of particular groups within the community. Unlike stay,” he said. “I wouldn’t go if I had a chance.” other mixed communities, the creation of completely closed subgroups has been Beniamin, Imad, Mihret, and Ali comprise only some pieces of the mosaic more limited. It’s not the poverty of an urban slum in Asia, Africa, or Latin that currently makes up the community of Karm el Zeitoun. For the most part, America where the basic infrastructure is nonexistent. It does not easily fit the the various groups within Karm el Zeitoun are cohesive and willing to help and UN’s operational definition of an urban slum.8 It resembles the poorer parts of support each other. However, the community at large still distinguishes between many large European cities where the infrastructure is rundown, crime and sub- various religions and nationalities. For example, residents will often refer to their stance abuse are on the rise, the housing is overcrowded and of poor quality, and neighbors as the “Muslims,” the “Christians,” or the “Armenians.” There have basic services are either overloaded or no longer existent. It is not a shantytown

300 301 KARM EL ZEITOUN 10 that has grown organically; rather it is a planned community that has deterio- the amount borrowed, which usually happened within a few years. The refu- rated over the decades as events and history have overtaken it. gees built their houses themselves with some material provided to them by the committee.13 After the initial settlement by the Armenians, other groups, mostly Lebanese Christians, started arriving in the community. History and location A 70-year-old Armenian still living in the community recalled: Armenian migration into Lebanon began in the early 1920s, followed by a con- “We were here when it was full of olive trees … We are the oldest people tinuous influx throughout the decade and into the 1930s, as French authori- here. We came here when it was all sand and darkness; there was no electricity. There was no one here. We were alone. We were the first ones to pipe ties helped the Armenian populations of Cilicia move and settle in Syria and water to our houses. We know the very old people here, but we don’t know Lebanon. Later, many continued their journeys on to Europe and the Americas. the new ones.” Of those that chose to stay within the region, most congregated in and around Beirut, eager to remain a cohesive community with its own identity. The newly The priest of the Armenian Church explained how the community was arrived refugees lived for almost 10 years in two refugee camps: Saint-Michel structured: “Seventy years ago, it was all Armenian. The principle idea was that (established in 1921) and Qarantina (established in 1923) in north Beirut. Ini- you built the houses around the church and the school. There were about 450- tially, conditions in the camps were miserable: residents lived in tents and tempo- 500 families. But some of them left for Antelias (an area north of Beirut), the rary structures, there were regular outbreaks of diseases, and poverty was wide- mountains and other countries.” spread.9 After it became clear in the 1920s that a return to Turkey and Soviet The 15-year Lebanese Civil War, which raged from 1975 to 1990, caused Armenia was no longer possible, a major effort was initiated under the French major population dislocation and movement, much of it based on ethnicity and Mandate and the League of Nations, in consultation with the Armenian com- religion. The populations of both Karm el Zeitoun and Bourj Hammoud grew munity itself, to try and permanently settle the Armenians. The development of during those years as Armenians living in other areas of Beirut and Lebanon “Armenian quarters” in the Achrafieh hills and in Bourj Hammoud, the marshy affected by the fighting moved to the relative security of these Armenian en- area along the Beirut River, was central to this initiative. A committee consisting claves. Warring parties were kept out of both areas by the Armenians’ own com- 14 of the Nansen Office10 and the French Mandate was set up to plan, coordinate, munal militias. Nonetheless, there was considerable damage. One Lebanese and implement the resettlement. Maronite [the community] woman who lived in Karm el Zeitoun throughout The mandate administration had its reasons for resettling the Armenians said, “During the war it was affected a lot. Some houses were destroyed and away from the camps. Unrest was a constant threat to the stability of the camps rebuilt, and many people died. Our landlord’s mother and sister died.” Another due to their deplorable conditions, and the camps themselves occupied valuable 70-year-old woman said, “Seven people died in the house in front of me, the land at the entrance to the Beirut Port. The mandate also viewed the Armenians area was fully destroyed. The area was kteer destroyed. It was horrible during the favorably for strategic reasons. Having received sanctuary and help from the war … I used to hide with the kids in the kitchen.” Along with the in-migration French Mandate, the Armenian population tended to favor French candidates of newcomers to both areas, a number of businesses, particularly the gold crafts, in local elections. In addition, due to the delicate religious balance in the coun- moved from the old souqs in the downtown areas of Beirut to Bourj Hammoud. try, the mandate welcomed the increase in the size of the Christian community This brought a new vitality to Bourj Hammoud, which then became known as a through the integration of the Armenians into Lebanese society.11 When the commercial district of Beirut. Karm el Zeitoun missed out on the benefits of this Treaty of Lausanne recognized a new Turkish state that incorporated much of influx of commerce as very few businesses moved there. the Armenian region within its borders, the French Mandate granted Lebanese citizenship to the Armenian refugees in Lebanon. In the late 1920s, the mandate administration explored various resettlement options before finally deciding on Karm el Zeitoun.12 The Armenians who were to be resettled there had to pay part of the money needed to buy a plot in the area on which they could build a house. This was possible because many of the Armenians had found work in Beirut or in small workshops in the camps. The remainder of the money was lent to the person, and the plot remained the property of the committee of the Nansen office until that person had fully paid back

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disabled, and for families (especially with children) whose homes do not border Garo the outlaw and the rooftops of Karm el Zeitoun a street but are on an alley or at the end of a flight of stairs. One steep set of “Garo was an outlaw who lived in Karm el Zeitoun and was chased by the police for stairs consisted of over 80 uneven, and often broken, steps. A researcher from seven years. During those years he never left Karm el Zeitoun but used it as his hide- AUB who had interviewed people in the area said, “The old people feel trapped out. Through local social support and a rooftop network that functioned continually because of the stairs, so they don’t leave.” An elderly woman confirmed this: “I as a means of escape, he was able to prevent the police from capturing him several don’t go out because of the stairs.” The stairs also present a hazard for the com- times. The rooftops of Karm el Zeitoun, interconnected and continuous, cease to be spaces of excess, where water containers, antennas and old useless objects are stored munity’s children. Having no other area in which to play, some have fallen on or disposed of, and become spaces with social significance affecting the lives of the the stairs and injured themselves seriously. The priest of the Armenian church inhabitants. They become hideouts, means of escape and transgression …” explained, “… a 5-year-old fell on the stairs and suffered brain damage and paralysis. He died after two years … another boy fell and broke bones in his arms Source: Bsat, “Building [in] fragments” (2009), p. 78 and legs. It is very slippery because the water goes down the steps.”

The end of the Civil War also brought new groups into Karm el Zeitoun. The stairs of Karm el Zeitoun These consisted mainly of people from other parts of Lebanon who migrated to Beirut in search of employment and opportunities. Karm el Zeitoun offered “… the stairs penetrate the houses, go over them, above and in-between; their land- them cheap accommodation, as the Armenian residents were only too happy ings become porches and their steps become spaces for socializing, playing cards, drying laundry, cooking smelly food like frying fish or barbequing, sunbathing on a good to make extra money by renting out rooms and houses. This not only changed day, and so on. The stairs gain new meaning and start to function differently; they are the demographic makeup of the community, but it also forced the expansion of no longer mere access ways but spaces with an acquired social baggage of meanings.” the area. Being limited on all sides by major streets, the expansion was vertical, and the roof of one dwelling became the porch of a new dwelling further up Source: Sandra Bsat, “Building [in] fragments” (2009), p. 77) the hillside. Karm el Zeitoun is located on a steep hillside sloping downwards from west to east, separate from the more well-to-do area of Achrafieh. It is bordered by a local highway (Elias Sarkis Boulevard) to the north, Sheikh el-Ghabi Street to the west, the Patriarch Douaihy Street to the south, and at the bottom of the hill to the east, the Beirut River, the bridge over it, and the Peugeot company, a notable local landmark. An area once filled with olive groves sloping down to a natural river is now covered by buildings and streets, which slope down to a concrete channel. One key informant explained, “The bridge is a boundary. Before, it was all one area to the Beirut River. It was a natural channel, not concrete [as it is now]. It used to be an orchard of olives.” “The plan of Karm el Zeitoun is that of a grid sliced by two main axes, from which minor parallel alleys emanate until they reach the steep edges where they transform into stairs that lead down to the lower levels.”15 It would seem that a grid system (which, according to one key informant, was designed by a Canadian architect) was used to plan the area regardless of its unsuitability for a hillside community. Rabih Shibli, an architect and city planner at the Center for Civic Engagement and Community Service at AUB who led an assessment of the area, commented, “The main problem is because of the grid on the hill. It has led to sewage problems, drainage problems, and accessibility issues due to the [steep] stairs.” While the layered and stacked houses and the numerous stair- ways have a certain charm, access to the area is a nightmare for the elderly, the

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the area for a long time. One resident, whose family owns some property in One of the oldest residents said: the neighborhood, described, “It was better before. I love the old stuff, how the “When we started building the houses, they built the stairs. But there was no buildings looked. It was more beautiful before. Now you can’t park; you can’t planning. There was no structure when they were building the stairs. There walk on the streets. Before it was more like you were in the mountains. There was no one in charge. The big stairs were built by the municipality. Near were trees before.” The reality today is that Karm el Zeitoun has evolved into the individual homes, people built the stairs by themselves in order to have a mixture of illegal and unplanned construction, with only glimpses remaining access to their own homes.” of a former life in what may once have been a nice area to live. One long-term The Armenian Orthodox Church, St. Jean de Baptiste, and some offices resident, who has been there since 1969, explained when much of this construc- are located on Ararat Street, one of the main streets running through the area. tion took place: “During the war people built houses and that is why the density Though there are convenience stores throughout the area, most of the shops are of the population increased …You weren’t allowed to build before [the war], and on Sheikh el-Ghabi Street, the largest street in the area. The whole community now you are also not allowed to build, because the parcels of land are too small. is extremely crowded and overbuilt, and there are no public spaces; nor is there It is all private land, not government land.” any sign of green. Shibli, referring to their urban renovation project (which is discussed in further detail later in the chapter), remarked, “We had wanted to create public spaces because there are none. People use any space they can find.” Profile of the community Some note the clear difference between nearby Achrafieh and their commu- Although Karm el Zeitoun originated as a homogenous Armenian Orthodox nity. One interviewee commented, “Here is different than Achrafieh: they are Christian community, founded by the refugees who were resettled there from the rich.” In fact, many residents of Karm el Zeitoun moved from Achrafieh either temporary camps near the port, today it is better viewed as microcosm of Leba- during the war or afterwards as their families grew and as the rents in Achrafieh non’s culturally and religiously heterogeneous society. Karm el Zeitoun, with its began to soar. mix of religious and ethnic groups, displays to a degree the dynamics between Socioeconomic boundaries are also perceived within Karm el Zeitoun the various groups found on a national level. In addition to the Armenians, the itself. According to many, where residents live on the hillside correlates to their area includes Lebanese Christians, Shiite Muslims from south Lebanon, and socioeconomic status. Some of those interviewed believe that the area at the more recently Sri Lankan, Filipina, and Ethiopian domestic workers (mostly fe- bottom of the hill, adjacent to the two highways, is a less desirable living space. males) and male migrant laborers from Egypt and Syria (who tend to be Sunni One key informant explained, “The foreign workers live on the edge of the Muslims). There are also a few residents from Bangladesh and Sudan, and some community – the Ethiopians, etc., they live near the highway.” The priest of the who are Druze and Alawite. There are some “mixed” families, such as a Filipina Armenian church said, “The lowest income [areas] are down the stairs.” One married to a Lebanese or a Malaysian with a Lebanese father. The foreign mi- researcher with experience in the area further explained the situation: “At the top grant workers only started moving into the area about five or six years ago. The and at the bottom there are different atmospheres. The bottom is poorer with most noticeable demographic change (besides the recent influx of the foreign older houses. The top is more [affluent]. It is a transition area between the two.” migrant workers) is that the younger generation of Armenians has moved out, Yet, due to social reasons, some residents’ perception of which area is better leaving only the elderly. One researcher explained, “The elderly people are Ar- is just the opposite. A Muslim man who has lived in the area for 20 years said, menians … now there are no younger ones.” “At the top there are more problems, like drugs. One woman got harassed by a The most commonly mentioned population size of Karm el Zeitoun is boy, and he stole her phone. It is dirty on the streets at the top.” Another young around 10,000 people. According to key informants, it has now become very Lebanese man commented, “There is a difference between the upper and lower much a transient population and, with some residents living in Lebanon illegally, areas. There are gangs of guys there; there are lots of drugs in the upper areas.” it is difficult to get specific numbers detailing its religious and ethnic makeup. Either way, the stairs and the hillside location ultimately affect relationships One local shop owner explained, “There are many people but you don’t know and the residents’ well-being. As Rabih Shibli said, “The physical barriers lead how many. You can’t tell how many are living in each building.” People believe to mental and social barriers. For example, it seems to be ‘gated’ at the bottom. that the Christian population still comprises half of the community. The priest of There is one area at the bottom that has three physical barriers [the highway the Armenian church estimated that there are about 210 Armenian families in running along two sides and the Beirut river].” Karm el Zeitoun with about three to five persons per family. The growth of the There is a sense of nostalgia among the older residents who have lived in Shiite and foreign migrant worker populations since their arrival has made them

306 307 KARM EL ZEITOUN 10 a significant element within the community. the edge of the community was built, around 15 years ago, it defined more clear- Though the population continues to swell, individual family sizes have de- ly where the boundaries were. The highway is raised; the lower stories of the clined over time. The priest explained, “People don’t have more kids because of houses are in its shadow, while the upper stories overlook it. Yet, surprisingly, space in the house and expenses.” Others have said that the Lebanese families its impact seems to have been minimal. A woman living next to it commented, used to have 10-12 people in a house with one large room, one bathroom, and “The highway was built 15 years ago. It didn’t affect us. We got used to the noise, one kitchen, though family sizes among the Lebanese are also decreasing. In and we don’t have a problem living beside the highway. It improved the area ” A some cases, the bathroom and kitchen may be shared with neighbors. The mi- young Muslim man who has lived in Karm el Zeitoun all his life said, “I used to grant workers, both male and female, tend not to be married. One key informant play football where the highway is. Before, there was a two-way road, but there said, “They come without their families.” Among them, the women are mainly was no barrier and the road was in bad condition … [Now] it is easier and safer Ethiopians, with some Filipinas and Sri Lankans. There do not appear to be any for people here and the appearance is better.” But not everyone likes it. One Syrian women living in the area. Groups of four to 10 migrant workers often live long-term resident said, “When the highway was built there was a lot of noise together and share the rent. Some local shop owners complain that “they spend and dirt … Now there are noise and car accidents, but they are the only effects.” little money and they send it all back home.” There has not been much input for development projects in the community. However, two initiatives physically impacted the area. As downtown Beirut was An evolving community after the war and the previously mentioned highway, which leads to downtown, was constructed it was felt that Karm el Zeitoun was an eyesore and that some- The changes in Karm el Zeitoun over time, both physical (agricultural to urban) thing needed to be done to improve its aesthetics. An “embellishment” project and demographic (homogenous to heterogenous), have driven the transforma- was started in 1997 on the initiative of two banks and Help Lebanon, a local tion of the community to its present state. The turning point in the structure humanitarian NGO.16 They painted the facades of the houses in the “south vil- of the community was the Civil War. One long-term resident, who owns some lage” yellow and pink using patterns designed by volunteer artists and architects. property in Karm el Zeitoun, said: Help Lebanon was then able to acquire additional funds to paint the remaining “Before the war there was a lot of money and things were cheaper. Be- external areas. The “west village” was painted yellow and blue. The north neigh- fore the war they didn’t give permits to build. However, during the war borhood was painted using the designs of an Argentinean artist. The governor of no one [government officials] cared. They couldn’t stop us. There was no Beirut, commenting on the effect, called the area Tallat al-Sununu, which means police. They wouldn’t give us permits because it was old infrastructure. We 17 still can’t build now. We took advantage of the situation [during the war] Swallows’ Hill. to build. Even if it was bombed, people would build again. It was cheap More recently, Shibli and the Center for Civic Engagement and Commu- to build.” nity Service at AUB, with funding from the Hariri Foundation, did extensive interviews in the area and identified the deteriorating conditions of the stairs, as Not only did the war inflict some destruction and cause loss of life, but well as the isolation of the community within the greater context of Achrafieh, the major influx of people from other areas caused a significant growth in the as major problems. Based on the interviews and a thorough spatial analysis, the number of people residing there, changing the socioeconimic make up of the goal of the project was to construct a pathway that would create new urban area. One community member stated, “Some people who came during the war public spaces and link Karm el Zeitoun with the surrounding neighborhoods have houses outside [the community], but they will not leave Karm because they as well as improve the conditions of the dilapidated main staircase. The project have a life here.” An older Maronite woman said, “Poverty was initially here or had the potential to improve the livelihoods of the local merchants by increasing people wouldn’t have come here in the first place. Before, people were able to foot traffic through the area. Special events would also have an impact on the meet their own needs, but after the war people lost their jobs and expenses in- community by bringing in people from all over the city. However, funding issues creased.” The priest at the Armenian Church added another perspective: “Some did not allow for the full scope of the project to be implemented and as a result people were OK 30 years ago. But they got poorer because of their age; they the center only succeeded in renovating the major set of stairs in the community. had kids that left them and who don’t help. These kids had their own kids, so the There is disagreement among the residents as to the impact that these expenses increase and they can’t give anything to their parents.” A mother living projects have had on the community. One resident commented, “The only near the highway put it succinctly: “The history of the community piled up to new things are the painting of the houses, the stairs, and the highway. Yes, the create the problems that are here today.” painting of the houses was important. And I wish they would do all the stairs.” After the war, further physical changes took place. When the highway along

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Some did not feel included in the changes that are took place. One woman, munity a long time said, “There are both Sunni and Shiite. Before the war there whose house was painted, described, “We don’t know who painted the houses was a lot of Shiites who built houses. But after the war, when there was more or who built the highway. The houses were painted into the ‘red camp’ and the racism, they sold their houses …” Yet, overall the communal relationships have ‘white camp.’ This was 10 years ago. They didn’t ask for permission; they just been reasonably peaceful and there is a fairly high level of tolerance, and even came and started painting.” acceptance, between most groups. The Armenian priest commented, “Muslims, The stairs may have had a wider impact for some community members. Not you don’t sense it, but they are living and walking with you. There are no reli- only did they impact the physical structure, they also had an effect on residents’ gious problems between the different groups.” perceptions of themselves and their status within the community. One man explained, “The [new] stairs gave people more status: ‘we are now different.’ The Legality, tenure, and mobility people away from the new stairs are envious of this [project]. Their [the people As in many of the other poor communities in Lebanon, the legality of one’s whose homes are adjacent to the stairs] perception of themselves changed, but housing and the legality of one’s status in the country (for example, with the their income is the same.” While some were grateful for these projects – “The foreign migrant workers) are critical issues for the residents of Karm el Zeitoun. stairs are better than nothing” – others have wondered why the focus was put on These factors are often interconnected with the length of tenure and mobility the stairs: “The stairs are secondary; the most important thing here is the houses. in and out of the community. They also have implications on the deteriorating The community members didn’t let the researchers into their houses. But the quality of the housing in the community. researchers need to go into the houses to see the difficulties.” A young Lebanese In Karm el Zeitoun, the problems with land ownership and the legality of man also explained, “It [the stairs] didn’t connect Karm to the outside. People new buildings started in the 1950s. One Armenian man, who has been living in will use the stairs, but it’s the same people that used the old stairs.” the area for over 50 years but built a new house during the Civil War, explained Some believe that despite the degradation and overcrowding that took place his situation: “It [construction] was not controlled. We wanted to build things during and after the Civil War, things have improved recently. Comments like but there were no papers. An Armenian told me, ‘Don’t worry; no one has all the following were heard during the interviews: the papers.’ So we built and that’s how the problem started.” Now, he owns an “The area is better physically.” apartment in a building but not the land the house is built on. There is little legal paperwork to back up his claims. He continued: “The buildings here have changed for the better on this street.” “With the land problems we are just waiting to see. We can’t do anything. “There used to be sewage beside the stairs. The mayor fixed the sewers.” No one will agree to buy the house because we don’t have a legal paper from the government that registers us to pay taxes. We started paying taxes The demographics in the area have also continued to change since the end but we didn’t get the paper so we stopped paying, and now we have a lot of of the Civil War, and as a result, deep relational and social changes have oc- back taxes to pay.” curred as the community has evolved. A Maronite Christian man who has been His case is not unique in Beirut, due to the complications of the Civil War. a long-term resident said, “Mainly people are moving away from each other. It During this time, some landowners left the country, and in their absence others is something that hurts. People don’t want to talk with each other. In my gen- built on their land, either taking advantage of the lack of enforcement or be- eration there were only a few people who got married and then moved out of cause they were unable to find the rightful owners. This has resulted in legal the area. In the younger generation, the kids get married and move.” It was battles between these landowners and those that built the houses. fairly common to hear people discuss the decreasing social bonds over time. One The ownership issues create problems, if ever people want to leave the area. Muslim woman commented, “Before the war it used to be different, it used to The elderly Armenian man used his situation as an example: be friendly and people were close with each other. This made the difference.” A shop owner said, “I used to sit outside and talk to everyone, but that changed “We have to pay for the land. We have to pay $3,000 per square meter. It is over time. Maybe because of TV, AC, work, stress, pressure.” not worth it. The landlord could sell the land to a Saudi. We haven’t paid. We can’t pay. We would split the cost with everyone in the building because Even since the end of the war, there have been some times of tension beit’s for the land. The split should be fair so that the big apartments have to tween the communities. One Armenian man explained, “Political problems pay more than the small apartments. It is expensive, too expensive. It would occur, Muslims leave because they are the minority here. It is quieter now be- destroy us if we had to pay. If the landlord comes and we pay him to buy tween the Christians and Muslims.” A Muslim woman who has lived in the com- the land then he should give us the paper.”

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Unable to leave, due to the time and resources invested in their current properties, which they are legally unable to sell, and with no perceived viable reloca- The “old rents” in Lebanon tion options (due to due to sky-rocketing rents, for example), people in situations like this remain trapped within their present circumstances. In 1992 Lebanon passed a renting act that allowed tenants who signed their leases Further complicating the housing situation, “landlords subdivided the houses before the Civil War (which began in 1975) to continue paying the originally agreed to make smaller apartments” in an apparent attempt to accommodate more upon rental price.18 This has resulted in some families paying as little as $150 in rent people and increase their profits. As more people moved into the area, rents per year. Due to inflation and the devaluation of the Lebanese currency, this is far below the other Lebanese rental prices today, which often start at $1000 a month. increased (though they are still lower than similar areas in Beirut). A Christian For example, in other areas of Achrafieh the real estate market is very expensive, mother living near the highway, who recently moved in, said, “We are renting. with prices as high as $14,000 per square meter.19 Under this law, landlords do not It is expensive because it is not the “old rent” (see textbox “The ‘old rents’ in have the ability to increase the rent for the old tenants; if these tenants leave on their Lebanon”). The rent increased since we moved in.” The foreign migrant work- own will, landlords are free to charge market value to the incoming tenants. In 2002 it was estimated that 48.8 percent of the households in Beirut were renters who are there without their families and are willing to share accommodation ing their lodgings.20 As a result these rental agreements have wide-ranging impacts. have been a major cause of the rise in rents. It is more profitable for landlords to The government estimates that there are approximately 170,000 families who are rent to foreigners than to Lebanese. One man explained, “If the foreigners come still under the old rental contracts.21 Many of the families, such as those in Karm and stay here, it [the rent] will increase a lot … but the landlord can evict the el Zeitoun, are already struggling to meet their basic needs. If forced to leave, they foreigners whenever he wants. So the rent will keep increasing.” As many of the would be unable to afford to rent in any other location in Beirut, meaning they would have to leave the city, and often their employment, schools, and social net- foreigners are living and working in Lebanon illegally, they do not have legal re- works. Landlords, on the other hand, have been losing hundreds of thousands of course for breach of rental contracts or abuse by landlords. This gives landlords dollars over decades in lost rental incomes. Other “new” renters, who started their the power to not only charge foreigners a higher rent for their apartment, but lease after the 1992 law, believe that they are being unfairly charged an excessive also to end the rental agreement anytime they have a better offer. The foreigners amount to make up for this lost income. This situation has created tension between all parties. Renters feel that the land- are powerless to seek any legal action due to their status within the country. lords are purposely keeping their buildings in squalor conditions, hoping that the This also creates tension between the long-term residents, often the Christian tenants will chose to move out on their own. Many say that the landlords are just Lebanese and Armenians, and the landlords. Unable to increase the “old rents,” waiting for them to leave, so that they can sell off their properties for apartment landlords are using other informal means to try and force out the residents. A tower development. Landlords claim that due to their low income, they are un- resident who has lived there for 30 years said, “I have been paying the same rent able to afford to maintain their buildings properly. New tenants, such as the foreign migrant workers in Karm el Zeitoun, who are able to afford a higher rent, split since we came. That is why he will not fix the roof for us. The owner does not between many tenants, often bear the brunt of their neighbors’ anger, who feel that want to rehabilitate the house because I am paying the old rent.” Speaking about they are pushing them out of their own community. Others claim that the country is the poor quality of many of the houses, which the landlords are unwilling to being sold off, mostly to rich buyers from the Gulf and other Arab countries, forcing upgrade in hopes of driving out those with “old rents,” and the divisions within residents out of the capital, which is being taken over by foreigners. the houses to increase the number rooms and therefore the number of tenants, This issue, like most things in Lebanon, is also marred by the complicated political situation. One former minister continues to rent a 500 m2 apartment downtown a recently arrived resident to the area said, “There are humidity problems. It is for only $300 a year.22 Many believe that politicians may be unwilling to change a isolated in one wall. You can see the crack in the wall because of the water inside law that they themselves benefit from. However, in August 2010, rumors started that the walls. It’s because all of the buildings are stuck together. Also the sun doesn’t the Lebanese Parliament may be passing an updated law to rectify these problems. shine into the rooms.” The landlords are also resorting to a custom [many re- The vice-president for the Committee for the Rights of the Tenants stated that they had heard that the price of the rents would gradually be increased until they ferred to it as the “new law”] of renting for only between one to three years. reached market value, and that tenants would be forced to sign new contracts on a After this period is over they are able to increase the rent, which forces those who three-year basis (likely what the residents of Karm el Zeitoun described as the “new are unable to pay to leave the area in search of cheaper housing. One long-term law”). He estimates that as much as 20 percent of Lebanon’s population could be resident explained, “Now people know about the land issues. The landlords can forced to leave their apartments.23 Other proposed laws in the past have provided the come and kick them out at any time, especially under the ‘new law.’ So you can’t ability for landlords to evict tenants under the “old rent,” if they pay them a percentage of the value of the property. While the price ranges between 20-40 percent of rent forever. The contract is only for x years. If the rent increases and the people the value, tenants argue that this is still not enough for them to afford rent in other [the residents] can’t pay, they will be kicked out.” locations in Beirut, and they would be forced out of the house and neighborhood that they have lived in for decades.

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This situation is in turn creating problems between the Lebanese and Arme- Migrant domestic workers in Lebanon nians on one side and the foreigners moving into the community on the other. The long-term residents blame the foreigners for these problems. According to the 1997 UNDP report A Profile of Sustainable Human Development in Leba- While some have commented on the transient nature of the population and non, foreign workers can be categorized into four different employment sectors. Afro- Asian women are working in the domestic sector in both private homes and busi- the high rates of migration in and out, others seem to have a sense of stabil- nesses. Egyptian, Sudanese, and Syrian men work as cleaners and janitors, mostly in ity and community in Karm el Zeitoun. Comments like the following were not commercial establishments. Males from Egypt and Syria are employed as laborers in unusual: construction, farming, garbage collection, workshops, etc. Lastly, Western Europeans and some Arabs have migrated to Lebanon to work in careers requiring a specific “My father wants to live here. He came [from abroad] five years ago and skill set.24 he wants to stay.” Ray Jureidini, an expert in the field, conservatively estimates that there could be as many as 430,000 foreign workers in Lebanon.25 The Central Administration for “I am satisfied. I love life here. I don’t want to go somewhere else” Statistics noted that 74,909 work permits were issued in 1999. Most working in the field agree that this vastly underestimates the reality as many foreign workers are “I like it here because I was raised here, even if there is poverty here and working illegally without a permit. For example, Syrians, who do not need a visa to poor infrastructure. Everything is close. There are schools, hospitals, etc. It enter Lebanon, can easily access illegal employment opportunities.26 is easy to live here. I am in touch with my neighbors but not in their private Migrant domestic workers (MDWs) are the most vulnerable of the foreign work- lives. When people are good, everyone will know it.” ers for numerous reasons. Principally, MDWs are not included in Lebanese labor Others came, and stayed out of necessity: “The rents are cheap here, that laws, and are therefore denied many of their basic human rights. Moreover, MDWs is why I came.” Another said, “We used to live in Jounieh. Because of financial are legally obliged to live with their employers, where they may be subject to various forms of abuse and maltreatment. issues we sold that house and came to live here 20 years ago.” The influx of new Prior to the Civil War the role of a domestic worker was mainly filled by Lebanese residents is countered by a slow but sure out-migration from Karm el Zeitoun. (often young girls from rural areas), Syrians, Egyptians, and Palestinians. However, The Armenian priest, observing the changes over his years there, said, “People over time the work became undesirable for Arab women because “of the servile na- are leaving the region, slowly, one by one. They are going to Bourj Hammoud or ture of the tasks, the conditions of work and relative low wages, but also because there Achrafieh.” One wonders if he is referring mainly to the outflow of long-term is now a racial and discriminatory stigma attached to domestic employment.”27 Cur- resident Armenians who are now being replaced by other ethnic and religious rently, the role is largely filled by Afro-Asian women. These women began migrating to Lebanon in the 1970s, from countries such as Philippines, Sri Lanka, Ethiopia, groups. Bangladesh, and Nepal. Some foreign migrant workers whose residency and work permits have ex- While the exact numbers of MDWs are impossible to estimate, due to the large pired, and who are either unable to renew them or have decided not to, choose number of women working illegally, Jureidini (2010) estimates that there are around to live in Karm el Zeitoun. The choice of neighborhood may have to do with 160,000 MDWs in Lebanon, with the majority coming from Sri Lanka (100,000), more than just the cheap rents. One local resident described, “Not all domestic Philippines (30,000), and Ethiopia (30,000).28 Other sources, based on NGOs’ and workers come here legally. Some of their resident permits expire, but they don’t embassies’ approximations, are somewhat higher, with the top estimate falling around 29 bother to renew them because they live in an area where no one [the authorities] 200,000. The MDWs status within Lebanon falls into three categories: will come and check them.” • The first contains those who are legally residing in Lebanon. To come to Lebanon, MDWs must be sponsored by an employer, a process which takes place through an employment agency in the sending country and an employment agency in Lebanon. This is known as the kafala system. The employer becomes fully and legally responsible for the woman sent. They must pay for various expenses, such as her flight to and from the country (although for various reasons they often do not end up paying for the return flight), her work permit, her residence permit, and her health insurance. This system creates dependency on the employer, leaving the domestic worker vulnerable to abuse. Employers often feel that since they

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bear the responsibility for the women, and have made a financial investment to bring them to the country, they have the right to lock the MDWs Even though she went to the police to report her case, they immediately returned in their homes and confiscate their identity papers. On some occasions, her to her employers. The abuse continued as her employer hit her with the bat on the women are living with someone they believe to be their legal spon- her legs, hands, and hips. Finally she was able to escape and reach her embassy.33 sor, only to learn in the course of their employment that their “sponsor” Tales such as this are common among the women who are able to escape and report has not processed their papers and that they are, in fact, working ille- their stories; however, many more are trapped in the apartments and are unable, or gally. If found to be working illegally, the migrant worker almost always too afraid, to leave. incurs the penalty; the sponsor is very rarely held accountable. One major cause of concern is the extremely high death rate among MDWs in • The second category involves a situation in which an MDW has finished Lebanon. Between January 2007 and August 2008, Human Rights Watch reported her contract and desires to stay in Lebanon “legally.” The MDW may that there were at least 95 MDW deaths, on average one per week. Of these, 40 were be able to find a Lebanese who will sponsor her papers but will allow classified as suicides and 24 were caused by women falling while trying to escape from her to freelance (work in other homes or business establishments) for a high-rise buildings. Human Rights Watch suspects that not all of the cases deemed given number of days per week. This arrangement may take place if as suicides are in fact suicides; many more were likely escape attempts. In speaking the Lebanese household cannot afford to pay for her entire salary, or with the family and friends of these women, it was noted that the women regularly does not require her to work during the entire week. Sometimes the do- complained of the abuses that they faced at the hands of their employers. One former mestic worker will live with her sponsor, but many times she will choose ambassador explained, “Don’t call this an embassy. We have become a funeral parlor. to live outside with other domestic workers, often from her country of People die. Natural deaths, accidents, suicide. When they try to run away, accidents origin. Although, according to one key informant, to be entirely legal happen.”34 the MDW should actually be living with her sponsor. Usually this law is not enforced. • The last group are MDWs who stay in the country illegally and complete freelance work without obtaining any legal papers. This usually occurs if an MDW stays at the end of her contract or if she leaves a contract before it is terminated. In this case the worker will freelance in houses and business establishments and live on her own with other domestic workers, but she will not have any working or residence documents, meaning she is vulnerable to arrest and detention. MDWs report various types of abuses by their employers. According to a 2010 Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, the most common types of abuses reported by MDWs were “nonpayment of wages, excessive working hours, forced confinement in the workplace, lack of time off, inadequate living conditions, confiscation of identify documents, exploitation by labor agencies, and verbal, physical and sexual abuse.”30 One study found that 35 percent of the MDWs interviewed were not allowed to leave the house, and only 1 percent held their own passports.31 A shocking example of this was described by one NGO worker who witnessed forced confinement during the July 2006 war, when some employers, who were fleeing from the bombings in southern Lebanon, locked up their domestic workers to take care of the house and pets while they were gone. MDWs also complain of harsh physical punishment, such as being hit, slapped, 32 punched, kicked, or burnt. There have even been cases of rape and murder. In one A main street in Karm el Zeitoun interview with Human Rights Watch (2010) a Filipina woman explained, “Madame would slap my face, and take my head and push me into the wall.” The abuse became worse, as her employer started hitting her with a baseball bat. Once when she was locked in her room, she escaped from the 3rd floor apartment by climbing down from the window.

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Livelihoods Comments from the community: Livelihoods in Karm el Zeitoun partially depend on the ethnic group the indi- A mother’s story vidual or family belongs to. Some of the residents rely on rental income, while “My son was handicapped since he was born. So I paid a lot of money. He died others, specifically older Armenians and Christian Lebanese, receive remittances [two years ago] at the age of 25. He went blind when he was young. We paid a lot from family members aborad. Some own shops and convenience stores – mostly of money for treatment. Part of it was paid by social security and part of it was paid in the area. A number work for the municipality, while others work in factories, by us. He also had asthma. Though his last operation was risky, we decided to do it. He lived 3.5 years after that. as drivers or taxi drivers, or as deliverymen. There are bakers, restaurant work- I moved here when I got married. I am from Beirut. I was living in Hay el Syr- ers, artisans, and a woman who keeps chickens to sell the eggs. The foreign ian. I still have family there. I came here for two reasons: we didn’t find any empty female migrants work as domestic workers in houses or as cleaners in offices. The houses in the other place and we didn’t have to pay a deposit here. male migrant workers, both from other areas within Lebanon and from other “We are renting our house. When we came here we already had problems with countries, work in construction, as electricians, plumbers, painters, or in garbage the humidity. Both parts of the house are the same age, but we did some renova- collection – most of them as day laborers. Some families have members in the tions and the front area is not exposed to water as much. We cannot do anything inside because it is made of sand and would collapse. We had an incident where the army. But work for many remains unstable. One key informant stated, “People wall collapsed. I don’t know if the other houses are the same. The owner doesn’t are waiting for jobs. They work for three months and then they don’t have work want to rehabilitate the house because we are paying the ‘old rent.’ He said he for five months. Most women work and the grandparents look after the kids.” A wants us to leave on our own, so then he can raise the rent. Christian NGO called Morooj al-Mahabba provides services in the area, includ- “My husband went to grade 2. He didn’t do any training after he stopped school. ing initiatives to address unemployment or irregular employment: “We try and He was a driver with the municipality. He was there for 20 years. We needed insur- seek jobs for people. If they come here, they will leave their names and then we ance because there were some periods of time when we were buying medication ourselves but we couldn’t afford it [the medication] anymore, which is why my will contact them if we hear of any opportunities.” husband switched jobs. Two years after he started working in the municipality he got insurance. For the first 10 years he worked as a carrier. He was also carrying Income sufficiency garbage and that is when he got a herniated disc. So then they got a special driving license for him. And then he started driving. He now works on a daily basis. He has As is to be expected, incomes vary. For workers and casual laborers, incomes social security. He has renal failure in one kidney and the other one is 70 percent range between $15 and $25 per day. The domestic workers and cleaners can functional. earn about $200-$300 per month, although they often make less than this. Ac- “I had two sons. One died. The other is with the army. I have one girl who is cording to the Armenian priest, those with the highest earnings tend to be Chris- married but is getting a divorce. The process of getting a divorce is expensive. She tians. Their standard of living is reflected in the larger houses they have. He is a nurse. She can’t finish her education because she is in debt. I have another daughter who is sick with asthma and I have asthma too. We have asthma because continued to explain how those making less than minimum wage survive, partly of the housing conditions. We didn’t have it before. due to the support of others: “We are Lebanese Maronite. I belong to a group that takes care of disabled people. “The lowest incomes are between $300 and $350 per month. They have It is not religious; we have Christians and Muslims. We bring them food. I have families or neighbors that help them. For example, they buy milk for each been in this group, which is linked to a church in Achrafieh, for 20 years. So we other. They all buy things for their poor neighbors. It’s not OK to give mon- bake cakes, etc. and bring them to the people. We do animation for the kids. It is ey, but they support each other in different ways … They will be ashamed our own initiative. Even if I am poor and don’t have money, what will it cost to bake if you give them money. It’s like buying them. But they don’t feel bad if you two cakes a month and bring them? are helping them. They will say ‘God bless you.’” “How do I keep going on my hardest day? I rely on God. I gave him everything and he knows better than me. I never rely on anyone; I only rely on God. I light a Some families have multiple wage earners, while others are supported by candle and I pray. We passed by a time with no money and we didn’t have anything only one working adult. There are multiple reasons why a family might only to eat. There is a shop where you can borrow money from him when you really have a single wage earner. For some it may not be culturally desirable for the wife don’t have anything, and pay him back after. to work; other households are headed by a single or divorced mother. At times “What do I dream about? I dream that God will accept what I am doing. I dream of a house because I am worried about the future, that one day we may not one parent cannot work because they must care for children or members of the have a house. I don’t want a castle; I just want a one-room house. I am not the kind family with disabilities or illnesses. of person that wants big things. I just want a small house because that will allow me to be humble. You should love yourself the way you are.”

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Relatively low levels of income and often not having multiple wage earners in Comments from the community: a family results in income insufficiency and the inability to cover emergency Continuing education expenses. A woman who owns a convenience store said, “My daughter had a sickness and we went to the hospital. They wouldn’t let her go in without paying “Two of my kids are studying. One left at the age of 16 because he didn’t like educa- $1000. We couldn’t pay this.” Another older Maronite Christian said, “We tion; now he is in construction. The older tried Brevet two times and failed. Now she passed a time with no money and we didn’t have anything to eat. There is a shop is working in a clinic as a secretary.” where you can borrow money when you really don’t have anything, and you pay “Our oldest son left school at grade 9. His dad didn’t want him to work in construc- it back afterwards.” tion so he went and studied to be a baker. I wish he was more educated. My second The average “new rent” for one or two rooms, a bathroom, and kitchen is $150- son was in hotel management but now he is in the army.” $350 per month, as opposed to the old rents which are as low as $300 a year. Some of “My children went to 6th or 7th grade. One left to work … Some didn’t want to be the larger rentals are as high as $500-$600 per month. The cost of electricity varies educated so why would we spend money if they don’t want to be educated? But based on household size and the time of the year, but one key informant estimated now I regret it. I know it’s important. I wish I was educated and I will encourage my the price to be approximately $27 per month. There are also expenses for water grandchildren to be educated.” (paid yearly), medicines and treatments, school-related purchases (including tuition, transportation, uniforms, and books) for those with children, and transportation. While education is desired by most in the community, some children will This leaves very little, if anything, to spare at the end of the month. One woman ex- complete grade 9 and then drop out. They will then either go to trade school plained, “There are many problems, like in any area. There are water and electricity and receive technical training, or work in such places as restaurants. Some others problems. Things are expensive.” The migrant workers may have an easier time cov- continue their education all the way through the university level. One young ering their rent and utility expenses, as these are split between more income earners, man from the community explained his family’s situation: “There are two of us but their wages are often considerably lower than what the Lebanese earn, meaning in university and one is going to go soon. We need to focus on studying.” that they likely still have difficulties covering costs or accumulating any savings. There seems to be a higher percentage of children from Karm el Zeitoun attending private schools than from other disadvantaged areas across the coun- Education35 try, giving them a better quality of education and consequently a wider range There is a high level of literacy in Karm el Zeitoun compared to other poor of opportunities. Residents’ ability to send children to private schools may communities in Lebanon, which often have high dropout and illiteracy rates. be partly due to support and financial aid from key stakeholders in the com- Most residents have some level of schooling, and a reasonable proportion have munity. One local NGO worker stated, “The mayor has wasta with the pri- finished secondary school. While the older generation may not have had as much vate schools and gets them decreased tuition.” One mother explained that the education, the community wants the current generation to get the best education priest was helping to pay the tuition for her children. Likewise, the Armenian possible. Many of the adults were forced to stop their schooling during the Civil War. In contrast with the other communities studied (in which it was noteworthy to have even reached high school), in Karm el Zeitoun the most common understanding of a lack of education is not having finished high school. It is within such a context that the following comment can be understood: “Not all adults here are educated. My husband did not even reach grade 9. I went to the 3rd year of technical school for becoming a secretary.”

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Church is helping 35 underprivileged students from the area to attend an Ar- menian private school. Some of the families stated that they would place their The children of migrant workers children in private schools for their first few years of schooling and subsequently move them to public schools when they could no longer afford the tuition. While migrant workers have been coming to work in Lebanon for some time, There are no schools (other than the Lebanese Evangelical School for the many are now starting to bring their families with them. Their children are often Blind) in Karm el Zeitoun itself. There used to be a school connected with the removed from schools in their home country, but upon arrival in Lebanon families Armenian Orthodox Church, established soon after the church was built in often find they cannot afford the increased costs of tuition in that country. Others, such as MDWs, are having children in Lebanon, though due to their sometimes 1935. However, the school closed in 1996-97, as it became too expensive to run illegal status, their children cannot be registered with the government. INSAN, an and it did not receive any financial help from the government. The Armenian organization that works with this community, believes that there could be as many community also closed two schools in other areas and focused their resources on as 2,000-3,000 children of migrant workers in Lebanon.36 A Save the Children one large school in Bourj Hammoud. Some Armenian children from the com- report notes that the children of migrant workers are more likely to be exposed to munity now attend private schools in Naba’a or in Bourj Hammoud. social and domestic violence, are marginalized, spend significant amounts of time In a country where special education for children with disabilities is often alone, and are undocumented; all of these factors are likely to increase their vulnerability.37 Because they have only recently arrived, this group receives very little lacking, Karm el Zeitoun does offer distinct and, to most, unknown services. help or support from NGOs. Twice a week Morooj al-Mahabba offers space within their center for use, free of charge, by organizations focusing on children with disabilities. The 142-year-old Lebanese Evangelical School for the Blind is also located in Karm el Zeitoun. The tuition is free and the school caters to the needs of the blind and mentally Nutrition and health disabled. The director of the school explained, “It is a last resort to come here, you only come if you cannot be integrated into mainstream vocational training.” Even though most residents talked of food being expensive in comparison to The school has been in this location since the 1980s, after having moved around other areas (for example, Bourj Hammoud), all types of food are available within other areas during the war. Commenting on the need for such an institution, the the community. However, one’s financial situation dictates what one is able to director continued: “There is a high level of disability here … There is a high purchase. When asked about the positive aspects of the neighborhood, a long- level of disability here because of intermarriages, which can result in children term resident commented, “In this area all is available. Whatever you need is with mental disabilities. Some cases are due to hereditary issues and others are here. We can adapt. It all depends on the budget, but all is available in the small a result of problems during pregnancy. ” Although the school is located in the shops here. Some things are more expensive than in other areas: for example, area, the director noted that some families still “prefer to send their children to a vegetables. Some things are cheaper than outside.” The priest from the Arme- school from their own religion.” nian Church also explained, “If you shop here $100 doesn’t get you very much, but if you use the $100 and shop somewhere else it will get you much more. Here to buy ham and cheese it will cost LL7,000 [$4.7]. In Bourj Hammoud it costs LL4,000 [$2.7]. This area is expensive, both Achrafieh and Karm el Zeitoun.” The food availability has had a positive impact on the nutritional status of the children. The health issues that the children face are not nutritional; rather they have more to do with the condition of the houses. Because of the mold and the humidity, there are a high number of cases of respiratory illnesses. These illnesses are prevalent not just among the children but also among the adults. One elderly woman, who has been living in the area for decades, described, “The kids get sick because of the humidity in the house, the flu, etc. I lost weight because I was sick and because of the housing conditions.” The other health issues among the children are birth defects and injuries resulting from accidents, such as those that occur due to the steep staircases. Other than the respiratory issues, there are no specific health issues that adults face that are different from those found Mold inside a house in Karm el Zeitoun in other areas. 322 323 KARM EL ZEITOUN 10

Almost all the residents of Karm el Zeitoun have access to health care facili- This has been a major concern for the mayor, who is associated with Morooj ties and services. There is a clinic sponsored by the Hariri Foundation on the al-Mahabba. This organization provides some recreational programs for the main road just outside the area. One resident said, “The services are good. It children and youth in the hopes that these will provide alternatives to becom- is LL5,000 [$3.3] to get a card which allows people to get a consultation.” Ac- ing involved in drug use. Yet,it is felt much more is needed in order to tackle the cording to staff members, the Morooj al-Mahabba NGO has a dispensary and problem. The mayor described: access to a surgeon, a gynecologist, a general practitioner, and a dentist, all of “People are happy that we offer these services because it takes kids away whom either offer their services free of cost or at reduced rates. There are plans from drugs. Socially speaking it is not enough … There are social needs – to expand services to include a pediatrician. This NGO also refers residents to projects for drug abuse prevention, recreation activities to keep kids away nearby hospitals. The surgeon is able to refer patients to the government hospi- from delinquencies. This is the responsibility of the government, but where tal, where they may do the surgery free of charge. They also have an agreement is the government? We were the first who mobilized drug abuse prevention activities. Now the government is meeting to discuss these issues because with two medical labs that gives referred patients a 65 percent discount for tests they noticed that people are dying each week. The solution is to catch the conducted. A second dispensary has been operating in the area for 40 years. dealers. The government should do this. The solution is not to rehabilitate They provide consultations with a dentist, a general practitioner, and a pediatri- one or two people. They should help organizations build sports clubs so cian. Last year over 350 patients visited the clinic, although not all of them were adolescents move away from this [drug use]. We started to do scouts, but we from Karm el Zeitoun; others from outside the area come for the inexpensive couldn’t continue because of the lack of money.” services offered. Nurses there mentioned another dispensary in the area called Many residents commented on there being commercial sex workers in spe- Dammes de Charité. cific areas of Karm el Zeitoun, but no one provided any further details, and no The main concern for many of the residents who do not have regular jobs is evidence was noted by the researchers. Community members believe that this is that they do not have health insurance. This means that visiting private clinics a problem closely linked to the arrival of the migrant workers. can be very expensive. As such, the health services that local NGOs offer are critical for such people. However, some residents are wary of the dispensaries in the area and prefer to save the cost of the consultation by going directly to a Assets and vulnerabilities pharmacy. Others believe that since the services are cheaper they are lacking in quality. They therefore chose to spend more money and visit the private clinics, The dynamics of Karm el Zeitoun’s poverty are extremely complex in that some often by borrowing from others. of the community’s greatest vulnerabilities are also its greatest assets. The social One increasingly prevalent health problem mentioned by residents was drug capital, physical capital, and perceptions of connectedness with the surrounding use, and there have been a number of deaths related to drug overdoses in recent area both help and hinder the residents of the community. The following section years. Some feel that the problem is more prevalent in specific areas within the outlines these three topics, and is followed by further details on other assets and community. A new resident commented: vulnerabilities affecting Karm el Zeitoun. The large-scale mobility, both in and out of the community, has had an “There is a reputation of violence and gangs and hard habits. People’s impact on the social capital available to the residents. Although the Armenians perceptions are right about some areas and wrong about some areas here. If you walk around [different areas within Karm el Zeitoun] you can feel arrived in Lebanon over 70 years ago, and they all have citizenship, they are still the difference. You don’t see guys hanging out on the street here [in this viewed by the Lebanese as a distinct group. One Armenian woman explained, particular area].” “The Lebanese keep telling us that we are ‘Armenian’ even though we have the nationality and have been here for a long time. We are from here, we are not A local NGO worker reported: from outside.” While the Armenian community does have positive relationships “There is a lot of drug use. There are overdoses. Last year 10 guys died with their neighbors, it was obvious from the interviews that they tend to keep from overdoses in two to three months … There is hash and heroin. It is to themselves, perhaps as a result of their difficult history and other populations’ more among boys than girls. It is more acceptable to hear that boys died from an overdose. If a girl died, they would hide it.” continued perception of them as a distinct group. The same Armenian woman continued, “The Armenian community is close here. Wherever you go they Interestingly, a number of residents said that drug use started during the are close.” Civil War and continued since then. It is perceived that the availability and use Though the community began as a settlement for the refugees, Lebanese of drugs and alcohol abuse have resulted in an increase in violence in the area.

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Christians quickly moved into the area as well. Likely because of their shared Others talked about the community in somewhat more positive, though not religious ties, there were no problems mentioned between these two populations. ideal, terms. One Muslim woman explained that while she herself does not ex- Over time, the community continued to diversify. Unlike other poor commu- perience a social support network in the community, she observes strong rela- nities that have attracted marginalized groups, Karm el Zeitoun has attracted tionships between other residents: people from all backgrounds who, due to unfortunate and unforeseen circum- “There is a mixture of people. People talk to each other when they are stances, have been forced to relocate to a more affordable or more secure neigh- outside, but then they go into their houses. There is no racism. People drink borhood. For example, one elderly woman explained that she originally came to coffee together. Yet you can’t depend on your neighbors for help. They the area because she was divorced and could no longer afford to live where she stand and look at each other. When I moved here I had troubles in the had been previously, “I lived in Achrafieh for 22 years and I was married. Then I neighborhood. I didn’t feel like people would help me. Some people have harassed my kids, especially my daughter. The neighbors are not like family. got divorced and came here with my nine kids … When I originally came I didn’t My children also don’t have friends.” like the situation. I didn’t want people to see my situation because I was divorced. I didn’t want to talk to my neighbors because I didn’t want them to talk behind Another woman went further, describing that while relationships are lacking, my back.” Others mentioned coming because of the cheap rents and not having community members can depend on each other when in need: “There is friend- to put down a deposit, like in other areas. Many told of arriving during times liness. I might not get in touch with my neighbors but if something happens then of conflict, when they were forced from other areas of the country. This diversi- I will support them.” fication has turned Karm el Zeitoun into a microcosm of Lebanon as a whole, Still others spoke of a having a deep affection for the area; they would not which has significantly impacted the social ties and bonds within the community. leave even if given a choice. Many attributed this to the social bonds that they The perceptions regarding social connectedness within the community vary had created within their sub-neighborhoods. quite significantly. Some of the negative sentiments regarding these relationships Comments like the following were often heard during the interviews: were found among the older residents who have lived most of their lives in this “We have good relationships between neighbors. We are helpful to each area. They are the ones who have witnessed the change from a homogenous other.” Armenian and Christian community to a very diverse population, made up of “We are friends with the Lebanese. Most of the customers here are groups who have, historically, been in conflict with each other. Comments like Lebanese, more than Armenian. We have lots of Lebanese neighbors, they the following were not uncommon: “The neighbors were better before. [Now] are helpful.” people talk a lot about each other and I don’t like this.” “I love it here because of my neighbors and I know everyone because I have been here for so long.” The social capital that residents have tends to come from smaller geographically defined areas within Karm el Zeitoun, with each street making up a community within a community, so to speak. Key informants also noted the presence of unmistakable community bonds and social safety nets within these areas, despite the lack of strong relationships on a wider community level. One key informant who worked closely with the AUB development project explained her view about the area, “People that live on secondary roads are all like family. They organize events together. They have managed parking. All of their life takes place on the side street. They have a ledge where they sit and they do everything. They have birthday parties together on the streets.” Another example of this was provided by the priest of the Armenian Church: “Three days ago a grandmother was telling me that each street has their own story. Each street is like a family. They know the other streets, but relationships are the strongest within each street. They help each other if they are sick; they worry about each other if people come home late; they give A side street in Karm el Zeitoun each other their keys. And the next street will have its own story.”

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These smaller units have acted to increase the social relationships between the perceptions of others, they do not necessarily seem unhappy in Karm el groups, even among those of different backgrounds. Zeitoun. Some of this may be attributed to an enhanced social support net- While there have been tensions along sectarian and religious lines – espe- work resultant of the growing size of these particular sub-communities within cially during the Civil War – for the most part this seems to be a thing of the the area. past. One elderly Armenian man explained the situation during times of unrest: Since the community as a whole is relatively large – around 10,000 people “During the wars we [the different religions groups] were distant, and there – and diverse, it would be unrealistic to expect to find an area that is completely were some conflicts. But when the wars ended, the problems ended and we all cohesive and provides a social connectedness between all of its residents. Yet, went back to normal.” Now, many people acknowledge social relationships that each individual side street creates a smaller sub-community, which serves as a cross national and religious boundaries. One Christian Lebanese woman said, safety net for the households on it, often regardless of nationality or religion “People are helpful. If you are nice they will be nice. If you are bad, then they – something quite unique in Lebanon where these communities have typically will be bad. We have good relationships with non-Lebanese, especially Syrians disagreed and clashed with each other. While many spoke of a decrease in social and Armenians.” ties over time, it remains quite remarkable, given the recent history of civil war Yet, there is still one group that remains extremely excluded in terms of the and conflict, that these groups do manage to live side-by-side, often helping in overall community makeup – the foreign migrant workers (usually excepting the each other in times of need. Until recently, all of the different groups in the area Syrians). This recently arrived group is creating tensions within the community, have managed to integrate within the wider framework, often becoming integral especially with the older Lebanese and Armenian residents. It is immediately members of the smaller sub-communities. It remains to be seen whether the evident that, even given the sometimes fragile relationships among the greater newly arrived migrant workers will eventually integrate into Karm el Zeitoun, population, most residents of Karm el Zeitoun would band together against the or whether they will continue to be the outsiders, looked down upon by all of the migrant workers. One NGO worker stated, “It is a community here. If some- other groups. thing happens people will go help each other, among all groups. I am speaking Another paradox found in Karm el Zeitoun pertains to its physical capital. about the Lebanese, not the domestic workers. They have their own commu- At first glance, the area appears quaint and charming, with its small alleyways nity.” and brightly painted houses, yet upon closer inspection it becomes obvious that The community members blame the foreign migrant workers for the rising the infrastructure is deteriorating, literally falling apart in many places. rents and potential evictions, as landlords are aware that they can charge more The area has access to electricity, water, and sanitation, and most of the to a group of workers living together than they can to one Lebanese family. As streets are paved. Yet, quite a few problems remain after years of neglect and explained by one Muslim woman, who has lived in the area for 14 years, “There hardship. Many of the stairs are crumbling (although the major one was recently were relationships between domestic workers and Lebanese, but now there is rehabilitated). Rain also makes the stairs slippery and more difficult for the el- bitterness because the rents are increasing and they are taking work from the derly to navigate. In fact, as previously mentioned, the condition of the stairs Lebanese.” The resultant tensions and bitterness affect how migrant workers has also proven to be a trap keeping the elderly stuck in their homes as well as are perceived by the Lebanese; some spoke of problems and crime in the com- a safety hazard for children. The area experiences frequent power cuts, as do munity, which were perceived to have increased around the same time that the many other areas in the city. A few of the residents have access to generators, workers arrived. One researcher recounted the perceptions of the other resi- for which they pay extra. Similarly, water supply is infrequent. One resident ex- dents in the community, “The domestic workers are the source of the problem. plained, “Water comes two days off and one day on. It doesn’t come up to the For example, they have the reputation of prostitution and drug dealing. At night third floor. People fill their tanks with water and pump it up to the top [floors]. when it is dark and hidden, at the bottom of the community, it is isolated. No one We keep drinking water in large bottles and pump this water to the bathroom.” goes there. So there is potential for these acts.” While it was impossible to verify The older houses have deteriorated while some of the more recently con- this correlation during the research, many of the community members expressed structed buildings are of poor quality, as many of them were built during the war. certainty that they are the cause of increased problems in the area. Significant problems result from this. There are numerous complaints of leaking Luckily, the foreign workers have formed their own communities, usually roofs and damp walls contributing to mold within the houses. The sewage and based on nationality. Their common language (or dialects), and background, as drainage systems have only recently been upgraded, as the rate of construction well as the marginalization and difficulties they face in Lebanon work to bring in the area increased, but there are still major problems. One researcher who had these communities closer together. While those spoken to seem to be aware of spent time in the area described some of the problems: “When it rains, the stairs

328 329 KARM EL ZEITOUN 10 and the houses flood because of the old designs … There are sewage and drain- reactions when they told people where they live, because of the misconceptions age problems all along the side streets.” She also heard many residents complain regarding the area: “Some people from outside say its bad, some don’t care for of rats in the neighborhood, most likely resulting from the sewage problems. it. Some people have a negative attitude when people say they are from here.” People put blocks in front of their houses to keep the rats out. Yet the location of the community, next to the prestigious area of Achrafieh, On the other hand, Karm el Zeitoun is in many ways fortunate for the in- allows the community members to maintain some dignity and respect regarding frastructure that is available in the community. Other impoverished communi- their situation. Many of those interviewed mentioned living within Achrafieh and ties across the country lack almost all but the most basic physical capital, with the reputation that Achrafieh has, often lumping Karm el Zeitoun into the same residents living in corrugated iron and cardboard shacks. Due to the existence of category. One Christian woman gave her perceptions about the area, “From his- the physical infrastructure, albeit in less than optimal condition, the residents of tory until now, Achrafieh has been known as being the fanciest and richest area.” Karm el Zeitoun are somewhat relieved of the constant struggles and concerns One of the key informants from AUB had a similar notion: “People in Karm still that residents of other poor urban neighborhoods face on a daily basis. Yet, there want to belong to Achrafieh. So they put money towards their priorities, which are still many improvements that can be made, especially in comparison to the is belonging, for example, with their clothes.” surrounding upscale neighborhood of Achrafieh, which is properly maintained, This reputation has provided the community with some esteem and honor has access to water, and only short, regularly scheduled power cuts. that is not found in other poor communities. In fact, albeit rightly so, community Finally, the perceptions of connectedness to Achrafieh both help and hinder members do view their situation as being better off than those living in other the community. As mentioned above, Karm el Zeitoun does not look like some marginalized areas. When told about the other communities involved in the of the shantytowns that dot the various outskirts of Beirut. Its paved roads, the study, many immediately reacted with sentiments like “Haram …” realizing that colorfully painted buildings, and the absence of wooden and tin shacks provide their situation was not nearly as dire as that of others. This sentiment has also a veneer of respectability. However, it is a part of town that has seen better days, translated into a desire to remain in the community. Another resident comment- especially in comparison to the adjacent areas, which are home to Beirut’s elite ed, “I don’t want to leave Achrafieh because I was born here and raised here. I and upper class. One key informant explained, “People from Achrafieh call it the would be like a fish out of water. I love it here.” The prosperity of Achrafieh has slums. But don’t tell that to anyone here, that it is called the slums.” Over time it provided them with increased feelings of importance and stature, perhaps sub- has gained a negative reputation. A woman who has lived there for a long time consciously, that allow them to cope with their daily situation and maintain even said, “I don’t like the fact that when you say ‘Karm’ people think it’s bad. They a small amount of dignity that is lost in other poor communities, despite the fact think of drug abuse and that the children are not good.” Another Lebanese that those living in Achrafieh proper do not view residents of Karm el Zeitoun resident said, “My parents didn’t want me to marry my husband [who was from as part of their community. Karm el Zeitoun]. My family was upset because I was living in poor conditions, so they don’t come here. They didn’t even come to my daughter’s wedding. I am Comments from the community: upset.” This has created both a physical and social exclusion of Karm el Zeitoun Varying perceptions of poverty within the larger area. Those living outside do not enter the neighborhood, as “I like it here because I was raised here, even if there is poverty here and poor infra- they see it as being lower class than where they live. This negatively affects the structure. Everything is close. There are schools, hospitals, etc. It is easy to live here. economy of the area, which is then solely dependent on it residents, whereas I am in touch with my neighbors but not in their private lives.” those living in Karm el Zeitoun often leave the area to make purchases and run “There is material poverty; there is no money. Some have no furniture; they sleep on errands elsewhere. The AUB team working on rehabilitating the stairs also no- the ground.” ticed this problem. Their original idea was to create a circuit of green and open “Not all the people are poor. I’m talking about monetary poverty … You can’t say spaces to attract those from outside into the area, thereby increasing the amount one group is more poor.” of foot traffic, improving the economic situation of the local merchants, and creating social interactions between residents from Karm el Zeitoun, and those “People here are not very poor, but they are poor. It is like Bourj Hammoud and from surrounding neighborhoods. Unfortunately, due to funding restrictions, this Naba’a. There is no help here except the stairs … Not all the people are in a bad condition. Some people are living in a bad situation. They eat from the garbage. Some was not possible. As alluded to above, there is also social discrimination against people are in a good condition.” those living in the community. Many residents mentioned having had negative

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one, non-Armenian Orthodox, in opposition as the ‘other’ to itself, claiming In comparison to some of its neighboring areas, the human capital in Karm the Armenian body as the ‘identity’ of the place …”38 el Zeitoun is quite low, but when analyzed against other impoverished communi- This along with the fact that it borders Achrafieh identifies Karm el Zeitoun in ties across the country the area is doing quite well. Access to education, training, the eyes of the general public as a Christian area, even though the demographic and technology is much more available than in other areas of the country. This composition of the community is gradually changing. is perhaps related to the fact that Karm el Zeitoun is located in an urban setting To counter the perception that the residents do not belong to the community, with educational institutions nearby. the mayor of the area established Morooj al-Mahabba in 2001. It is one of the Although the community faces fewer difficulties than others in terms of only organizations with a physical presence in Karm el Zeitoun. The mukhtar of financial capital, there were still many worries expressed by community mem- registered the organization with the Hariri Foundation so that it could support bers. Many families mentioned their dependence on remittances; this was espe- people who would normally not be able to receive help from others. One em- cially prevalent among the elderly. Some were concerned about the vulnerability ployee explained that the organization is meant to support all of the community that arises from depending on others for the main portion of their income. Many members: “The organization doesn’t differentiate between Christians and Mus- spoke of the inability to save and create a financial safety net should any shocks lims, either in the dispensary or the organization. We will help all.” However, the arise, which they blamed on increasing prices and unstable employment situa- basement of the NGO was recently turned into a church, effectively portray- tions. ing it as a Christian organization. This addition may hinder the involvement At a community level, several social institutions, for example churches and of Muslims in accessing their services. Another organization present operates organizations, help where they are able in order to make up for the lack of a clinic, as explained previously. There also used to be an association for all the financial capital. For example, the Armenian Orthodox Church plays a major women of Karm el Zeitoun, which was not fully explained in the interviews, is role in addressing needs and in providing various types of support. The priest at not functioning any more. the church explained some of the services they offer to the community: “We help While the social institutions seemingly work to decrease the tensions found by collecting clothes. We bring food to people two times a year. We can’t do more within the community, tensions remain at a political level, though there were few … There is a family with no money and someone in their family died. We talked overt signs of political institutions in the community. One Armenian resident to the people in Bourj Hammoud. They gave them the coffin, the car, everything commented: for the funeral.” He continued, demonstrating the social connections within the “There are three Armenian parties. If a fight happens, you will side with community, “The church is for all of us, not just the Armenians or locals.” the Armenians. If it is Lebanese versus Armenians playing basketball, you Yet, even given the changing social fabric of Karm el Zeitoun, in a country will cheer for the Armenians. But if there is a fight between two different like Lebanon the physical presence of religious institutions like a church (or a Armenian political parties, then the groups will fight with each other. It mosque) defines an area. This creates an unconscious tension between the com- creates conflict.” munity defined by the church and those who don’t belong to that community. Yet, others found that the social ties and relationships within the community While there are other churches in Achrafieh that people from Karm el Zeitoun were enough to overcome their political differences. One man said, “There is also go to, the Armenian Orthodox Church, which was built during the resettle- political diversity, but there are no problems because we are all friends. Friends ment of the refugees, is the main church within Karm el Zeitoun. One report don’t bother with each other’s political parties.” One major issue noted by resi- explained: dents, similar to other poor communities, is that they lack the support of politi- “The church is the [primary] religious institution in Karm el Zeitoun, de- cians, as many do not vote in the area: “People [politicians] come out at election spite the multitude of ethnicities and religious backgrounds present. It func- time, but then they don’t care after that.” This problem was also noted by key tions as an icon and signifier of a power structure that is asserted through its presence. It is well taken care of, newly painted and clean, independent of informants: the surrounding fabric with space left vacant around it. Aside from its reli- “It is one of the poorest areas of Beirut. It has been left out by the govern- gious connotations, the church becomes a tool for manipulating the power ment. They get no help. There is no rehabilitation or development … The structure in Karm el Zeitoun; it identifies a group of people, the Arme- government doesn’t help much because of politics. There are people from nians, and presents them with the right of territoriality and dominance. different backgrounds and political parties, so there is no support.” The function of the church as an object of power becomes more and more crucial with every newcomer to Karm el Zeitoun; it immediately puts every- While these political issues affect most in the community, one group is par-

332 333 KARM EL ZEITOUN 10 ticularly vulnerable due to their voicelessness: the foreign domestic and migrant own group for support, and relationships of mutual support or charity across workers. This is most likely a result of their often illegal status in the country, groups do not form naturally or easily. Also, as is the case on a national scale, meaning that they are unable to complain about any maltreatment or abuse to the most recent migration into the community is of domestic workers and other the local authorities. Additionally they are seen by the other residents as a major foreign migrants. This group is marginalized and made vulnerable both within threat due to their ability to pay higher rents and their perceived delinquencies, the community and the state. A further parallel can be found on the subject of effectively isolating them from what could be their greatest asset, the social capi- out-migration. Migration out of the community has mostly been of the younger tal provided by the wider community. and best-educated generation. They leave in search better jobs prospects. This same demographic is also the most likely to emigrate from Lebanon in quest of more and better opportunities. This younger generation leaves behind it an older Comments from the community: one that reminisces and idealizes the pre-Civil War period as a sort of golden Dreams and hopes age. In Karm el Zeitoun, they talk of a time when the area was covered in olive “I will buy a house outside of this area because here the houses are old.” trees; while in Lebanon, older people talk frequently of Beirut as the Paris of the Middle East and reflect on how life was simpler, greener, and healthier in the “My dream is to work with people that are sad. I want to help people that are poor. past. For an understanding of some of the core dynamics of Lebanese society, a I am poor but that is where my heart is.” close study of social interaction and perceptions in Karm el Zeitoun, while not exhaustive, is undoubtedly revealing. “We are not desperate. We have hope that we will get better.”

“I want to leave but the rents are high in other places …Where do you want me to go?”

“I am happy the children are taking something from me. If they face a similar situation, they will act in the same way. I tell them they can dream and achieve these dreams; they shouldn’t stop dreaming.”

Conclusion

Karm el Zeitoun is a community in transition from being a homogenous middle- class suburb of Beirut to an area that attracts migrant workers because of cheap rents. Many elderly and long-term residents cannot afford to live there any more, while the newer migrants into the area are not looking for community but only a place to sleep while they work to earn the money they need to survive. The result is that very little attention is paid and investment made to maintain the area and upgrade the services available. While initially the community may look quaint, upon close inspection it is obvious that the infrastructure and the quality of housing are dilapidated. To a notable extent, Karm el Zeitoun might be understood as a microcosm of Lebanon. Each of the current mix of groups in the area, as is the case across Lebanon as a whole, has a label. As a result, Karm el Zeitoun, like Lebanon, is a community that has negotiated the social space within it so that its diverse residents may live side-by-side. The ethnic and religious groups represented in Karm el Zeitoun understand the social rules essential to this and adhere to them, but this understanding does not translate to a high level of support between the different groups. As in Lebanon as a whole, people tend to look to their

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1. A pseudonym 26. (UNDP, 1997) 2. In Karm el Zeitoun, and across Lebanon, the descendants of the Armenian refu- 27. (Jureidini, 2002) p. 2 gees are still referred to as Armenian, even though they have been given Lebanese 28. (Jureidini, 2010) p. 2 citizenship. In order to distinguish between the different groups in the community, 29. (Jureidini, 2010) p. 2, (Human Rights Watch, 2010) p. 13, (ILO, 2005) this chapter will also refer to them as Armenians. 30. (Human Rights Watch, 2010) p. 20 3. A pseudonym 31. (International Labour Organization, 2005) p. 8 4. A pseudonym 32. (Human Rights Watch, 2008) p. 30 and (Human Rights Watch, 2010) p. 16 5. In order to be legal in the country, domestic workers should have a valid work 33. (Human Rights Watch, 2010) p. 24 permit, residence permit, and should be living with their employer (sponsor). Some 34. (Human Rights Watch, 2008) girls may try to arrange freelance work, while finding someone to sponsor them 35. Generally this section does not refer to the MDWs as not enough information was for proper documentation. This situation is still technically illegal, though the laws gathered to see any trends among the community. are not always enforced. Arrangements may vary, but sometimes the girls will pay 36. Interview with INSAN as quoted in (Ressler, 2008) p. 40 for their own work permits and residence permits, which, under normal circum- 37. (Ressler, 2008) p. 40 stances, are paid for by their sponsors. See textbox “Migrant domestic workers in 38. (Bsat, 2003) p. 3 Lebanon” for more information. 6. A pseudonym 7. (Morlicchio) p. 1 8. The UN’s operational definition of an urban slum or shantytown is an area that is a combination of inadequate access to safe water; inadequate access to sanitation and other infrastructure; poor structural quality of housing; overcrowding; and insecure residential status. ( UN-HABITAT, 2007) 9. (Hediger & Lukic, 2009) p. 30 10. The newly formed League of Nations founded the refugee office which was later called the Nansen International Office 11. (Hediger & Lukic, 2009) p. 35 12. (Hediger & Lukic, 2009) p. 30 13. (Hediger & Lukic, 2009) p. 39 14. (Hediger & Lukic, 2009) p. 41 15. (Bsat, 2003) p. 1 16. (Karm al-Zaytun Habitations) 17. (Karm al-Zaytun Habitations) 18. (Luca, 2010) 19. (Luca, 2010) 20. (Li Monthly, 2002) 21. (Luca, 2010) 22. (Zawya.com, 2005) 23. (Luca, 2010) 24. (UNDP, 1997) 25. “This number does not include those who entered the country illegally, or the ‘illegal’ employment of those whose permits have expired and not been renewed, those who are working with only tourist visas, and those who are unemployed.” (Jureidini, 2002) p.1

336 337 INTRODUCTION 1

Part 3

REFUGEES IN LEBANON

338 339 MAP OF REFUGEE COMMUNITIES STUDIED

340 341 REFUGEES IN LEBANON

A Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut

Lebanon is very familiar with refugees and displaced populations. Over its history, the various conflicts and violence that have periodically wracked the country have displaced people within the country and forced many others to become refugees. For example, in 1860, as a result of the conflict between the Druze and the Maronite Christians, thousands of Christians fled to Damascus seeking refuge. A hundred years later during the 15-year Civil War (1975-1990), Leba- non hemorrhaged people looking for peace and security elsewhere.

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Lebanon has also hosted refugee populations. In the 1920s there were signifi- “As a consequence, asylum seekers and refugees, in the absence of clear cant refugee influxes of Armenians and Syriacs (part of the waves of deporta- legal status, are considered de facto as illegal migrants, whether or not they tion undertaken by the Ottoman Empire from what was to form modern day have entered the Lebanese territory illegally, which is the case for a majority of them. Thus, the classical distinction carried out between asylum seekers, Turkey). The largest group today is the Palestinians who were displaced start- refugees, economic migrants and illegal migrants … [does] not fit migra- ing in 1948. The official number cited by UNRWA of those registered is about tion patterns accounted for in Lebanon since the beginning of the 1990s.”5 425,000,1 approximately 10 percent of Lebanon’s population, though a recent study sites the number to be closer to 260,000-280,000.2 Besides the Palestinians, UNHCR estimates that there are about 51,000 refugees and asylum seekers in the country.3 The most recent and largest group has been from Iraq. They represent 80 percent of the 9,000 non-Palestinian refugees in Lebanon assisted by UNHCR. Lebanon also serves as the Regional Resettlement Hub that facilitates the resettlement process throughout the Middle East and North Africa. Refugees and asylum seekers from other countries include those from Sudan, Syria, So- malia, and Sierra Leone.

Figure 11.1: 2011 UNHCR planning figures for Lebanon4

January 2011 December 2011 Type of Of whom Of whom popula- Origin Total in Total in assisted by assisted by tion Country Country UNHCR UNHCR Total 31,650 9,950 31,950 9,950 Iraq 29,700 8,000 30,000 8,000 Sudan 100 100 100 100 Refugees Syrian Arab 50 50 50 50 Rep. Various 150 150 150 150 Iraq 400 400 400 400 Sudan 400 400 400 400 Asylum- Syrian Arab seekers 150 150 150 150 Rep. Various 700 700 700 700

Source: UNHCR, “2011 UNHCR country operations profile – Lebanon” (2011)

Lebanon is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, nor does it have legislation or administrative procedures in place to address the specific needs of refugees and asylum-seekers. An alley in a Palestinian refugee camp The protection framework, as a result, is inadequate, and refugees are often at risk of being fined, detained for considerable lengths of time, and deported. Doraï and Clochard commenting on this write:

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The Lebanese legal framework is inadequate with regards to refugees. The Since Lebanon is not to be considered an asylum country but only a transit coun- term “refugee” in Lebanese law only appears coupled with the word “Palestin- try, the following process was instituted: ian” and in the law of 10 July 1962, which regulates entry to, residence in, and “… refugees are allowed to claim asylum at the regional office of the UN- exit out of Lebanon. Within Part 8 (Articles 26-31) is the definition for political HCR during a period of two months following their entry on the Leba- asylum: “Any foreigner, subject to a prosecution or sentenced for a political of- nese territory. If they are granted the status of refugees, they register at the fence by an authority other than Lebanese, or whose life or freedom are threat- General Security. A temporary residence permit is then issued and given to ened for political reasons, can claim to be granted the political asylum” (unof- them. Refugees acknowledged by the UNHCR since the signature of the memorandum are given a six-month residence permit, awaiting the resettle- ficial translation).6 The commission that determines whether political asylum is ment in a third country.”9 given or not, is also the authority for granting refugee status, and considers only specific cases and claims of particular individuals. This commission is chaired by the Minister of the Interior and includes senior officials from the Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Directorate General of the General Security in Lebanon. However, Lebanon has signed the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states in Article 14 that “Facing persecution, any person has the right to seek asylum and to profit from asylum in other countries.” Lebanon is also a signatory to the 1984 Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, which states in Article 3 that “No State Party shall expel, turn back or extradite a person to another State where there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be in danger of being subjected to torture.” These were transposed by Law no.185 of 24 May 2000 into Lebanese Law. In addition, the preamble of the Lebanese Constitu- tion states, “[Lebanon] is a founding and active member of the League of Arab States; it is accountable for its treaties; it is also a founding and active member of the United Nations Organization, accountable for its treaties and for the Uni- versal Declaration of Human Rights. The State implements its principles in all fields and domains with no exception” (unofficial translation).7 In 2003 Lebanon clarified its status. In a memorandum signed between UNHCR and the Lebanese Directorate General of the General Security, it specified the role of UNHCR within the country. While stating that it is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, it says: “Whereas Lebanon does not consider itself as an asylum country due to several social economic and demographic considerations, in addition to the problem posed by the presence of the Palestinian refugee population on its territory;

“Whereas Lebanon is not an asylum country and the only viable durable solution for refugees recognized under the mandate of UNHCR is the resettlement in a third country, the term ‘asylum seeker’ shall mean, for the purpose of this Memorandum, ‘a person seeking asylum in a country other than Lebanon.’”8

346 347 1. (UNRWA) (a) EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 2. (Chaaban, et al.) p. 24 3. (UNHCR, 2011) Palestinian refugee communities, Tyre 4. The figures for refugees from Syria are from before the 2011 crisis in Syria. Since the onset of the crisis a significant number of people have crossed into Lebanon, some staying for short periods while others have stayed longer. There has been much debate as to whether they should be categorized as refugees. 5. (Doraï and Clochard) p. 1-2 6. (Doraï and Clochard) p. 3 7. (Doraï and Clochard) p. 4 8. (Doraï and Clochard) p. 5 9. (Doraï and Clochard) p. 5

El Buss is one of the 12 official UNRWA camps in Lebanon, while Jal el Bahr is one of at least 39 unofficial settlements of Palestinians, often known as “gatherings.” There is a lot that is similar in the stories of these two communities and their history of seeking refuge, but they are in many ways very different. The main differences pertain to matters of security of land tenure and access to services. The following chapter tells the stories of two communities; they are not completely distinct stories, there is much overlap, and for this reason the chapter should be read as a whole in order to more fully comprehend the situation that the Palestinian refugee population in Lebanon faces today.

History: memories and seeking refuge

Memories are often all that refugees, who have lost everything else, have. Over time, the narrative gradually changes from the harsh realities of daily life in Palestine to a sense of a past that was good and secure, a past that seems idyllic. Yet hidden in those memories is a history that is processed subconsciously in the context of exile to produce a collective diasporic memory. The Palestinian camps, being places where refugees continue to live without being able to resolve the individual and collective traumas of the past, have become repositories of collective memory. These diasporic memories are important as they ensure the survival of the Palestinians as a people.

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Rosemary Sayigh, an anthropologist and oral historian, sorts through the memo- identity in 1948, Palestinians were forced to flee from their lands in search of ries and history, and writes: safety. Many thought they would be returning within a few days, or, at the most, “‘We lived in Paradise’: this remark, so often heard from older Palestinians a few weeks. Most families brought their house keys with them. They locked the in the refugee camps, would be dismissed by many as mere sentimental- doors to their houses and left behind all of their money and valuables, as they ity. It is true that these dispossessed peasants have recalled their homes in were so sure of their return. Yet, this fateful time was the catalyst for the current Palestine from a present so bleak that their poverty and class oppression situation that Palestinians in Lebanon face: utter poverty, lack of human rights, there tend to be blurred. But there is truth in their view of peasant life as and lack of the support necessary for them to change their situation. good, for, in spite of poverty, ‘our land provided us with all our needs.’ Vil- Mohammad was 14 when he was forced to leave Palestine following the lage and clan solidarity formed a warm, strong, stable environment for the individual, a sense of rootedness and belonging. The proof of the strength 1948 Arab-Israeli War. He, along with an estimated 140,000 other Palestinians, of peasant social relations is that they survived in dispersion and helped crossed the northern border into Lebanon. The Palestinians who fled to Leba- Palestinians themselves to survive.”1 non were mostly from the northern areas of the country, such as Upper Galilee. Other Palestinians sought refuge in Syria and Jordan.6 Mohammad clearly re- There is a lot of controversy about what kind of life Palestinians had before members leaving his homeland: they left Palestine. As Sayigh writes, “Zionists exaggerated both the ‘backward- ness’ of Palestine’s peasants and the potentialities of the land under their own “They told me that it would only be 10 or 15 days, and then we would be management.”2 This is not to deny the fact that life was difficult in the rural areas able to come back. They told all of the children and women to leave until a settlement could be reached. The men came later. We took a truck; the and that poverty was real. Sayigh continues: truck was full of clothes. The kids were sitting on top of the clothes and “The causes of poverty of the fellaheen of Palestine were similar to those we were laughing and so happy. We were excited to be going to Lebanon, of other Middle Eastern peasantries, and can be grouped into three main because Lebanon was known for tourism. We were excited to see a new categories: (i) difficult climatic and soil conditions; (ii) class subordination; country. We heard so much about Lebanon from the people that used to (iii) absence of a positive state contribution.”3 come to Palestine to work. But all of our mothers were crying.” However, many known Palestinian researchers point out the fact that most Mohammad is now 76 and living in the el Buss7 camp, one of the 12 official families were self-sustaining; elders remember their family lands being fertile and UNRWA refugee camps in Lebanon. He has since had five children and a suc- plentiful, producing the most delicious fruits they had ever tasted. Veteran jour- cessful career as a photographer, but his memories of his childhood are no less nalist, Robert Fisk quotes a woman’s memories from her life in Palestine before vivid than they were at the time he left. coming to Lebanon: “At first we went to Qana [a village in south Lebanon] because we had “I come from a village called Um Al-Farajh. It was in northern Galilee. My friends there. They used to come and work in Palestine. They helped us to family had three houses in the village. We used to make olive oil to sell to get a house. I was the youngest. My two older brothers were going to work the other villages around. We grew wheat and made flour. My husband was in Tyre. About two or three months later we came to el Buss. ” Mustafa Zamzam and we had three orchards – two with olives and one with Like many other Palestinians at the time, upon arrival Mohammad’s family citrus. We even grew grapes on the side of our houses. We had all kinds of fruit – we had everything.”4 found temporary shelter in the homes of the Lebanese, in tents, or in rented apartments.8 Families were often forced to move around many times, before This sense of connectedness to the land and the ability to provide for them- finally settling in one location. Most often, families from the same villages tried selves were not the only capacities that Palestinians had. Villages were tight- to find accommodation and shelter in the same areas, allowing family ties and knit communities that supported each other in times of need. Often villagers community bonds to persist, recreating their social support network in the time lived side by side with people from other religions without any problems. Fisk of crisis. continues: Under the French Mandate el Buss was originally established as a camp “She said it never occurred to her or her husband that her village would for the Armenians in 1939. Some of the buildings in el Buss were constructed be harmed or its people endangered. ‘We used to visit Jewish people,’ she for this population, but as the Armenians left, Palestinian families arrived and said. ‘There was never any problem. We took our sick people to a Jewish occupied these houses in the early 1950s.9 These existing structures, enabled 5 doctor …’” some of the refugees to move into buildings right away, unlike in other camps However, as the nascent Israeli state sought to consolidate its power and where all of the early inhabitants started out living in tents. Over time those that

350 351 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 did start out in tents in el Buss moved into basic cement-block houses with cor- chance to continue studying. A lot of it depended on their economic situa- rugated aluminum roofs. One of the men from a political organization in el Buss tion. But I can still read and write.” explained the early situation: “Before there were Armenians here. This room While Mohammad tells his own life story, he inadvertently intertwines the [where the interview took place] was from the Armenian time. They came here developments and progressions of the complicated political situation that punc- before the Palestinians came here. El Buss and Rashadieh were the first camps tuated it – a testament to how much the politics of the time affected everyone, built.” Another elderly man, who also came from Palestine, remembers, “We ar- even those who did not want to be involved. According to an ICG report, “In rived in Tyre. There were Armenians here, but they got the citizenship, and so the early stages, refugees took a low profile and steered clear of political activ- we went and stayed in the houses of the Armenians who left. Some people didn’t ism.”11 There was growing tension between the Maronite Christians, who were have houses so UNRWA gave them help [tents]” still the most prominent group in the country at the time, and the Muslims, Mohammad continued: who were growing in number and political strength. For this reason, strict mea- “When we arrived [in el Buss] we started going to school in a church, with sures were imposed on Palestinians in Lebanon to stem the degree of political the Red Crescent from Dubai. There were only three teachers, two men sway the predominantly Sunni refugee population might amass. They were pro- and one woman. They were teaching us everything. There were classes until hibited from forming gatherings of more than two people; they needed special about grade 7. And then other organizations came and took over. At this permits to move around the country; and they were not allowed to read news- time we started getting help from many organizations, and that’s when the 12 older people started realizing that they had lost their land and they had to papers or listen to the radio in public spaces. One of the elderly camp resident stay here.” remembers: Another resident of el Buss also explained the feeling among the newly arrived “We have never had any comfortable times since coming here. When we first came we had some rooms here because of the Armenians. But most refugees that their time in Lebanon would be temporary; all of them believed people were not lucky and they lived in zinco houses and tents. Then they they would be returning shortly: “Most of the people still had their keys from built their houses. From a security perspective, the Lebanese officers would Palestine with them. [When we left] my father asked why we didn’t leave more fine us if we threw water on the ground [as the the roads in the camp were food there, so we would have it when we went back.” sandy, unpaved paths the water and sand mixed to create mud, which dirt- The international community realized that a humanitarian crisis was grow- ied the officers who were patrolling the area]. We needed a permit to go to ing, and the situation was not about to be resolved any time soon. As a result, Saida. You could get a fine for being outside after 9 p.m., even if you were just with your neighbor. We were being strangled, and things didn’t get any the United Nations General Assembly established the United Nations Relief and better.” Works Agency in the Near East (UNRWA) to provide relief for the hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees who had been forced to leave their home- However, even with these measures, the refugees eventually became involved land.10 (See textbox “UNRWA” for more information). in political life. Mohammad explains: Like many others, Mohammad’s education was disrupted and eventually ter- “The young people went and joined the political parties. One day they were minated due to the consequences of leaving Palestine: with one, and one day they were with another. It was according to their ideas. Then there were the losses in 195613 and 1967,14 and then the PLO “When UNRWA came they were only providing an elementary school. [Palestine Liberation Organization] party came [to Lebanon].15 While this When you wanted to go to the next level there were Evangelists that had was happening, I left my job in the shop, bought a camera, and started started a school in the camp, for about another two years. So you had to working as a photographer. I started going to people’s houses and taking change schools very often because not all of the schools had all of the class- pictures of their kids for a quarter of a lira. In 1959 I got married.” es. It was at this time I realized that we had no money. When I would ask my parents or brothers for money for books, they would tell me that there Like other Palestinians at the time, Mohammad was able to travel abroad, wasn’t any. They wanted me to continue with school but I dropped out and something which became much more difficult as time went on. started working as a fisherman with my brothers at night. Then I started working in the electrical field, and then I was employed in a shop for electri- “The first time I went to Libya was in 1965 with my kids and wife, be- cal appliances.” cause there were many incidents in Lebanon that would have affected my children’s education. I remembered that my parents wanted me to get an Another elderly man experienced a similar situation: education and I wanted the same for my kids. In 1965 we went, and they “I was in grade 4 when I left Palestine. Then I stopped getting an educa- started studying right away.” tion once I got here. Some people continued studying. Some people got the

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Mohammad noted that his family moved back and forth between Libya and Similarly the UNRWA website states, “Because of its relatively small size and lo- Lebanon several times: “We went each time because of the war in Lebanon, cation, the camp was spared much of the violence that other camps experienced because I wanted my kids to get an education.” At that time it was easier for Pal- throughout the Lebanese Civil War.”19 estinians to get permission to travel; some also took refuge in the Gulf countries Once the camp wars ended and his sons were released, Mohammad applied and some in various European countries. These travels from Lebanon were a to work once again in Libya, and eventually brought his family there. However, continuation of their “forced migrations.” It was their way of coping with their his youngest son, who had just finished high school, was not able to start univer- increasingly difficult situation after being expelled from their homeland. As ex- sity there because he needed wasta. Mohammad had also heard that there were plained by Mohamad Kamel Doraï, an expert in Palestinian emigration issues, now more job opportunities in Lebanon, and, for these reasons, they decided to “… civil war, economic difficulties, and legal discrimination have led them to return. During this time, his eldest son, who completed his studies in Russia, had emigrate from Lebanon to find work, asylum, and a stable juridical status …”16 returned to Lebanon with his new wife. While Mohammad’s family was return- On 13 April 1975 the 15-year Lebanese Civil War began. One of the trig- ing from Libya by boat, Mohammad received bad news: a woman onboard told gering events was the killing of over 20 Palestinian civilians on a bus. The hard- him, “Don’t worry, your son is fine; it was only your house that was bombed.” As ships facing the Palestinians increased as the Civil War progressed. Many groups this was the first Mohammad had heard of this, he was deeply affected: targeted the Palestinians, believing that they were responsible for both the war’s “I didn’t believe her. I thought he was dead. I didn’t tell my wife. I wanted to outbreak and its intensification. During the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, wait and see. Then we got stuck in Syria because there were problems with much of the PLO infrastructure, as well as some of the camps, was destroyed. It our papers because we were refugees. We had to stay there for one extra day. was at this time that the PLO leadership was finally forced to leave and Palestin- [Upon arriving in the camp] we saw that the house was bombed, but our ians in Lebanon were by-and-large left without any form of protection.17 son greeted us and he was OK. There was nothing wrong with him. But the whole trip was very stressful for me.” Mohammad explained that around this time he was able to “buy” his eldest son a scholarship that would allow him to study in Russia. In 1982, the family After this, Mohammad’s family was lucky as most of his sons were able to was facing financial difficulties, so two of the sons also started working as pho- complete their studies and find work. Mohammad restarted his photography tographers in order to fund their own education. Eventually, the younger sons business, and started filming weddings. He is very proud of his career as a pho- were able to start university in Lebanon. Mohammad’s sons continued studying tographer and of his successful adjustment during the difficult transition period until fighting broke out between Amal18 and the Palestinians (in a conflict which to digital cameras and computers. became known as the “war of the camps”), during which his sons were all im- In many ways, Mohammad’s life is similar to that of other Palestinians after prisoned. Some of the sieges of the camps lasted for months. Most Palestinians they left Palestine. Families moved around and between different villages, camps, remember this as a particularly brutal time. They were not allowed to leave or and sometimes countries – if they were lucky. Education had always been of the enter the camps; they often ran out of food and water; and thousands were in- utmost importance to most families in Palestine, and the refugees struggled to jured and killed. One elderly man remembers: continue providing their children with even basic schooling; although for many, “From the first day they took all of the boys above 18 years old to prison. I such as Mohammad himself, their education was interrupted and they were was 16 and I got beaten. There was no military here to protect us, so they never able to continue. The main income earners made every effort to continue came in easily. It was a hate against Palestinians. It was not a religious hate. providing for their families, often being forced to switch jobs numerous times, It wasn’t Sunni vs. Shiite. They burned people in their houses and many depending on the situation in the country. Life for the Palestinians during this people were killed.” time was one of adaptation and survival; everything they had known had been However, quite surprisingly given these horrific accounts, el Buss seems to lost, and they remained marginalized in Lebanon due to the camp wars and as- have been less affected than the other camps. One local NGO worker in el Buss sorted other problems. explained: The story of the Palestinians is one of victimhood, yet for many in Lebanon “From 1948 to 1982 we were ‘far’ from the wars. It was a peaceful camp. they are also seen as perpetrators who brought strife and multiple Israeli inva- We got influenced by the war, but less than other camps. Even in the war sions. Even though the refugee population has been relatively powerless since the with Amal all of the camps were badly affected except this one, because it PLO leadership was driven out in 1982, it continues to be perceived as a threat was more peaceful. This was because Amal could enter the camp quickly because there were no warriors or resistance, so it ended pretty fast.” to Lebanon’s security and delicate sectarian balance. Consequently, the group remains actively marginalized by the state.

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country. Ein el Hilweh and Mieh Mieh are located in and around Saida. Bourj el Shemali, Rashidieh, and el Buss are in Tyre and the surrounding areas. The other camps are Bourj el Barajneh, Shatila, Mar Elias, and Dbayeh (all located in and around Beirut), Nahr el Bared and Beddawi (in the north), and Wavel, also known as Jalil, (in the Bekaa Valley).26 Palestinians in Lebanon fall into three categories in terms of their status within the country: • Registered: These refugees are registered with both UNRWA and the Lebanese government. They have access to all UNRWA services, regardless of whether they live in official camps or not. Most Palestinians in Lebanon fall into this category.27

• Non-Registered: These refugees are not registered with UNRWA, but they are registered with the Lebanese government. This could have taken place for a variety of reasons, such as having left Pales- tine after 1948. Additionally, gender discrimination inherent in both Lebanon and UNRWA means that a registered woman who marries A street in el Buss camp an unregistered man will lose her status and not be able to pass it on to their children.28 Originally non-registered Palestinians were Palestinians in Lebanon today not able to access services from UNRWA, but in 2004 UNRWA Estimates as to the current number of Palestinian refugees residing in Lebanon changed this policy and they are now able to access all of the same vary. Official UNRWA statistics have cited over 400,000; however, this figure services as those who are registered. It is estimated that there are 29 reflects the number of Palestinians registered with UNRWA.20 For example, it about 35,000 refugees that fall into this category. does not take into consideration the large number of Palestinians who have mi- • Non-Identified/Non-Documented: These refugees are not reg- grated. A recent study published by the American University of Beirut (AUB) istered with any agency or with the Lebanese government. They and UNRWA cites a significantly smaller population: 260,000-280,000.21 How- have no identification documents and have a harder time accessing ever, one thing is certain, the Palestinian refugees who fled the 1948 fighting, and employment opportunities, educational and health services, and as- their descendants now form “one of the world’s most long-established refugee sistance from organizations. They are even at risk of arrest if they populations.”22 leave the camp.30 There are an estimated 3,500 non-identified refu- According to the AUB–UNRWA study, 53 percent of the refugees are female gees in Lebanon.31 and over 50 percent are under the age of 25. It also found that there is an average household size of 4.5 members (approximately 2.5 children),23 yet the interviews conducted for this study revealed much larger family sizes. Many stated that in previous generations, families had up to 12 children, with an average-sized family being around eight children. Parents noted the increased financial strain that comes with having a large family and commented that most couples are now only having around four children in order to cope with these financial difficulties. It is estimated that 62 percent of the refugees currently residing in Leba- non live in one of the 12 official UNRWA camps located around the country.24 UNRWA rented the plots of land on which the camps are located on 99-year leases. While initially 15 camps were established, three were destroyed during the Civil War and never rebuilt.25 There are five camps located in the south of the

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Profile of el Buss refugee camp

UNRWA El Buss has become part of the urban sprawl of Tyre; there is little to distinguish it from the neighboring areas. It is located near the corniche by the sea, In December 1949, the United Nations created a new body, the United Nations Re- lief and Works Agency in the Near East, to provide aid for over 700,000 people who next to a busy roundabout, which acts as the transportation hub for buses going had fled the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict, namely Palestine refugees. Shortly thereaf- north. The main entrance and exit are controlled by army checkpoints; however, ter, the UN also created the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for there are many small alleys leading from the main streets of Tyre into the maze Refugees (UNHCR) with the objective of helping the refugees from World War II. that is the camp. The UNRWA website estimates that there are 9,500 registered 32 It has since been mandated to help refugees worldwide. When UNRWA began refugees in the camp, and most residents agree with this figure. The camp is ap- operations in May 1950, it was only expected to be a temporary agency. However, proximately 1 square kilometer in size, and although it is a labyrinth of tiny alleys the UN General Assembly has repeatedly renewed UNRWA’s mandate: “The importance of its unimpeded operation and its provision of services for the well-being crisscrossing each other haphazardly, it is much less crowded and daunting than and human development of the Palestine refugees and for the stability of the re- some of the other camps across the country. Even so, residents still feel that it is gion.”33 overcrowded. For most of the camps, the physical area allocated to the refugees While UNRWA was never mandated to define the Palestinian refugee status, its has not increased since the original rental agreement, yet the populations are operational definition has had a large impact on this population; it often provides often at least four times as large as they were originally. One woman described 34 the only international recognition of their refugee status. UNRWA’s working defi- the evolution of the camp and its population: nition of Palestinian refugees is: “People whose normal place of residence was Pal- estine between June 1946 and May 1948, who lost both their homes and means of “Before it was larger [more spacious]. Cars could go down the streets. Now livelihoods as a result of the 1948 Arab-Israel conflict.”35 This definition is limiting it is more crowded. People are building next to each other. People came for several reasons. First of all, it does not include those refugees who fled the 1967 from Nahr el Bared during the 2007 war. They lived in stores because there Arab-Israel War36 (although most of the refugees in Lebanon are “1948 refugees”). was nowhere else to go. Some are still here. There are also Syrians here now. Additionally, those who left earlier or later, such as in 1936 (the time of a major They are in all of the camps, not just here … Now there is no place to rent Palestinian revolt) or after 1948, are also excluded.37 UNRWA itself notes that this because there is no space and it is too expensive.” definition is “less than comprehensive,”38 and a study focusing on the legal and practical gaps in the definitions of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon found numer- There are a few main streets running through el Buss. Located on these ous examples of refugees who fell into one of these categories. While technically streets are some larger buildings, including NGOs, schools, and shops. There UNHCR has a mandate to include Palestinian refugees if UNRWA assistance is are three schools and five kindergartens in el Buss. UNRWA operates a clinic lost, this does not occur in the Middle East, where there is a division of labor; in and other NGOs offer various health services, such as helping children with dis- 39 short, UNHCR does not service Palestinians in UNRWA countries. The right to abilities. There is a fairly large presence of aid and development organizations protection was not included in UNRWA’s original mandate, though it was included in el Buss, as in many of the other camps around Lebanon. Some have offices in the mandate of UNHCR. A further complicating factor is that the UNRWA definition does not technically include the descendants of the original refugees, and centers inside el Buss. It may seem that the community is fortunate to have although in practice these descendants are usually provided with services, as long as so much support, but some community members view it differently. One man they are living in one of the five fields40 of UNRWA operations.41 associated with a political party explained: Worldwide, there are over 4.3 million Palestine refugees, although only one- “The organizations [NGOs], hospitals, and schools are taking up half of third continues to live in designated UNRWA camps. Some have moved into the the area in the camp. So if residents want to build houses, they have to build surrounding cities, and others have emigrated.42 Regardless of whether the refu- on top of old houses, which were not well-built in the first place.” gees live in camps, if they are registered with UNRWA they are eligible for services within the areas of operation. UNRWA operates schools, vocational training El Buss is unique among Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon in that there centers, primary health care facilities, women’s centers, and rehabilitation centers. are two non-Palestinian spaces located within its boundaries. There is a Leba- UNRWA also provides special assistance, (see textbox UNRWA Special Hardship nese public hospital, which is used mostly by the Lebanese, especially those in the Assistance Program) such as food aid, to those who are particularly vulnerable.43 45 However, due to landownership issues, UNRWA is not always able to provide as- military. This was constructed before the Palestinians arrived. One man stated, sistance with infrastructural issues.44 “The public hospital was built before 1948. We know because we saw that the hospital is built from rocks from Palestine.” The other building is a Maronite church that is used by Palestinians and Lebanese alike. Upon arriving in el Buss, both Christian and Muslim Palestinians settled

358 359 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 within the camp’s boundaries. There have been relatively few major issues be- ancient windows – so there is no ventilation. And the ceiling is zinco so it lets tween these two communities. One NGO worker stated: the water in.” “There are [now] about 15 houses of Palestinian Christians. There are As with many other communities in Lebanon, the average family size is de- good relationships between the different groups. They greet each other. creasing. In previous generations it was not uncommon to find families of 10 It is because they have been here for so long. They are well included in or 12 children. Most reported that couples are currently having fewer children, the society.” usually between four and six. One man stated: Most noted that the size of the Christian population living in the camp has “The size of the family has decreased because of family planning and decreased over time. One man from a political organization said: awareness, but also because of economic reasons. Before there were around “Some Christian Palestinians left the camp to find jobs. They went to other 11 children [in a family], and now there are between four and six. People areas to work. It is sad to say this, but they got the Lebanese citizenship care more about education than before.” because the Maronites used to rule the country. So they could work outside Another woman explained the same trend: “It is also because of the salaries. the camp and they left. It used to be about 40 percent Christian, but now If you have four kids you can’t afford to buy everything.” As mentioned earlier, there are only a few families left.” the AUB–UNRWA study found that the average household size for Palestinians Recently, other nationalities have been moving into the camps. People noted is 4.5 members; however, information collected during the interviews in el Buss the increased presence of Syrians, Iraqis, and Jordanians living within the camp’s seems to indicate that the average family size is larger than this; the average boundaries. This is most likely due to the cheaper housing available within the number of children in the families interviewed was five. camp compared to the other areas of Tyre. Immigration does not yet seem to be a major issue as most feel that the groups are still very much the minority. Palestinians still occupy the old Armenian houses and the houses they originally built. The only things that have changed are the roofs, which were originally corrugated metal. As the population grew, eventually there was nowhere else to build, forcing residents to start building upwards. Children started to build their familial homes on top of the houses of their parents: “It [the camp] is the same area, but the population is increasing. So now, if someone wants to get married, they have to build on the roof or live with their parents, so it is very crowded.” Over time the houses have fallen into disrepair. The main reason for this was the building restrictions placed on the community by the Lebanese government and enforced by the army. For years the camp’s residents were unable to bring in building materials in order to make even simple restorations. Recently the army began allowing building materials to be brought into the camp; however, a permit is still needed. A man working for a political organization said: “Now you need to get a permit to build from the Lebanese army, and then they allow you to build. Before, it was very hard. We used to smuggle in the building materials during the night. You would get a truck and hide all of the material in bags. You had to pay double – once for the building material and once to bribe the driver of the truck for bringing it in [because it was illegal]. The driver would take a lot of money because he was risking going to prison. This changed two years ago because of pressure from organizations and the population.” One key informant described the effect this has had on the housing: “There are about 200 houses that are not livable. They are very old. It is not even healthy to live in them. It is a small room that is not that tall, with A street in el Buss camp

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Mobility and migration death, or sickness. Sometimes during holidays we go to Tyre. My husband takes us out. But usually we stay in the camp.” The original residents of the camp moved around south Lebanon, squatting in As basic services are available inside the boundaries and most items can be small villages and searching for any available accommodation, prior to settling in purchased locally, there is often little reason for the women to leave. Some fear el Buss permanently. Most of the families currently living in the camp can trace discrimination, as many Lebanese continue to view Palestinians as a source of their presence in el Buss to relatives who were among the original residents. Only problems and conflict within an already volatile country. a few of the families living there now moved to el Buss after the original mass In terms of Palestinian migration abroad, Mohamad Kamel Doraï describes settlement. They arrived around 20 years ago, when housing was still available. three cases: Some had been living in villages around the south but desired to live in the camp in order to access UNRWA services more easily, especially educational services “(1) labor migration in the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s, (2) asylum for their children. One woman explained, “We got married in 1987. We used to seekers looking for safety in a third country, which took place between the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the war of the camps (1985-87), and live in Adnune [an area to the north of the camp], but we came here to be able (3) illegal ‘refugee migrants’ to Europe seeking both asylum and a better to send our children to the UNRWA schools.” economic situation, which began in the early 1990s.”47 For decades Muslim and Christian families lived side by side, but over time, many of the Christian families left. The Lebanese government provided some In el Buss, a few residents left Lebanon to study or work during the Civil with citizenship, in an apparent effort to compensate for the many Lebanese War, when it was easier for Palestinians to obtain visas and travel permits. One Christians who were migrating abroad. Julie M. Peteet acknowledges this in a Le man said, “I was born in the camp. I lived all of my childhood here. I went to Monde Diplomatic article: the Soviet Union for university. I studied electrical engineering.” Normally the refugees would have to return to Lebanon when their study permits expired. “… in a demographic attempt to bolster the Christian population, the Over time migration became more and more difficult for all Palestinian refugees, Lebanese Government made available Lebanese citizenship to Palestinian Christians. As a consequence, the Palestinian refugee population was con- but especially for those from Lebanon. The camp residents blame Lebanon’s stituted as nearly all Muslim.”46 constantly changing regulations regarding Palestinian travel for other countries’ unwillingness to provide them with visas. According to one key informant, in Others left in search of work. One member of the Christian community 1978 Lebanon modified a law and required any Palestinian traveling abroad to said, “Before the majority used to be Christian but they left to work. They went have a Lebanese visa for their return to the country. However, at this time many to Beirut. Some got the Lebanese citizenship, but not all of them.” Most of the Palestinians were already overseas and were unable to get the newly required Muslim families have remained in the camp since establishing themselves there. visa. This effectively blocked their return to their country of residence. This Out of fear for their safety, a few families left for other areas around Lebanon problem lasted for a few years before the law was finally altered and the refugees during the Civil War and at other times of conflict, but most returned when the were allowed to return. Since this time, other countries have been less willing to situation improved. One elderly woman explained, “During the war with Amal, accept Palestinian migration from Lebanon. One man explained how this has I went to live in Tyre for three days. But then I left because I couldn’t stand the affected Palestinians’ work prospects: “I got many chances to go to work in Arab life there. I came back to my house here.” While the houses may be rundown and countries, but there are problems with the visa because we are Palestinians from the main desire is still to return to Palestine, some see the camp as their home Lebanon. But Palestinians from other countries can go.” and feel more comfortable there than in other areas. During the Civil War, others were fortunate (often those with higher levels of Unlike other camps that are more isolated, the city of Tyre has expanded so education) and were able to emigrate permanently. One man said, “I have two that, other than the army checkpoint at the main entrance and exit, el Buss is brothers in Canada and one in America. They studied dentistry, photography, now physically integrated with the city. However, this proximity does not neces- and physics.” These family members frequently come back to visit their rela- sarily lead to social integration and facility of movement. While, many of the tives in the camp. These individuals are extremely important to the refugees in men work outside the camp out of necessity, women, who most often stay at Lebanon, as they often provide much-needed financial assistance to their family home raising the children, have less contact with the communities outside of the members who remain in the camps. camp’s boundaries. One woman said: The relatively relaxed immigration policies of the Civil War era for the refu- “Usually, we don’t go very far out of the camp. Even though my parents gees were short-lived, as Mohamad Kamel Doraï explains: “Towards the end of live in Saida, we don’t go there unless there is an occasion, like a wedding, the 1980s the European countries closed their boundaries to asylum seekers.”48

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Yet, emigrating remains a dream for many as they believe that this will solve currently unemployed, or underemployed, and looking for work. The recent some of their problems: they will be able to work and earn a decent living, they AUB–UNRWA study found that only 37 percent of the working age popula- believe they will no longer be discriminated against, and, by having another tion is currently employed, which, by international standards, is considered very passport, they will even be able to travel back to their homeland. One elderly low.49 man said: 50 “I prefer to live outside [Lebanon]. At least I would have another citizenship Figure 12.1: Percentage breakdown by occupation of those employed and that would allow me to go back to my country of origin. In Canada I would be a stranger. In Lebanon I am also a stranger. But here I am perse- cuted. I have no rights.”

The emigration process has become next to impossible in recent times, leading many refugees, especially young men, to try and reach Europe illegally. One Camp/ woman explained her son’s situation: “My son went to Germany. He spent one Gathering and a half months going to countries illegally and he even got arrested. But then he got there. He has only been there for one month, so he is trying to get to know people and learn the language.” The process is very difficult, expensive, and is not guaranteed to work: senior Professionals, and managers officials, in education and (e.g.: health care) associate Technicians, clerks professionals, in NGOs) (e.g.: sales Service workers, workers trade Craft and related machine workers; industry ( e.g.: operators and contruction) Elementary occupations (ex:agriculture) “The boys go with someone who offers to take them for $7,000. For ex- El Buss 4% 13% 13% 48% 22% ample, they might go through Turkey and Greece. But once they arrive in Camp Greece the person wants more money from them, and he starts to make problems. Usually the boys don’t have any more money to give him, so Jal el Bahr they come back. But sometimes they continue until they get there [to their 0% 4% 17% 50% 29% destination]. Sometimes they come back by the same route. If they have no money and nothing to eat, they will go to the government in Greece, and Total the government will send them back.” 11% 5% 15% 46% 23% Even though the Palestinians have been in Lebanon for 63 years, their desire to return to their homeland is just as passionate and prevalent as ever. One man Source: AUB–UNRWA: Socio-Economic Survey of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon (2010) p. 9 from a political party said, “Palestinians consider themselves as guests here. We don’t want to stay, we want to go back.” Another woman stated, “If they told us The men who do have jobs most often work in trades or in agriculture. Some we could go back to our own country, we would because here we are refugees work as mechanics, painters, electricians, carpenters, pesticide sprayers, or in the and no one cares about us. This is not our country.” orange plantations. These jobs are most often seasonal, and as a result, many of Livelihoods the men are unemployed during the winter months. One painter spoke of his work: Like other poor communities across the country, many residents noted that there “Painting is a good job. But it is not always stable. In the winter you only is a lack of employment opportunities, and they feel that this is a direct cause of work when there are leaks in the walls and then they want to paint them. In the poor economic situation in which they are living. Unlike other populations, the winter no one wants their houses painted because you have to put all of Palestinians are prohibited from working in many professions (see textbox “Pal- the furniture outside [in the rain], so there is less work.” estinians and the right to work”), which has a strong negative impact on their The AUB–UNRWA study noted that of all of the employed population in the ability to improve their own situation. One man explained, “The main prob- Tyre area, almost a quarter work in agriculture.51 lem here is unemployment, which creates other problems. For example, there Women sometimes complete higher levels of education, as well as techni- is a small problem with drugs, which is related to unemployment. And health cal training, which provides them with job opportunities, such as in teaching problems are also related to unemployment.” Many of those interviewed were or as teaching assistants, laboratory technicians, secretaries, or hairdressers.

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Young Palestinian women work in these types of jobs, usually for NGOs and services in the camp. After marriage, most, but not all women, stop working. Despite a successful 2010 parliamentary vote to amend56 the law governing 57 AUB – UNRWA reported that only 13 percent of women between the ages of Palestinians’ right to work, at the time of writing Palestinians remain restricted from working in over 30 professions, which, as the AUB – UNRWA report states, 15 to 65 were employed; however, they are often employed in higher status oc- “… constitutes an institutionalization of discrimination.”58 Under the law, access cupations. Women are more likely than men to be employed in the health and to these professions is restricted for Palestinians for two reasons. The first is that education sectors.52 these professions are subject to “reciprocity,” which means that foreigners whose As mentioned, some, but not many, women continue to work after mar- countries offer the equal benefits to Lebanese are able to work in these profes- riage. This generally only occurs if their husbands cannot find jobs. Historically, sions. As Palestinians are “stateless” this stipulation outright excludes them. Many women have not normally worked outside of the home and are most often in feel as though the wording of this law was specifically designed to deny access to employment to the Palestinian population, who are one of the few stateless charge of all of the household activities and child rearing. In Islam, these activi- peoples in the world. One man from el Buss said, “In the law, there is nothing ties have been given just as much importance as the men’s duty working outside that specifically says the Palestinians can’t work. But the Lebanese treat others the home; they are seen as being complementary roles necessary for the family as they are treated in the others’ countries. And there is no recognition of the unit to function. However, as the labor market has become more discriminatory Palestinian state.” The second reason is that there are professions that are limited towards men (see the following paragraph), some women have picked up the to Lebanese citizens only.59 slack and become the main breadwinners in their homes. This is affecting the Historically these laws have had strong impacts on the psychology of the Palestinians, and even with these recent legal changes there are very few who family dynamics in some households as the men have lost their traditional roles believe that any real changes will take place. One key informant from el Buss as providers for their families, and women are filling two roles. One man spoke of stated, “Parents like to educate their children. But the kids, aged 12-14, are more his desire to fulfill this traditional role: “If you ask any guy what his dream is, it is pessimistic. They say, ‘Even if I learn and get a degree, I can’t work. I can’t be an to travel and go work outside. Because here there is no employment.” engineer or a doctor. I can’t get a job.’” One significant factor impacting the job market for Palestinian men is the The children have good reason to say this as are there are many unemployed arrival of Syrian migrant workers who are available for similar employment. professionals in the Palestinian community. One doctor in el Buss studied general Syrian men most often come alone and live in shared accommodation, or even in medicine in Ukraine, and because he was not permitted to return to Lebanon due to a change in the immigration law, he continued to study and receive spe- tents, in order to save money. This allows them to work for less, undercutting the cializations in urology, reflexology, and reproductive sciences. He was the first Palestinians in a job market that is already known for providing extremely low doctor in the Middle East to specialize in stem cell work. He has invented patents salaries for day laborers. One woman said, “Syrians work because they get paid for new types of operations, has been published in numerous journals, and has less than the Palestinians, and so the Palestinians are unemployed. The Syrians traveled around the world to speak at conferences. Yet, he is not legally allowed paint, work in construction and tiling, selling clothing, and selling vegetables. But to work in Lebanon. He said, “I work illegally in many hospitals. My Lebanese people from the camp can’t find jobs.” colleagues respect me and value my work. I know things that the other doctors don’t know.” Due to the fact that he is working illegally, he is not able to receive full compensation for his work, and his activities are technically illegal. While he is a world-class doctor and would likely be able to immigrate to many other countries, he remains in Lebanon in order to help the refugee community. He currently runs a small clinic out of his father’s house. Palestinians and the right to work The laws affect Palestinians across the country. One man from Jal el Bahr A decree passed in 1962 allowed the Ministry of Labor the right to restrict cer- explained how his brother has been affected: tain professions to Lebanese employees. Supporters of the bill, both within the “My brother has a PhD in Economics. He taught economics [abroad] and government and population, have said that this was needed due to the tough eco- came to live here. He went to AUB and they accepted him [to work there]. nomic times and also to protect Lebanese employment. These reasons are often When he went to sign the contract and they saw that he was a Palestinian, viewed with skepticism. A recent International Crisis Group (ICG) report sug- they told him ‘We are sorry but we can’t take you because you are Palestin- gests, “… the real reason behind the discriminatory practice is political, aimed ian.’ He went to live in Dubai and doesn’t want to come back. That was 16 less at protecting Lebanese workers than at perpetuating the refugees’ precarious years ago. He swore that he would never come back to live in Lebanon. He 53 situation.” Other foreigners, who are not Palestinian, are afforded more rights has five kids and they all have a good education, but they won’t try to come 54 within the Lebanese labor market. Out of all of the Arab countries, Palestinian here because they know they can’t work.” refugees in Lebanon are the only ones treated as foreigners in terms of the right to work.55

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Income sufficiency larly, a school director explained, “There are a few kids that go to school outside of the camp, because there are only a few whose economic situation is well Most of the Palestinians interviewed noted that the cost of living was rising, and enough [to do this].” Another Christian mother’s comment demonstrated her with their meager salaries they were unable to afford many of their of their daily dissatisfaction with the school system in the camp, as well as hinting at a divide needs. One key informant pointed out that when boys initially start working, in the community: “My kids go to school outside because here it is all Muslim after dropping out of school early, they are only able to make LL5,000 ($3.3) per and you get a good education [outside]. All of them are Muslim and that’s why day. In a focus group most people stated that LL20,000-LL25,000 ($13-17) per we don’t send our kids [to schools here].” On the other hand, some children who day would be an average salary for a trade worker. However, this is not a salary live outside the camp commute to el Buss to attend school. Two kindergarten that they can depend on, as the work is not consistent. This amounts to a maxi- directors explained that there are children from outside the camp who attend mum salary of about $400 per month if the employee has work six days a week. their classes, mostly because it is cheaper than other schools. In total, 24 percent Most thought that, on average, they could depend on $300 to $400 per month. and 50 percent of students from the two kindergartens respectively live outside If someone owned his own trade workshop in the camp, the salary reportedly the camp. Some of children are Palestinians from other areas, such as the nearby increased to about LL40,000 ($27) per day. gathering, Jal el Bahr. Others are Lebanese, Syrian, and Egyptian. Many people reported difficulty providing for their families due to their low Because UNRWA does not provide kindergarten services, NGOs have salaries and the constantly rising prices. One woman said, “Everything is expen- stepped in to fill this area of need, which many believe offer higher quality ser- sive. Even if you get $30 per day, you have to pay at least LL25,000 [$17] for just vices than UNRWA-provided educational facilities. However, families must pay eating. If it is only one person working, it is not enough. You need more people tuition to send their children to these kindergartens.One woman sent her son working.” However, some interviewed noted that the Palestinian population is to one of these kindergartens and felt that the quality of education was much not isolated in terms of being affected by rising costs: higher than what he has received since starting grade 1 at the UNRWA school: “Life here is good, but it is getting more expensive. This is not just for us, “He understood everything and he did his homework there. We only had to but for the whole world. This started happening about one month ago [Sep- review it. It was better quality.” The lack of free kindergarten services from tember 2010]. We noticed it was getting more expensive. I don’t know why. UNRWA prevents some parents from sending their children, as they are unable Before tomatoes were LL1,000 [$0.7] for 3 kilograms. Now it is LL3,000 to afford the extra cost of tuition in the other schools. One of the kindergarten [$2] for 1 kilogram” (see textbox “Rising costs across Lebanon”). directors said: One of the shop owners interviewed explained how he tries to help people: “The kindergarten is good, economically, for the parents. We take “Often people come but they can’t pay, but I will give it to them [for free]. I can LL100,000 [$67] per year. But sometimes the parents can’t pay. Some par- afford to do this once in a while. I lose LL500 [$0.3] to give them only a pack ents don’t send their all kids to school [kindergarten] because they can’t pay. of cigarettes.” For example, they will send two out of three kids because they can’t pay for all of them. There are a few who don’t go to any kindergarten at all. But Education they usually do one year at least [of two kindergarten years].” The perceptions of UNRWA varied between residents. Some thought it was Unlike some of the other camps, there are UNRWA schools located within the meeting the needs of the community, while others felt it left much to be de- el Buss boundaries. One elderly man remembers attending school in the church, sired. One common complaint was that the children were not receiving enough before the UNRWA school opened. Now there are five kindergartens60 and three attention in the schools, and in order to ensure their children passed, parents UNRWA schools.61 Prior to the 2010 school year, UNRWA classes stopped at the still needed to hire tutors. One woman said, “Even though my children are at Brevet level, and students who wished to continue studying were forced to attend UNRWA, it is like they are at a private school because we still have to buy books, schools in other locations, such as the school in the Rashadieh camp. This was and other things, and pay for a private tutor.” The tutors are usually young men a burden on the families who were forced to pay more for transportation. Some or women in the camp who have completed higher levels of education and tutor of those interviewed noted that they dropped out at this level because of the students as a part-time job. One young man, who had just graduated from uni- increase in expenses. versity, summed up his experience with the UNRWA school system: “There are UNRWA is the main education provider for Palestinian students, and very positives about UNRWA; for example, it’s free.62 There is no burden of paying. few leave the camp to attend private schools. One Christian Palestinian mother But there are negative aspects too. There are 50 students in one class and people said she was able to send her kids to a private school outside of the camp. Simi-

368 369 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 don’t understand. The teacher gets tired from giving the class.” At present most children in el Buss are attending school, and many of them Many Palestinians across Lebanon believe that the UNRWA education until the Brevet level. In the past, when secondary school classes were not avail- system is lacking. Often class sizes are very large, and teachers have few quali- able in el Buss, some students dropped out at this point, as they could not pay fications. One woman said, “The curriculum is too much for the teachers and for transportation to other schools. But since the addition of these classes within they don’t know how to teach it. So the kids are not learning.” Because of the the el Buss schools, more students should be able to continue. Some students demanding curriculum, UNRWA schools have removed all courses that are not continue to drop out for financial reasons; they are not able to afford study- seen as essential to passing the national examinations, such as art, music, and ing at technical schools or universities after they finish their UNRWA studies. physical education. The schools are poorly equipped and they are often miss- One local pharmacist said, “Some leave school because they don’t have enough ing vital materials needed to teach lessons properly. For a while, some of the money to continue.” Other students drop out when they are not able to pass busier schools were teaching on a “double-shift,” meaning that teachers effec- the Brevet exam, which is needed to enter high school. At this point they have tively taught two school days back to back. To facilitate this, students attended enough education to be eligible to attend some technical schools and learn a fewer hours of class per day, but their teachers had much longer days. Even trade. This is the path that many students choose. One woman explained, “My though there are clearly many weaknesses in the UNRWA system, Palestinian daughters dropped out, because they didn’t pass the official test, at around 14 students must still pass the national exams at the Brevet level, which is the same years old. They took degrees as secretaries in a technical school.” A few from the as those being taken throughout the country by private school students who re- community completed high school in the camp and then traveled to Beirut to ceive a much better quality of education, in order to continue to high school. All study at university. One young man, who studied chemistry at the Beirut Arab of these inadequacies have been cited as causes of high dropout rates among University (BAU), said, “There is help for Palestinians with their university fees. Palestinians in Lebanon. Dropout rates for Palestinians in Lebanon are much They give scholarships every year you study. After you graduate you have to pay higher than for Palestinians in either Syria or Jordan. A Fafo Institute for Ap- it back. But there is no interest. This helps many poor people.” plied International Studies report notes, “Grade repetition and school dropout There were other reasons for dropouts among the el Buss community. One are higher among Palestinian refugees in Lebanon than elsewhere according to key informant noted the presence of abuse in the UNWRA school system: 63 both UNRWA statistics and Fafo survey data.” “There is a high prevalence of dropouts because of the physical abuse of The education levels in el Buss appear to be higher than in some other im- the children by the teachers. But this has decreased because of the aware- poverished communities across the country. However, in terms of the Palestinian ness sessions. Now it has changed to verbal abuse. We can hear it because community, the area of Tyre has the lowest levels of educational achievement we are right beside the school.” when compared with other areas (see Figure 12.2). Tyre has the highest percentage of individuals who have never attended school, as well as the lowest number One of the local kindergarten directors explained how the living conditions of people who have achieved their Baccalaureate diploma or higher levels of are not conducive to learning: education.64 “Sometimes people say they are slow learners, but when you see the situation they are living in, there are different factors. For example, there are big Figure 12.2: Highest education achievement levels families living in one room. There is no electricity, etc. I see this often. This is not the environment to learn in.”

Area Never went Elemen- Middle Brevet or Bacca- She also noted that the curriculum was very difficult. Due to parents’ low tary school school vocational laureate levels of education, they are unable to help their children study: “Some parents without a without a or higher are young and not literate. The new system is hard, so the parents cannot help degree degree education their children. Most of the parents do know how to read and write, but the new Tyre 12.3% 19.3% 39.9% 18.4% 9.8% curriculum is very hard and they can’t do it.” There seems to be a higher dropout rate among young boys than girls. Boys Total 10.3% 22.3% 33.9% 20.3% 12.9% often drop out of school and start working at a young age. One key informant explained: Source: AUB–UNRWA, “Socio-Economic Survey of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon” (2010), p. 38 “Boys drop out more than girls because they are finding jobs. Girls usually stay at home [they don’t work] so they go to school. The first reason that

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boys drop out is that they don’t like school. And then they start making money and this increases their dislike of school, because they are making some money. They start by getting LL5,000 [$3.3] per day.” Contrary to common opinion that education helps break the cycle of poverty, some community members believe that it is better for young boys to drop out of school early, so they may start saving for their futures. As one resident said: “There is no work, everything is expensive. Boys will travel to go abroad to work, especially if they don’t have a house, because they can’t get married. The first thing the father of a girl will ask is whether he [the potential groom] has a house or not.” This requirement means that many boys are dropping out of school in order to start working. One man said, “More boys leave early because they are thinking about their future. If you study six or seven more years, you will still get the same job. No matter how much you study you can’t get a good job, not even picking garbage for the municipality.” Both the lack of quality job opportunities and the labor market restrictions are impacting Palestinians’ desire to continue their education. Many see completing their studies as pointless, as they are not able A kitchen in a house in el Buss to obtain meaningful employment even if they are educated. However, this fact is disputed by the AUB–UNRWA study which found that the incidence of both In terms of the health of children, no major problems were noted during the poverty and extreme poverty significantly decrease when the head of household interviews. A pharmacist said that cases of diarrhea are common; children’s par- has achieved higher than a primary level education.65 ents usually treat this with oral rehydration solutions. Some children are affected by asthma and allergies due to the poor living conditions, specifically humidity Nutrition and health and dampness, within their houses. Also, as multiple family members often share The major dietary issue facing the Palestinians in el Buss was the increase in prices one room, it is common for the children to pass sicknesses between each other. that had occurred over the months prior to the interviews. At the time, Lebanon One kindergarten director noted that they currently have 10 children with was facing a food shortage, which greatly affected the ability of the poor com- various disabilities attending their kindergarten. She does not believe that this munities across the country to provide the daily needs of their families. Many of number represents a higher percentage of disabled children in el Buss compared the families spoke of altering their diets, often cutting down on meats and more to other areas, rather it represents the fact that their center is one of the only expensive items, in order to cope. One woman said, “We buy less meat. Instead centers in the camp that will accept children with disabilities. of buying 1 kilogram of meat, we will bring 250 grams. Even the bread is more The Nabil Badron Center is another organization that supports children expensive and there is less quantity [than before].” One of the kindergarten with disabilities, specifically those with hearing and speech impairments. One directors commented on the situation regarding her students, “Most don’t have mother explained that her daughter, who was born with disabilities, had been at- milk in the morning. Some come with a sandwich or they buy a manoushe and juice for LL500 [$0.3]. They cannot afford to have good food.” She also noted tending the Nabil Badron Center: “She went there when she was 9 years old for that an organization had completed nutritional testing and found that some one month. But then she fell and broke her leg, so she had to leave. She is sane children had vitamin deficiencies. Though their diets may have changed, which in her mind, but not in her body.” may affect their micronutrient levels, it appears that families are still consuming A World Vision Lebanon baseline study assessed 451 children known to have enough food. various types of disabilities and behavioral problems in the three camps in the Residents reported that almost all food items were available within the camp’s Tyre area. Figure 12.3 shows some of the most common types of problems noted boundaries; if not, they were accessible from the areas surrounding the camps in among the children surveyed. Tyre. There are Syrians who use mobile carts to sell fruits and vegetables within the camp, and there are small shops that sell junk food and canned goods. There are also butchers selling meat in and around the camp.

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Figure 12.3: Selection of disabilities and behavioral problems found among 451 Pales- When asked about the space available in the camp, one member of a political tinian children with disabilities in three camps in the Tyre area. party said, “Refugees are not allowed to play, so they are banned from their childhood.” Number Percentage A rising problem noted not only in el Buss, but also in other camps across the Type of Disability country, is the increase in smoking, drinking alcohol, and drug use among chil- Brain Paralysis 46 9.1% dren and youth. One man said, “It’s a dirty environment here. For example, you Paraplegia 26 5.1% can see 8 year olds holding beers and swearing.” This observation backs up one 66 Bone Deformation 24 4.7% of the conclusions found in a Tdh report about child protection in the camps. Palestinian women no longer give birth in their homes, although they Sensatory Problems often expressed dissatisfaction with the services being provided by UNRWA. Visual Problems 102 20.0% One woman reported that if they were giving birth under normal conditions, Auditory Problems 79 16.0% UNRWA would cover the costs of the delivery. If the women want to have a spe- Mental Problems cific doctor, or have a cesarean section, they have to pay for the bill themselves. Intellectual Deficiency 43 8.5% One concern noted by an interviewee was that under the UNRWA system, dif- Trisomy 10 2.0% ferent doctors complete the consultations and the deliveries, so if any complicat- Autism 3 0.6% ing factors arise, the doctor present at birth may be unaware of these issues. This Behavioral Problems has led some women, especially those with hypertension and other problems, to Learning Disabilities 200 39.0% seek services elsewhere. But not all are able to afford this luxury: “Poor people Attention Deficit Disorder 122 24.0% prefer to have a doctor that deals with UNRWA so they don’t have to pay.” A pharmacist referred to the fact that women breast-feed but also use milk Hyperactivity 48 9.0% formula for their children. One mother said that while she breast-feeds, she be- Communication Problems lieves that up to 80 percent of the other women don’t because “they think their Pronunciation Problems 36 7.0% breasts will become smaller and they will get more diseases.” She reported exclusively breast-feeding her children until they were four months old, at which point Source: World Vision Lebanon, “Baseline Assessment Report, Right to Education” (2009), p. 15 she introduced other foods. Generally the health problems found within the camp are no different than A key informant explained that there is a high percentage of children who those found in other poor communities in Lebanon. There are issues of asthma, are vaccinated “because its free and the social workers follow up with the parents allergies, chronic diseases, and disabilities. A pharmacist noted some other to tell them it’s time to get the next one. This is one thing that is good.” problems: “The most common health problems are infections, pain in the back One major problem reported in relation to childhood health was the lack or in the feet, stomach aches, and diarrhea.” The pharmacist also mentioned of space for children to play. During the field research, children were often seen that some illnesses are related to the employment conditions of the refugees. A running and cycling through the small alleyways or passing a soccer ball amongst woman from the community also pointed this out: “My husband has asthma themselves wherever they could find a small empty space. Parents regularly ex- from painting. There is no prevention. It is normal that [people working in pressed dismay at the lack of space for their children, and this issue was re- certain fields] have health problems. Even for people that work in construction peatedly described among the major problems facing the residents. One woman there is no prevention. There are no gloves, masks, etc.” As mentioned, some stated: expressed the belief that the housing conditions were also responsible for some of the respiratory illnesses present among the residents (see textbox “Palestinians “The kids play on the stairs, they play at the school on the playground. They play on the streets, but the neighbors shout at them. They even play access to health care services” for more information). on the roofs. Children need to go out and play. If you lock them up, they will start fighting with each other. They like football. They prefer football to computer games.”

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Infrastructure Jal el Bahr – a Palestinian gathering

The Palestinians in el Buss have had access to electricity since 1965. Due to fre- Ali68 is a 14-year-old boy living in Jal el Bahr, a Palestinian gathering located just quent power cuts, there are two generators in the camp; however, most families outside of Tyre. However, Ali’s situation is not entirely typical of children from cannot pay the LL120,000 ($80) per month required to access these. Some fami- the area. Unlike most other Palestinians in Lebanon, Ali’s grandfather chose to lies choose to split this cost with another family. One woman said, “Sometimes leave Palestine in 1936 after getting in a fight with his parents. He crossed the two houses will take one subscription [to the generator]. But you only get half northern border into Lebanon and remained in the south where he married a the power. It is not practical because you can’t use as much electricity and you girl from a local village. At that time, he was offered Lebanese citizenship, so he have to be careful what you use.” took it, but Ali’s family still considers itself to be Palestinian. One elderly resident remembers originally getting water only from commu- While Ali’s family maintains its Lebanese citizenship, they continue to live nal pipes around the camp. Residents would have to collect the water from the in the gathering, as they are unable to afford to live anywhere else. Ali’s mother communal sources and bring it back to their houses. Eventually people bought explained: pipes and secured personal networks. Many mentioned that there were problems “We have been here for 20 years, before that we moved from area to area. with this water and that it was not potable. One man said, “Our taps have filters We didn’t have a house. We lived with Ali’s grandfather in another area. because you can see that the water is red. It’s not good.” Currently, residents Then we came here. We took one room from one of our relatives. We built pay approximately LL225,000 ($150) per year for water. Some explained that this house rock-by-rock. It started as a balcony and we built it until it became UNRWA is in the process of bringing in a second water line that “has a good two rooms.” water source.” Ali has dreams; he dreams of being a doctor. By his age, many of his peers Until only a few years ago, the sewage networks in el Buss were above ground. have already dropped out of school and are either working as unskilled laborers One pharmacist explained, “The situation is getting better. Before, there was or spending their time sitting on the beach, but Ali continues to study diligently. waste in the street. The sanitation was in the open air. We had insects and bad “I study for three to five hours each day. I would study more, but I like to play,” he smells. Now it is better. There is better health for the people. The sanitation said. Ali even helps other children from his area: “I help two girls to study. Their changed about three years ago. It was done by UNRWA.” The UNRWA website mother wants to pay me, but I say no because I know that she has no money, just verifies this: “The water, sewerage, and storm water systems were rehabilitated like my mother has no money.” This is a characteristic that he learned from his between 2007 and 2008.”67 eldest brother. One of Ali’s older brothers described how their family became so focused on education, while most other families have high illiteracy and dropout rates: “We studied because my older brother likes to learn. So we were raised like this. We all got used to this. I helped Ali study for five years and then he started to study on his own.” In Ali’s family there are five children, four boys and one girl; he is the youngest. While his sister is unable to go to school due to medical problems, he and his brothers are focused on achieving higher levels of education. Ali’s oldest sibling studied law and finished his masters. The second oldest brother is continuing his studies in Ukraine, and the third is studying Italian with plans on leaving for Italy as soon as he is able to. Ali would like to study in France. He was able to study French for two years in the UNRWA school he attends before they stopped the classes to focus on the Brevet exam. As Ali’s parents do not have any schooling themselves, they realize the value of education and push their children to continue studying: “Me and my husband didn’t go to school at all. So, we love that our children are going to learn. We can see how the people that don’t go to school live, and we want our children to have a better life than that.” As Ali has dreams of being a doctor, he realizes that he might be lucky; other Palestinians are not able to practice medicine in Electrical wires and a water tank on a rooftop

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Lebanon. Palestinians are barred from working in professional and syndicated jobs Jal el Bahr is one of the many Palestinian gatherings established around the (see textbox “Palestinians and the right to work”). However, even though Ali country. The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) stipulates the following features as does have Lebanese citizenship, there is still a strong chance that he will face definitive of “gatherings” in Lebanon:69 discrimination in the job market, as his roots are Palestinian, he grew up in a • a population of Palestinian refugees, including Palestinian refugees gathering, and studied at the UNRWA schools. One of his mother’s comments who are registered by UNRWA and/or the Lebanese government, reflected this reality, “The people we work with, the people we sell clothes with, or are not registered they consider us only as Palestinians. They discriminate against us. There is a lot of discrimination.” While the law should not technically limit his ability to find • no official UNRWA camp status or any other legal authority identi- work, his history and upbringing most probably will. fied with responsibility for camp management This is where the differences between Ali’s family and the rest of the inhabit- • an expectation of clearly defined humanitarian and protection ants in Jal el Bahr end. Like many other residents, Ali’s parents work in menial needs, or have a minimum of 25 households jobs that generate little income, and they struggle to meet their daily needs. Like • a population with a sense of being a distinct group living in a geo- most of the adults and elderly in Jal el Bahr, Ali’s parents have little-to-no educa- graphically identifiable area tion. All of the community members explained how they are deprived, even for Palestinians, because they do not live in one of the 12 official UNRWA camps. Based on this definition there are 39 Palestinian gatherings across Lebanon, There are no schools or medical clinics in the gathering, and so they must travel although there are other areas that are not included in this total as they have to the nearest camp, el Buss, to access these essential services. been integrated into Lebanese communities surrounding them. Oftentimes, the The flimsy and dilapidated infrastructure of Jal el Bahr affects the daily life gatherings are physical extensions of camps or located in the vicinity of the of all of its residents. As the community is living on government land, they are camps. In total, 23 gatherings are found in South Lebanon: 12 in Saida and 11 70 considered illegal squatters. The army prohibits them from rebuilding and rein Tyre. The recent AUB–UNRWA study estimates that 32 percent of the refu- 71 habilitating their houses, so most of the structures are falling apart (see textbox gee population is residing in gatherings around the country, and a DRC report 72 “Palestinians and the right to own property”). Ali’s mother recalls a time when noted that a fifth of this population is located in the Tyre area. the condition of their house endangered her son’s life: The population of Jal el Bahr has been increasing over time as the younger generations are having families of their own. Older residents remember initially “One night Ali was sleeping alone. He woke up, and moved to sleep beside settling in the area and building the first two houses. A local Popular Committee his brother. Right after this, the roof flew off of the house. Normally there is a rock to hold the roof in place. The rock fell right onto where Ali had been (PC) member estimated the current population to be 2,100 people, split between sleeping. Now we can’t sleep calmly anymore. We are always on our nerves. 226-230 houses. The DRC report found a similar number of inhabitants (2,200) We sleep under the parts of the house that have a solid cement roof.” but found a higher number of households (450).73 There are a few Lebanese households, but otherwise the population is almost completely homogenous. Ac- While Ali has high hopes of becoming a doctor, the odds are stacked against cording to one key informant, all of the residents in the gathering are registered him. Ali’s family is deeply entrenched within a cycle of poverty, from which rela- with UNRWA. tively few are able to escape. Families are still commonly having between six and eight children, though the building restrictions imposed on the community mean that the number Profile of Jal el Bahr of dwellings in the gathering cannot grow in tandem with its population. As a result, some families – often with up to eight members – live in one room. Jal el Bahr is a Palestinian gathering located just outside Tyre, a few kilometers In the gathering, there is one building which contains four small one-bedroom from the el Buss camp. The area is more remote and not part of the urban apartments. As this building is sturdier than many of the other buildings, seven sprawl of Tyre. The community is located on a sliver of land, squeezed between families moved into it during the 2006 war; there were 60 people living within a busy two-lane highway and the Mediterranean Sea. The houses were built the same residence. A DRC report states that there are 50-60 female-headed haphazardly in two parallel rows, stretching the length of the community. One households in Jal el Bahr.74 row is located only a few feet from the highway, the other half are built on the Jal el Bahr stands in stark contrast to the surrounding areas. Other buildings sand just meters from the tideline. located on this road, one of the two main highways along the coast, are modern

378 379 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 and new. In fact, a new hotel is being constructed directly across the street from Location the gathering. There is a large, recently built grocery co-op only a few hundred meters away, and many other small shops line the road. These new, clean, and Jal el Bahr is highly affected by its surroundings. In fact, much of the lives of its modern buildings show the large disparity between the adjacent communities residents revolve around coping with problems arising from the gathering’s loca- and Jal el Bahr, where basic structures are made of cement blocks, corrugated tion. Not only has the infrastructure been exposed to rapid degeneration caused metal, and a patchwork of reinforced cardboard and plastic. Seventy-five per- by the proximity of the sea and the highway, but people have been injured and cent of the houses in Jal el Bahr have aluminum roofs, while 10 percent are made even died because of the conditions. completely of aluminum.75 While the community may look as though it was un- There have been many cases where the houses beside the highway have been planned and unorganized, the current state of the area is due to the fact that the hit by speeding cars, not only destroying the infrastructure but endangering the residents have been strictly prohibited from building and there are frequent army lives of the inhabitants as well. One woman explained how her house has actu- inspections to ensure that no construction is occurring. As the gathering was built ally been hit twice: on government land and the population is considered to be an illegal squatter “It is dangerous for the children because the cars come off of the road and settlement, residents are not allowed to make any permanent structural changes hit the houses. One hit our house and the wall collapsed. The car rolled to their housing, and as such, resort to plastic sheeting, once used as signs and onto its roof and hit the house. The children were in the living room and billboards around the area, in order to try and repair leaks and damages. The the wall fell on them. I fainted, and when I woke up I thought all of my children were dead, until they took me to the hospital in Saida to see them. condition of the housing in Jal el Bahr is much worse than the condition of hous- And it happened for a second time on the other side of the house. That time ing in the camps. The structures its residents live in are more akin to what people it didn’t affect anyone, just the house.” usually associate with a squatter settlement or an urban slum. There is very little located in Jal el Bahr apart from the residents’ houses. A member of the gathering’s Popular Committee (see section “Systems and There are a few tiny shops that sell mostly junk food and some canned goods; Structures”) commented, “There is a problem because of the street. There is there is no mosque; and unlike el Buss, there are no organizations based in Jal el no speed limit. There are no regulations. Six children have died on the street.” Bahr. There are no UNRWA services located in the gathering and residents must All of the community members interviewed echoed these sentiments. Many feel go to el Buss or another official camp to access facilities. that they were being unfairly discriminated against because they are Palestinians: “All of the streets around here have lighting [streetlights] except for this street. Maybe it is because we are Palestinian. They don’t light the lights because we are Palestinian. In the dark there are more accidents.” The problems arising from Jal el Bahr’s location are more widespread than the effects of the highway: the houses along the beach are exposed to the sea, and waves often flood these residences. The seafront houses are also especially exposed to high winds in the wintertime. These winds cause frequent sandstorms. During one interview, a family of six was making use of a small outdoor area beside their two-room house in order to eat. In a matter of seconds, the wind picked up and sand was being hurled at them. Like a well-oiled machine each family member took action, closing the makeshift plastic drapes surrounding the area and quickly bringing their food inside. They had been through this procedure many times before. But, the meal had been spoiled, as all of the food was now filled with sand. “See!” they said. Prior to this point they had been explaining how they are affected by the weather in the winter. One of the young daughters sighed, “We are all dirty because of the sand.” (See textbox “Vulner- able to shocks.”) Lebanon’s beaches are one of its main attractions in the summer, but the A new hotel being constructed behind the houses of Jal el Bahr beach located beside Jal el Bahr looks more like a garbage dump than the glossy

380 381 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 pictures of beaches used to advertise the country as an international tourist des- History tination. Some garbage is actually dumped on the beach, while other trash is washed ashore by the waves. Community members, as well as residents from the Jal el Bahr was not always the rundown and dilapidated community that it is city, dump their garbage there. While the beach could be a perfect spot for chil- today. While the Palestinians in Jal el Bahr share a history common to that of dren to play in the summer, because of the garbage problem the sand is littered other refugees that left Palestine – migrating around south Lebanon before set- with broken glass and many children have cut themselves. Another problem is tling – and face similar struggles in terms of education and livelihoods, this com- the sewage that is drained into the sea. Due to the poor infrastructure in Jal el munity, like any, has it’s own unique history. The first man to arrive in the area, 77 Bahr, the sewage from the community often leaks into the sea. It was also found Ahmad, remembers the area being isolated from the rest of Tyre: “Before it by the DRC that there is another pipeline 500 meters from the gathering releas- was a beach and a forest. There were plantations here. People used to come and ing sewage from the city onto the beach and into the water.76 work in the plantations; that’s why people came here.” He was 16 at the time. Flooding in the area occurs not only due to the waves crashing into the He settled on the land along the beach in May 1949. He worked with his houses, but also because of the changing landscape. Residents noted that since cousin to build the first house in the area out of bamboo and plastic bags: “In the construction of many new buildings in the area, the ground no longer has the the winter we covered it with nylon, but it flew away.” Then they used barrels capacity to absorb the rainwater as it once did. One woman said: cut in half to make barracks, but those were also destroyed in the wind. Finally they started building with bricks and used an aluminum roof. He says the roof “When it rains the water comes into the house because of the buildings built eventually eroded because of the saltwater. across the street. Now the land doesn’t absorb the water. So we have had up to one meter of water in the house. This happened at 2 a.m. when we While they were aware that there were some abandoned Armenian houses in were sleeping. We woke up and there was that much water. When we tried el Buss, one community member explained why they didn’t settle there instead: to take the water out, it would just fill up again. Our neighbors came to help “We didn’t move to the camp because it was too crowded and we wanted to stay us. We had to bail the water out by ourselves, then after this we went to stay here.” Another man explained that the Palestinians who moved to el Buss and with my mother.” those in Jal el Bahr are from two different groups. Those in el Buss were settled agriculturalists in Palestine, while the ones who ended up in Jal el Bahr were nomadic pastoralists: “We have many tribes. We [in Jal el Bahr] are all related, at least indirectly. It related back to Palestine. Each tribe was from a village. We come from Sawaa’d, Kufur, Kamana, Haifa, Swatat, Swailat, and Mawaseen. This woman [pointing to a woman present in the interview] is the leader of the Sawaa’d tribe.” Because this population had been used to moving around, they found it hard to be confined to the buildings in the camp and Tyre, surrounded by large numbers of other people. Another resident said: “When we came here there were only five or six houses. Bedouins cannot live in confined or crowded places. That is why we could not go to el Buss and why we came here. The government acknowledged that we lived here and then the area started growing. Then our relatives came.” Also, at that time UNRWA was not yet formed, and while the camp population was larger and, therefore, may have been receiving some aid at the time, the people who initially settled in Jal el Bahr had no way of knowing that el Buss would one day be a registered camp with access to services, whereas their settle- The beach beside Jal el Bahr ment would remain illegal.

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Ahmad also remembers that the government tried to relocate the initial the time. Where could we go? Some people escaped and went to el Buss. We population: stayed here, and after a while you couldn’t leave because of the helicopters and “The government wanted us to move to other places, like Anjar and the the Israelis offshore. They would shoot us.” While some bomb shelters were still Bekaa, but we said we didn’t want to go. Some people accepted and moved available from the Civil War, residents preferred not to use them: “There were to other places, but we wanted to stay. Other people started to come from three shelters here, but they were filled with rats and snakes and had bad humid- the borders and settle here.” ity. You would choke if you went in there. You preferred to die in a bombing The residents of the community initially found work in the surrounding plan- than go in there.” tations: “It used to be plantations here. If you worked there, you didn’t get paid. The children and youth have vivid memories of this time as well. Ali They would give you one piece of bread, some sardines, and jam. If you had a explained: small family, that was enough. But it was not enough if you had older children.” “In the 2006 war, they killed a man from here that was very educated. After this, as one man noted, “The population grew slowly over time, one Israel was in the sea in boats. They wanted to come on land but the UN house at a time. The population can’t grow anymore because there is no more stopped them. After the war when we went to the sea. All of the houses were bombed, so all of their stuff went into the sea. There was food in the sea, space and we can’t build.” After the population in both areas started growing, and all the fish died.” there was no more space in the camp and the residents of Jal el Bahr lost the opportunity to move to the camp. One woman who was born in the gathering Mobility said, “We never had a chance to go to the camp. We would go if we could. But While the earliest residents settled in 1949, others came much later, some as now we can’t afford a house there.” recently as 20 years ago. Like Ali’s family, some families moved around south Jal el Bahr was also affected during the Civil War, particularly during the Lebanon, trying to find affordable accommodation, until finally settling in Jal el conflict with Amal. One woman remembers: Bahr. Others moved to the area because they married residents there. “During the war with Amal they bombed 20 houses. They used to do it Like in el Buss, many people, especially the young boys, are trying to emi- when we were sleeping. They would put a note under your door telling you grate. Some go illegally, but the process might be facilitated if they already have to leave the house because they were going to bomb it … So many people relatives in the country they are trying to reach. One woman explained: left during the war and came back after the war. They had to rebuild their homes.” “Boys, who are 15 or older, go to Germany. They go to Turkey and then Greece. It costs $7,000-$8,000. They get loans to do it. If they have an Similarly, one man said, “In 1987, Amal destroyed around 100 houses. Everyone uncle working in Germany then he can send them the money to go. Some older than 16 was imprisoned.” people went and came back, and they lost their money.” Even though many residents left the area, they were still gravely affected Another woman said, “Children tell their parents, ‘Why do you want me by the violence. One man recalls, “We went to Saida and then they bombed us to stay here and live like you?’ So the parents take debt to send their children there. There were six houses that were “completely closed” [all of their family abroad. They mostly go to Germany and London.” members were killed]. People came back after the war. Those with money rebuilt The majority of community members explained that the Palestinian youths and those without money did not.” living in Jal el Bahr are desperate to escape the horrible conditions of the area It was around this time that the army started controlling the area and forbid- and are willing to travel to any country in order to be given meaningful job op- ding the construction and rehabilitation of homes. One man said, “In 1986, they portunities. This dream is significantly different from the dream of elders in the started forbidding us to rebuild. We wanted to rebuild the kitchen so we got wasta area, which is to return to their homeland. One young woman explained: and built the kitchen. But they imprisoned me for two days.” He feels fortunate “First we wanted to go back to Palestine, but it is hard. It is very difficult. It that he was only jailed for two days for making improvements to his house, as is hard to live here because of that. It is impossible to go back. The parents he had heard of many others spending a longer time incarcerated for the same used to say that we will go back. But then they had kids, and their kids had actions. For the most part, the army has continued to prohibit any reconstruction kids. So now we know it’s not possible to go back. So that’s why we want to in the gathering. go to other countries.” Many residents also mentioned the July 2006 war with Israel as being a par- Another older woman contrasted this opinion, demonstrating the views of ticularly hard and stressful time for them. Some families relocated during the many whose only dream is to return: “We want to go back to Palestine only. The war, but others were unable to. One woman said, “We had seven young kids at young people would like to go to any country.”

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Even though the gathering is located on government land, and the army pro- Livelihoods hibits construction, residents noted that to this day nobody has ever tried to evict them, though rumors have been circulating in the community for some time that Most of the men in Jal el Bahr work as day laborers, mostly in the fishing indus- the government will try and relocate them, perhaps to Bourj el Shemali camp, try, but also in various trades and in the agriculture sector. also located in the south. Now, with the new hotel being built directly across The fishermen work in groups. Usually one man owns the boat, and he may the street from the gathering, residents think that an eviction is inevitable. They or may not own the fishing nets as well. The men fish together, sell their catch for have heard that the owners do not want the eyesore of Jal el Bahr blocking their the day to a local fish market, and split the earnings; however, the largest share seafront view. One woman said: of the income goes to the people that own the boats and the nets. One man who worked as a fisherman for 17 years explained: “People from Bourj el Shemali told us that they are building houses in the camp for us. I would accept to go if they gave us a house, but I would not “Between February and April you catch the most fish because you can go accept to go if they only gave us money, because it would be too expensive into deep waters. So you might get $500 per day. But you have to pay $50 [to buy a house]. The people who are moving into the new buildings want for the boat, and the person who owns the nets gets more. Then you divide us to leave. They want to build a bridge here.” the rest between the people in the boat. [This is] around four or five people. The owner of the boat gets triple what the other people get; he is the one organizing it. You might make LL50,000-80,000 [$33-53] per day for three or four months. But we don’t work all week. It depends on the weather. [The weather is often too rough to go out.] We might work three days a week. Palestinians and the right to own property During the rest of the season, those who work near the coast might work 10 days a month without making any money. They will take nothing.” Previously, Palestinians, like other foreigners in Lebanon, were allowed to own property. This law was amended in 2001 and subsequently restricted “any person not a He commented that the income for the fishermen was dependent on the citizen of a recognized state …”78 from acquiring property. An ICG report states, middlemen who purchase their catch: “We sell to a fish market in Tyre. They “However ambiguous, the phrase left no doubt as to its intended [Palestinian] tar- decide how much to pay for the fish. They might pay LL10,000 [$6.7] for one get.”79 Similarly, Palestinians are restricted from passing on any property purchased kilogram and then sell it for LL15,000 [$10] or LL20,000 [$13]. They chose the before the amendment, to their children. One man from el Buss explained, “If you have money you can buy a house outside [this is often done by asking a Lebanese price.” to put it in their name], but it is illegal. So you can’t give it to your children. It is When asked about the conditions of fishing, he said: inherited to the government [The Islamic Fund – Dar el Fatwa].” “Yes, it’s very dangerous. But we know it, and we are used to it. We don’t go Palestinians in Syria are permitted to purchase one apartment and one eco- into the sea in the high winds. One time, we couldn’t get back here. We had nomic asset. There are no restrictions in terms of the property a Palestinian in to go to another coast. When we arrived, we were almost dead because the 80 Jordan can own. boat was going in and out of the water. There are accidents. For example, The law affects all Palestinians across Lebanon but specifically those who are we have lost three or four boats and someone died. But these accidents are living in areas where they are unable to repair their existing structures, effectively rare. We do take a lot of risks. For example, if we hear that someone from leaving them with no options in terms of improving their living conditions. Saida gets LL1,000,000 [$667] for their catch, then the next day all the Recurrent comments heard from residents in Jal el Bahr demonstrated their frustra- boats go there. Now we have cell phones, so if someone gets lost, we can tion with this situation: call each other.” “There was a family that built a house with three rooms and they [the However, the community explained that Palestinians are not legally allowed army] came and destroyed the whole thing.” to fish. This endangers their main source of livelihood as the police can, and “We are not allowed to paint or do anything. If they [the army] see new have, cracked down on their participation in this sector. One teenager who fishes cement, a fence, changes to the roof, etc., they will put you in prison.” said, “If you want to fish, it’s illegal. It’s ‘stealing.’ That is why we do it at night. If they catch us they will take our nets.” Another community member said, “Ev- “If you want to put in even one nail, the police will come.” eryone works in the sea, but you are not allowed to fish. The police come. They “You are not even allowed to put flowers in front of your house. If you will take a lot of money [in bribes] or put you in prison if they catch you.” try to clean the beach, you will get a fine for cleaning.” The man who worked in the fishing industry for 17 years eventually left, saying that the income it generated was not enough to support his family. He

386 387 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 now works in agriculture, in the orange plantations. This job is also unstable, Like all Palestinians in Lebanon, residents of Jal el Bahr are greatly affected and he has two or three months a year without work. He now makes LL20,000 by their inability to work. One man, who worked as a carpenter in Libya, said, ($13) per day, but has to spend LL3,000 ($2) each day on transportation. Those “Here I can’t work as a carpenter. My brother is a mechanic. But he can’t work working in the trades often make LL10,000 ($6.7) to LL15,000 ($10) per day. much either. That is why we are working in the sea.” Ali also described how his The fishing sector is attracting many of the male youth from the area, as family was affected: “My brother studied law at the Arab University. But he can’t there is little skill or training required. One boy said, “I dropped out of school get a job. He works as a worker in the university. He is continuing studying now, three days ago. I’m 14 years old. I will go work in the sea.” While some other doing his masters.” (See textbox “Palestinians and the right to work.”) boys work around the community in some workshops and businesses, others spend their days sitting on the beach playing cards and hanging out with their Income sufficiency friends. Many have had jobs in the past but have left for various reasons. One Not surprisingly, the refugees in Jal el Bahr have problems being able to pay for reported working in a mechanic shop. One day he was injured on the job. He their daily expenses, but more specifically they are unable to cope with any large, said, “My boss didn’t help me get the injury fixed. And the next day he fired unexpected expenses. This is affecting all aspects of their lives: from the ability me.” Some other boys work at the large grocery store down the street from the to eat proper meals, to sending their children to school, to being able to visit clin- community. They help people carry their bags to their cars, but they must pay ics and hospitals, to their living arrangements. One woman explained, “Those the grocery store LL4,000 ($2.7) per day to allow them to be there. Their wages with money buy vegetables and meat. But now, it has become more expensive. depend on their tips, and they reported usually making a very small amount, Some people prefer tins of peas and things like this. They eat the cheapest way maybe LL1,000 ($0.7), after the charge had been deducted. possible.” One member of the Popular Committee described how families are There are some community members, especially the young adults, who have unable to educate all of their children: “If there are six kids in the family, and completed vocational training but are unable to find employment in their fields. you want to take them to school by autocar, you have to pay LL90,000 [$60] per One woman explained that her son studied mechanics, but he had not yet man- month. So families chose the two kids that are the smartest and the rest stay aged to find any employment in this sector, so he is currently working as a fisher- home. Some kids never go to school.” man. As Palestinians are not covered by any of the national health insurance plans, There appear to be few women who work outside of their homes. Some work many have difficulties paying for needed treatments. One mother remembers in agriculture, but most spend their days raising their children and completing when her son was ill: the daily household duties. Some of the young girls explained that their male family members find it unacceptable for them to work outside of the home, even “My 9-year-old son couldn’t eat for 10 days, and he was dying. He couldn’t though they have completed vocational training. One woman explained, “I stud- eat because he had a problem with his mouth. I took him to UNRWA, but they transferred him to an Italian hospital. They told me that they didn’t ied hairdressing and education, but I didn’t finish studying education. The girls have any beds left. I started crying and said, ‘My child is dying,’ but they learn, but then they stay at home. I don’t want to work. They don’t like women said ‘Let him die, what can we do?’ Even with the UNRWA transfer, they to work.” Others were unable to find work. One woman worked as a nurse in the didn’t accept to take him there. We had to take him to a public hospital and camps in the south, and Ali’s mother travels around, with her husband, selling pay LL150,000 [$100]. We needed to borrow money from people because clothes to local markets. my husband works in the sea and we have no money left to pay for things.” Some women also work selling coal on the side of the highway outside of Many residents commented that they are unable to move out of the area their houses. While they used to be able to raise a small amount of extra income legally, as they are prohibited from owning property in Lebanon (see textbox for their families, this no longer seems to be the case. One woman described how “Palestinians and the right to own property”), but they cannot afford to move to the process works: the camps anymore. As the camps are all suffering from overcrowding, the rent “I sell coal for LL1,000 [$0.7]. If I sell it, I take the money. I get LL1,000 has increased, and there is no space left to build. Families in the camps are build- [$0.7] per bag. If I don’t sell them, then I give them back to the man who ing upwards, on top of their parents’ original homes; there is no space left to brings it to me. I don’t know who he is. I used to be able to count on some erect anymore groundfloor buildings. One mother spoke of her son’s situation: money from this, but not now. It is usually people that are driving that stop and buy it, not people from the community. Now it is a very, very small “My son got married and he wanted to rent a house in el Buss. It was source of income.” LL200,000 [$133] per month, and you had to pay for two months in advance. He is working as a worker and only makes LL15,000 [$10] a day. So

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he can’t afford to do this. So him and his wife moved into our house and we Education gave them one room.” There are no schools located within the boundaries of Jal el Bahr. Most of the The young married couple lives in a tiny room, located next to the highway. students commute to el Buss in order to attend the UNRWA schools there, but Their bed and refrigerator are next to each other, and they must use the bath- this significantly increases the cost of attending school, as it costs LL15,000 ($10) room in his parents’ house, as they are not permitted, nor can they afford, to per child per month for the autocar. If parents have six children in school, it build a bathroom for themselves. ends up costing LL90,000 ($60) per month in transportation fees alone. In order to decrease this expense, some parents send their sons walking, while they pay for their daughters to take the bus. As one woman commented, “The boys go Rising costs across Lebanon on foot. But I don’t trust to send the girls by foot because it is too dangerous.” Many interviewees, not only in el Buss and Jal el Bahr but across all of Lebanon, Whether waiting for the bus, or walking along the side of the highway, their chil- noted the escalating costs throughout the country, which occurred throughout the dren are in danger of being hit by the speeding cars passing by the community. fall of 2010. Many families reported that children from the gathering had been hit by cars While most items were noted to be increasing in price, the main complaints while going to school. This was also found by the DRC, who noted, “Many chil- heard from residents were focused on the increased costs associated with food dren and even adults have been run over by passing cars, and many were killed, products. 85 One newspaper report noted that the problem stemmed from both natural badly injured or disabled for life.” causes and economic factors. Lebanon experienced an extremely hot summer as Only a few families were able to afford to send their children to private well as a very late onset of the rainy season in 2010, which affected the harvest school, due to the increased cost of tuition. One member of the Popular Com- season.81 One agricultural expert interviewed in the Bedouin community noted that mittee was able to pay for his children to attend a private school, but for most this due to these variations in climate many crops were affected and Lebanon was forced is outside of the realm of possibilities. to import foods that it is normally able to produce locally. This contributed one Very few of the adults in the community are educated. Most are happy when reason for the rising costs. However, as all of the surrounding countries experienced the same weather-related problems, no one was able to fill the shortage of food. He their children are able to continue studying, even if it puts an increased financial noted, “The prices of food have increased a lot because the other countries had the strain on their families. Some even lamented that their children were forced to same issues with a very hot summer and less production. So no one could fill the drop out of school because they were no longer able to help them with their gap. There was less quantity so no one could provide the needed quantity of food.” homework, effectively continuing the cycle of poverty. The Consumer Price Index (CPI), which is used to measure the price of goods Among the children, the levels of education found in Jal el Bahr seem to be over time, increased by over 5 percent during the first three-quarters of 2010. The lower than those found in el Buss. Many students dropped out around grades 4 index is based on 231 different categories, and then divided into subgroups. The subgroup that experienced the largest increase in price over the same time last year or 5. A few have continued to Brevet. There are very few in the community who was the “food and beverage” category, which rose 10.3 percent.82 One example, giv- were able to receive a university education or even attend technical schools. The en by the Ministry of Agriculture, is that consumers should pay between LL12,500 DRC found that eight children are enrolled in secondary schools, four people ($8) to LL16,500 ($11) for one kilogram of beef, but during this time, butchers were attend university, and three or four people attend the Sibline UNRWA voca- 83 charging upwards of LL24,000 ($16). tional institute.86 Normally food prices rise during the month of Ramadan, when Muslims fast un- Dropping out is common among the children in the community. One til sunset, and then break their fast with a large meal. Food vendors take advantage of this holiday by increasing food prices; however, food prices usually fall after the member of the Popular Committee noted, “The dropout rate is 70 percent. month is over. In 2010, residents noted that while food prices did increase during They usually drop out around grade 6. Girls drop out more. 60 percent of boys Ramadan, they continued to increase far beyond this time. One Palestinian woman and 80 percent of girls are illiterate. I consider those that can only write their noted, “In Eid [the feast after Ramadan is finished] it was cheaper than it is now. It names illiterate.” According to a DRC report, there are 400 children from Jal el got more expensive after that. In Ramadan it was not that expensive. We used to eat Bahr enrolled in UNRWA schools in el Buss, while 200 are no longer enrolled meat everyday in Ramadan. Normally, it is a bit more expensive during Ramadan. in school due to either transportation or financial reasons.87 There are various Normally, a kilogram of tomatoes is LL1,000 [$0.7]. In Ramadan it was LL1,500 [$1]. Now it is LL3,000 [$2].” reasons for the early dropout rates; some are similar to those found in el Buss, This rising food prices prompted countrywide protests, with residents demand- but others are very different. ing that the government implement measures in order to curb the rising costs.84 Some of the girls drop out of school, or even stop working, due to familial

390 391 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 obligations, such as helping their families at home. One woman explained, “I each other. There were gangs against the kids from Jal el Bahr. It is not the have a daughter who studied accounting and got a job. But I had problems and I environment for learning … Either you have to beat or be beaten.” couldn’t take care of the house alone anymore. So I made her stop working and Another youth commented, “There are a lot of problems with the kids from the help me in the house because I couldn’t do it all alone.” One young woman ex- camp. They make fun of us. They call us names and hit us. It is like a mafia.” plained why she stopped studying: “I stopped at grade 5 because I was the oldest. Like the children and youth in el Buss, as well as young Palestinians from all When my mom got sick, I had to stay home and help her.” Girls dropping out over Lebanon, many are unmotivated to continue their education knowing that early due to familial obligations seems to be a trend that has been prevalent over they will be legally barred from working in many professions upon completion several generations. One middle-aged woman commented on why she had to of their studies. One woman explained, “Most kids don’t go to school because leave school: “Me and my sister were both engaged at 14 years old [and therefore what will they work in after they finish? They leave school and start looking for forced to drop out]. I was crying all the time and telling my father that I wanted a job.” There is a strong connection between the right to work and the desire to to keep studying.” continue education. When asked whether she felt that the recent bill regarding As mentioned above, the increased cost of paying for the autocar has a signifi- Palestinians’ right to work would have any impact, one young woman replied: cant affect on families’ ability to pay for all of the costs associated with schooling. “We don’t think anything will happen. It will only be seen on TV. We have In addition to the autocar, families still have to pay for registration fees, uniforms, seen it on television, but we know it’s not true. No one encourages us to be- textbooks, and stationary. One woman said, “I have to pay for my five kids to go come educated, so it’s as if we don’t have the right to be educated. Because, to school. I pay LL75,000 [$50] per month for the autocar [for all of the children]. even if you are educated, you can’t work as a doctors, etc. We hope that the And my husband earns LL12,000 [$8] per day. It costs $100 for the tuition for law will really change. We have heard that the laws might change, but we the kindergarten.” Some families still have problems paying for the education don’t think so.” costs, even if their children walk to school. Of a group of young boys, who had all dropped out of school at young ages, It was reported that many children have problems with their teachers, who only one said he was able to read and write. A DRC report found a similar situa- either do not care about the education and well-being of the students, or who tion, saying, “The majority of children we met in Jal el Bahr were unable to read physically or emotionally abuse them. One young man said, “The teachers don’t and write their names because they had dropped out of school before learning to care about teaching because they have a salary and medical insurance. One read and write.”90 Indeed, some of the group said they had left school as early as teacher would go into the class, close the door, and sleep. The teachers beat grade 1. However, most of the boys spoke of their willingness to return to educa- us.” One woman said, “My daughter is illiterate. She left school because her tion if there were programs offered to suit their needs and specific situation: “If teacher made fun of her because she was taller than the other students.” Another there was some training to teach us how to read and write, we would go.” woman commented: “There are shortages in the care at schools. Last year my son came home Nutrition and health bleeding from his head, and they just let him bleed all day long at school. The teachers care more about the students from el Buss than the kids that There are only a few basic canteens in Jal el Bahr. Unlike most other communi- come from outside. This was a bigger problem last year, I think it is getting ties, Jal el Bahr does not even have manooushe shops, which provide a staple of better this year.” the Lebanese and Palestinian diet. Some community members noted that there is a vegetable truck that visits the community in order to sell produce, but most Her son added, “They hit you in sensitive places like the head and the neck. often the refugees purchase all of their food needs from Tyre and el Buss. As They hit you with chairs.” A Terre des hommes report also found that physical such, there is an increased cost associated with the need to pay for transportation abuse from teachers was a reason for children dropping out of school.88 Although each way. UNRWA recently banned corporal punishment in schools in an attempt to end Like the residents in el Buss, those in Jal el Bahr were also facing financial dif- this abuse, it appears to be continuing.89 ficulties in securing the types of food that they normally eat (see textbox “Rising Children from Jal el Bahr also commented that they were being abused and costs across Lebanon”). One woman stated how either the food prices of most picked on by the students from el Buss. One youth said: items had increased, or the quantity offered for the standard price had decreased: “It’s not that we don’t like school. Everyone likes to learn. I was first in my “Everything here is expensive. Tomatoes are expensive. They are LL3,000 [$2] class until grade 3 or 4. Then there were problems. The kids started to hit now. And with the [bags of] bread, they give you less, but it is the same price. You

392 393 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 used to get 10 pieces for LL1,500 [$1]. Now you only get eight pieces.” Many community members had changed their diets in order to cope with the UNRWA is the main health care provider for Palestinians; however, they are rising costs. They were more selective about the types and quantity of food they only able to partially cover the health care costs of registered refugees, and only recently started partially covering the costs for non-registered refugees.92 According were purchasing. One woman said: to one key informant, if Palestinians access health care at an UNRWA clinic, all “We are only bringing half a kilo instead of a full kilo of meat. We buy only of the costs are covered; however, the services offered at the UNRWA clinics are what we need. We don’t buy fruits. We prefer to eat real food, not fruits. If quite limited. If UNRWA transfers patients to another hospital, usually, they will we have to choose between apples and tomatoes, we will choose tomatoes. cover the cost of the hospital stay and treatment, but they will not cover things like But we still eat the same quantity of food.” medicine, laboratory tests, or x-rays. At some hospitals, UNRWA will cover the cost of the “bed” (staying overnight), while the patient must pay for the actual treatment She continued describing how the food crisis was worse than what they experi- and medication. According to the DRC, UNRWA has a contract with the Hiram enced during the July 2006 war: Hospital, located in Tyre.93 One resident of Jal el Bahr noted that UNRWA refer- “We stayed here during the war, and we had more food than we do now. rals to the hospital are now harder to get: “Before if there was something wrong, The roof detached because of the bombings. If we went outside, we would you would get transferred to the hospital. But now, if it is not serious then they won’t see Israeli planes. But we had more food then than we do now. Then we give you approval to get treated.” In spite of the fact that the UNRWA services are were getting help from outside.” seen as inadequate, most Palestinians are unable to afford to attend any other hospital, as they neither have health insurance nor the financial resources to pay for treat- Another woman said, “For dinner we eat nothing but a few eggs. Would you ment. One man from el Buss said, “Here if you go to the hospital with no money, accept to eat just this?” the hospital won’t help you. One of my friends died on the hospital steps because he couldn’t pay. He was 21 years old, but he didn’t have LL250,000 [$167].” There is one UNRWA clinic in el Buss. Palestinians also receive health care from the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS), Popular Aid for Relief and Development (PARD), and other NGOs. There is a PRCS hospital (Balsam Hospital) located in the nearby Rashadieh camp.94 Ac- cording to a key informant, until the 1980s, Palestinians could receive services at Palestinians’ access to health care services the PRCS hospital for free. Now, those without a referral or those not the relative of a martyr must pay. Those who are able to afford it may seek services from private Regardless of whether Palestinians are employed or not, they are unable to benefit hospitals and clinics as well. There are some smaller NGOs offering other health from the national social security and health care policies, such as NSSF.91 Similarly, care services, though these are much more limited in scope. The DRC reported the the vast majority of Palestinians do not have access to health insurance, meaning following as the main services available to Palestinians in Lebanon: that they are either dependent on organizations to provide services, or they must pay for these services out of their own pockets. The following table compares the Figure 12.5: Main health care service providers for Palestinians in Lebanon percentages of the Palestinian and Lebanese populations with health insurance. Provider Number of Facilities Figure 12.4: Percentage of Palestinian and Lebanese populations with access to UNRWA 2995 health insurance PRCS 9 Type of Palestinian Lebanese PARD 5 Insurance Population (%) Population (%) Total 39

No insurance 94.29 53.3 Source: Danish Refugee Council, “Needs Assessments of Palestinian Refugees in gatherings Private 4.54 4.8 in Lebanon” (2003), p.38 Public 1.17 38.4 The UNRWA clinics include most basic services, such as walk-in consultations, Source: AUB–UNRWA, “Socio-Economic Survey of Palestinians in Lebanon” (2010), p. 78 mother and child health, provision of medication, psychiatric care referrals, and school health programs. Other NGOs offer primary health care services, and prevention and awareness activities, such as breast-feeding awareness campaigns.

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terviewed were fairly rare. Of the families interviewed, one reported a daughter Like many other UNRWA services, the health program is underfunded and with epilepsy and another a child with a skin condition. Some young boys ex- overburdened. The DRC reported that UNRWA doctors see 89 patients per day. plained that when the seawater is particularly dirty and polluted, it causes skin Both residents from el Buss and Jal el Bahr noted problems with the quality of conditions such as rashes. UNRWA services. While most people mentioned that the services are free, and that they appreciate this, the unsatisfactory quality is believed to be causing further The adult residents of Jal el Bahr have also suffered due to conflicts, the sur- health problems. One key informant in el Buss explained some of the complaints rounding environment, and their working conditions. Some of the refugees have of the residents: disabilities sustained during the various conflicts that took place in the area. One “The health is not good at all because UNRWA takes care of us but they woman said, “My uncle is disabled, he got bombed by the Israelis in the 1990s.” don’t have qualified doctors. They don’t do proper tests to see what is Adults have also been hit by cars when they were walking along the side of wrong, they just guess by looking at you. There is no prevention … If some- the highway. This had devastating impacts, for those affected, such as life-long, one has a serious disease then they have to go to a different organization to recurring health problems, and the inability to work. One woman said, “My get help. Even at UNRWA you need wasta now.” husband worked as a worker a long time ago. He stopped working 10 years ago because he got hit by a car. He also has diabetes.” Her family of five no longer Palestinians in Jal el Bahr use the UNRWA services in el Buss as their main has any source of income, as the husband is unable to work due to his health sources of health care provision, where, in theory, they should be able to receive problems, and his wife must stay at home to care for him. They rely on charity UNRWA services for free. However, one woman noted, “I went to the UNRWA from various organizations and people in the gathering. hospital but they didn’t want to treat me at first. Then they did treat me, but Back problems are common in Jal el Bahr. With men, the injuries are most they charged me LL80,000 [$53]. I don’t know why they did this because it is often associated with manual labor, but women facing the same problem were supposed to be free.” unaware of what had caused them. One middle-aged woman spoke of the prob- One resident mentioned that an organization called Popular Help for De- lems she and her daughter face: “I have disk problems, and so does my daughter. 96 velopment had been using one building in the gathering as a makeshift clinic, The bones touch each other. I don’t know why. Maybe it is from fatigue or the but this had recently closed when the owner of the building returned. Appar- humidity.” Another woman explained how her back problems have affected her ently the organization is looking for another building where they can reopen the mobility: “I prefer to go to the stores on foot [to save money, instead of paying center. Another woman spoke of a doctor, associated with the political group for public transportation], but I can’t walk very far because I have problems with Fatah, who visits the gathering once a week for an hour. He operates from a my back.” house and is able to treat basic problems. Many other people noted the common incidence of chronic diseases among The major health concern for the children of Jal el Bahr is accidents, which the community. One woman said, “I have health problems. I have diabetes and they face both in the workplace and in the environment surrounding their hypertension. I get arthritis from the humidity.” Another woman spoke of her homes. Quite regularly, children injure themselves while playing on the beach, husband who has chronic problems: “My husband is sick … He is older than most often cutting their feet. One young boy said, “I got glass in my foot from 60, he was born in Palestine. He has allergies and respiratory problems. He gets playing football on the beach. No one cleans up. I went to a public hospital so shortness of breath and he has disk problems. I also have disk problems.” I had to pay money.” Another boy noted the recurrent problems faced because People frequently complained about the poor quality of water, saying that it of the highway: “I got hit by a car, so now my ankle is not ok. I need to have was causing health issues: an operation and a special device to fix it. It happened when I was crossing the road. A lot of people died here. The street is called ‘the street of death.’” A “I have urinary and kidney problems because of the water.” few other young males noted small injuries occurring in their workplaces, often “We buy water because we have kidney problems because of the [piped] trades shops. The accidents directly impact the education and livelihoods of the water.” boys by forcing them to take time off school or leave their jobs. Another problem noted by one young girl was the psychological trauma associated with the wars: “Two people in the house have kidney problems because of the water. “The kids used to cry and scream. They were very traumatized. I want to leave. There is sand in the water.” I don’t want to stay here.” Other major health issues prevalent among the children of the families in-

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The AUB–UNRWA study reports that generally Palestinians have poorer boy’s sister leaving her with multiple injuries including kidney damage. An- quality of health than Lebanese. It was reported that 31 percent of Palestinians other car crashed into one of the houses and injured six children”98 suffer from chronic diseases, such as hypertension, asthma, back pains, diabetes Community members reported trying to install speed bumps in order to de- and heart problems. This number increases to 83 percent for individuals over creased the speed of the cars and reduce the risk to community members. One the age of 55. In total, only 17 percent of the Lebanese population suffers from man said: similar problems. Chronic illnesses are often highly concentrated among more “The first thing that should be changed [in the community] is the street. We vulnerable groups, especially those who have suffered from conflict, trauma, and would add bumps. We want speed bumps. We had them, but the municipal- poverty. One elderly man’s comment reflected this: “I go see the doctor frequent- ity removed them. We made them ourselves with plastic. But the municipal- ly. I have hypertension from seeing people living like this.” Additionally, those ity forbids them now, even though we asked for them.” with chronic illnesses are normally dependent on medication and treatment for The DRC assessment team spoke to the Tyre municipality, which reported, “It the rest of their lives, significantly increasing the proportion of the family budget was not a big problem ‘as nothing had happened recently.’” This is a statement spent on health care.97 that all community members would strongly disagree with.99 Smoking was commonly noticed among the community members, even with Jal el Bahr suffers from lack of access to electricity, like many other com- boys as young as 14 years old. Ali explained, “Most people smoke a lot. Some munities around Lebanon. One man said that the community was first provided people smoke 100 cigarettes in two days. They spend money for what? Our with electricity in the 1970s. Currently, one woman explained, “The electricity teacher tells us not to smoke, but he smokes.” should alternate being on and off between 10 a.m. to 2 p.m., 2 p.m. to 6 p.m., Infrastructure and 6 p.m. to 12 a.m. Sometimes if there is a technical problem you will have no electricity for two to three days, until someone fixes it.” During the power As mentioned previously, the highway beside the community is a very dangerous outages, most people use candles or gas lamps. Only a few families are able to aspect of the surrounding infrastructure for the gathering of Jal el Bahr, causing afford a generator: 5 percent of the community, according to the DRC.100 There many injuries and even deaths. Similar findings have been reported by other is a common misconception among outsiders that Palestinian communities don’t organizations. One DRC report noted: pay for their own electricity; however, this is not true. Residents noted paying “We were told of an incident that took place seven years ago when a man between LL15,000 ($10) and LL60,000 ($40), depending on the month. Many with his truck hit and killed a boy. Two years later, the same man hit the community members noted billing “problems” with the electricity company, which has led some residents to start splicing electricity, instead of obtaining it legally. One man said: “Sometimes the company tries to steal from us. For example, if the price is LL17,000 [$11] they will add a ‘0’ so it is LL170,000 [$113]. We pay for everything we use, but they come later and tell me that we owe them more. They say it is because of the government and taxes. If they steal from us, we will steal [electricity] from them. We get a wire and attach it to the main wire, and take it to our house.” Another woman said, “Every three years they come with a big bill, like between LL500,000 [$333] to LL3 million [$2,000]. They say it is taxes. No one pays this, it is too expensive. So they will cut it off, but it comes back. People couldn’t pay this.” While the community does have access to water from the municipality,101 as noted previously, most residents expressed concern that the water is not clean, and is causing many health problems. This was also found in a DRC report that noted that the water was “non-drinking,”102 although most residents cannot afford to buy drinking water. One woman explained the cause of the problem: Children waiting to cross the highway (Jal el Bahr to the right)

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“The pipes here are 30-40 years old, so they are rusty. If a pipe breaks under the land, we drink the water with the dirt in it. My child has kidney problems because of the water. Four or five years ago they built a new line in the area, but it hasn’t been brought to Jal el Bahr yet. Sometimes we buy our own water, but we can’t always afford it.” Residents noted paying around LL255,000 ($170) per year for their water bills. It is of interest that the DRC report noted, that water and electricity bills in Jal el Bahr are “significantly higher when compared to refugees resident in the camps.”103 Houses in the gathering have no source of heating for the cold winter months. The poor quality of housing affects the families’ ability to protect themselves from the wind and rain. One man said, “In the winter it is very hard because it is cold and the water comes in. We feel that we don’t have to close our houses because it is already like we are in the open.” Some noted burning wood or coal in order to keep themselves warm. Burning wood is also the method used to heat water for showers, as there are no water heaters located in the community. Most families have sewage pits under their houses. Some empty these when Infrastructure damaged by the sea they are full, but most build new ones instead. One woman explained: “For sewage we have a barrel in the sand. You dig a hole, put in a barrel, Assets and vulnerabilities of Palestinian refugees in Tyre and cover it. Then the waste seeps out by itself. You don’t have to empty it. But sometimes it gets full and floods into the bathroom. So you have to As already evidenced through the course of the chapter, Palestinians suffer siphon it out or build another one.” numerous vulnerabilities on a legal level. An ICG report quotes a Lebanese Sometimes, the cesspits are attached to pipes that drain directly onto the beach. member of parliament, whose comment pointedly demonstrates this fact: While the sand filters some of the waste, a Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) “Our official policy is to maintain Palestinians in a vulnerable, precarious report noted that there are hygiene problems because of this.104 One woman ex- situation to diminish prospects for their naturalization or permanent settle- plained that her family of seven has no bathroom in the house: “I have to carry it ment. Our economic and security measures are guided by this. And yet, our real challenge today should be to reconcile rejection of naturalization and and throw it in the sea.” All of the household wastewater is carried by pipes into acceptance of the need to grant Palestinians their rights and improve their the sea. Similarly, as reported by the DRC, “The sewage of neighboring regions living conditions.”107 is directed to the sea and passes through Jal el Bahr. The outlet is approximately 500 meters south of Jal el Bahr.”105 This fact is widely known; some youth ex- The myriad restrictions and limitations placed on Palestinians in Lebanon plained, “The sea is dirty. There is sewage water in it that comes from the city.” (they are restricted from working in over 30 types of jobs, do not have the right There is no garbage collection from inside the gathering, but the municipal- to own property, lack access to health insurance and social security through their ity has placed some bins outside of the community. Residents noted that some- employment, and face restrictions on movement both in traveling to other coun- times the municipality removes them for periods of time, or at other times, they tries, as well as within the country) have significant daily impacts on their lives. become too full to use. Consequently, many people end up dumping their gar- Resultant from these restrictions is the inability of Palestinians to better their bage on the beach instead. Even so, the residents are charged LL40,000 ($27) per situation through access to improved employment opportunities, the inability to year for the municipality garbage service.106 Residents do not like dumping their move out of the overcrowded and dilapidated camps or gatherings, health con- garbage on the beach as they are polluting their own community, but they have sequences due to difficulty accessing health care, and frustration over the control few other options. As one woman explained: of their movements. There are many other consequences that are directly linked to the legal re- “In all of this area, there is a maximum of three garbage bins. But sometimes the municipality takes them [these bins] away. I don’t know why they strictions placed on Palestinians. For example, the lack of meaningful work is take them away. Or they are always full. So people throw garbage on the one of the main reasons that Palestinians are dropping out of school; they see no beach. Or when there is a lot of garbage, they burn it.” point in continuing, when they will be barred from many types of employment

400 401 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 later on. In turn, the low education rates are continuing the cycle of poverty in each other. We talk to them.” Another resident from el Buss mentioned, “Some which Palestinians have become trapped since 1948. Whereas Palestinians have Lebanese are good and some are bad. Some Lebanese respect us.” One woman historically been known for having high levels of education, some of the younger from Jal el Bahr felt similarly: “The Lebanese treat us as they are treated. Some generations today are less educated than their parents. A report by the Lebanese- are good and some are not good.” A resident from Jal el Bahr summarized the Palestinian Dialogue Committee notes: dividers and connectors between the two groups: “The educational level for woman is higher than for men. Today, women “Lebanese and Palestinian people are the same. There are many Lebanese are better educated than their mothers, whereas men are not better edu- who marry Palestinians. We were born here; we are like the Lebanese. The cated than their fathers and grandfathers. Young men are more likely not to only difference is that it says ‘refugee’ on our ID cards, so we have fewer have completed elementary school.”108 opportunities and rights.” There are other serious consequences for the psychology of the Palestinians The social dynamics of el Buss are quite different from those in Jal el Bahr. El who have a desire to return to their homeland and perceive that they are living Buss is much more integrated into the city of Tyre, there are Lebanese moving in in a country that does not want them. During the interviews, the refugees often and out of the camp to use the hospital, and there are both Muslim and Chris- brought up feelings of marginalization and discrimination brought on by their tian Palestinian residents. While most explained that the Muslims and Christians host country, both through the laws that directly target Palestinians as well as the get along well, and even help each other in times of need, there were a few com- treatment they receive from the locals. Regarding the Palestinian situation, many ments made by the Christian members that indicated there are some tensions Lebanese explain that their country is already struggling to provide for it’s own between the two groups. This could be related to the fact that the Christian com- citizens, and that while the international community created this problem, the munity in the camp has decreased significantly over time, and only a few houses Lebanese feel abandoned in terms of finding a solution, and providing for such remain. Furthermore, the surrounding community of Tyre is a predominantly a large number of refugees. Muslim community, meaning that members of this group may face double isola- The following are some comments detailing the thoughts and perceptions tion due to their status as both Christians and Palestinian refugees. One Chris- of the Palestinians regarding their own situation. Some are directly related to tian woman said: the legal issues they are facing, while others detail the marginalization that the “You feel that the relationships with the neighbors are very tense be- refugees face in Lebanon. cause they are watching us. If there are any fights, they take the side “When I go outside the Lebanese say, ‘You Palestinians!’ They don’t con- of the Muslim person. If the children get into a fight with another kid, sider us as individuals. They group us together.” they will defend the Muslim kid.” “There cannot be a stable situation for the Palestinians because of the rac- However, the view of another Christian woman demonstrates a different per- ism of the Lebanese between each other and towards the Palestinians.” ception about the inter-religion relationships: “The neighbors are nice and re- “Palestinians can’t talk, can’t have ambitions, we can’t have initiatives. How spectful of our privacy. We share with each other and visit each other. Even in do you expect us to be productive? We can’t imagine. How can we be cre- Ramadan when they are getting help, they will give us help. But the other Chris- ative?” tian communities in Tyre don’t care about us.” Some of the Christians reported seeking help and support from the priest of the local church, located inside the “A dog in Germany has more rights than we do.” camp, in times of need. “All of the Palestinians are homeless. We don’t have the right to own a home Largely, neighbors and extended family make up the social support networks or anything.” in el Buss, though many noted that this has been decreasing over time. One “The Palestinian situation is moving backwards. There is no progress.” woman explained, “Relationships are acceptable. It used to be better. People used to sleep at each other’s houses and visit without appointments. But now it’s However, not all Palestinians noted feelings of discrimination by the Leba- changing – maybe because of the current living situation, or because when you nese. Some believe that the problems they are facing are more due to legal dis- are older you see the past as being better.” Yet, even with the various groups pres- crimination than personal discrimination by individuals. When asked about the ent, the changing demographics, and the nature of relationships evolving over relationships between the Palestinian and the Lebanese populations, one woman time, residents of el Buss can still depend on each other in the times of need. noted, “They [the relationships] are normal. We don’t differentiate between One young man described the relationships within the camp:

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“This camp is more open than the others. The army is outside and there is bers. For example, some explained that those families who are linked with the a hospital here. It is not like a camp. Some of our neighbors are Christian, Popular Committee governing the gathering receive more support than the Sunni, Shiite, Maronites, and Armenians. There are no problems between others who are not aligned with the committee. This seems to be a sensitive anyone. We get together for traditions, like funerals. When my cousin died and complex topic, as most were not willing to divulge too much information. everyone came. If Christian neighbors face any problems, we go help them. It doesn’t matter who they are.” One woman said: “The Popular Committee doesn’t represent all of the people. I don’t know why, but they don’t help people. They help some people. It is defined by Comments from the community: their characteristics. There are some people who asked for help and they Perceptions of the other community didn’t get it. Or maybe they can’t help everyone.” “Sometimes I am angry and shout at my kids. But then I stop and I thank God that Generally, the large family units, and the extended family living in the area, we are surviving because some people are not surviving. For example, in Jal el Bahr form the base of a social support network. Ali’s mother explained, “All of our the sea goes into their houses and they need to rebuild their houses.” family lives here. We are close together. We like it.” Some community members “Jal el Bahr is much poorer than here. They don’t even have cement. The sea goes feel that they cannot trust others outside of their families: “We have a big family, into their homes.” so we go visit each other. But other than this, we feel like no one loves each other. “El Buss is different than Jal el Bahr. There, there are no organizations. We have They all talk about each other. It is not good. People feel alone. No one is nice.” schools, health, and cultural organizations. UNRWA doesn’t do anything there.” Another mother said, “You feel like people don’t love you for free. They love you because they have some other interest. I don’t like to have relationships here, but “Here is a bit better than Jal el Bahr. There they have sand, and waves, and it is all everyone here has their own problems and I don’t like to interfere with other zinco.” people’s lives.” However, from observations during the assessment, it seems as “Because of the geographical location the camp has many opportunities, like educa- though these are extreme views and the problem may not be as pronounced as tion and culture. It is more open. I used to go to the library in Tyre to read books. reflected in these quotes. Neighboring houses appear to have formed support We have political activities. It is very open. There is more education than the other networks with each other. In many of the areas visited, there were groups of camps.” families sitting outside visiting with each other, and neighbors constantly moving “The camps are better because they have stores. They can buy food, work, etc. Here between each other’s houses. One woman gave voice to this impression: “The [Jal el Bahr] there is one store with bread and cans of things.” relationships are good. Everyone is together. We have good relationships.” A degree of interaction between el Buss and Jal el Bahr is inevitable, as the “In el Buss they all study, the boys and girls. The situation is much better. Girls and residents of the latter must visit the former to access many services. However, as- boys go to school. It is near their house. They have more opportunities. Here we have to pay for the autocar.” sessments of relationship between the communities differ greatly. As mentioned in the education section, many of the students from Jal el Bahr had experienced “We do everything ourselves. If the roof or the window needs to be fixed we do it problems with the students from el Buss. One young boy, who had recently ourselves. In the camp they have political organizations that can help them. But here dropped out of school, said, “The kids there [in the camp] hit us. They would we do it all ourselves.” wait for us to arrive and then they would throw rocks at us. We would all hit each “The camp is much better than here. Here you feel that you are wasting your life for other.” But another boy said, “In my class [in el Buss] there are two boys from Jal nothing. There is nothing new happening. Do you feel that there is poverty in the el Bahr. There are no problems with the kids from el Buss. We all stick together. camp? We don’t want to live here. We want to leave.” We are friends with them.” While residents from Jal el Bahr are forced to go to el Buss in order to receive UNRWA services, there is little reason for residents from el Buss to visit the Jal el Bahr is much more homogenous in terms of its demographics. Both gathering. On this basis, residents from Jal el Bahr might be more likely to feel residents and the DRC report noted the presence of about four Lebanese a personal connection to the camp and it’s residents, whereas the refugees from families, but the vast majority are Muslim Palestinians. While not overtly evi- the camp may feel no connection with the gathering. One woman said, “We buy dent, some members suggested the presence of two different groups within the everything from el Buss. We have normal relationships with them.” Meanwhile, community, each with strong social ties and each supporting their own mem- a woman, from el Buss, noted the lack of personal connection she feels towards

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Jal el Bahr: “We have no interaction with them. There is no visiting between the houses that didn’t need any help. Even now with UNRWA you need wasta. them and us. You feel like it’s by itself. We heard they got evicted.” Some houses were renovated and others were not. I don’t know why those ones There is a large organizational presence in el Buss, offering a variety of ser- got it and others are still waiting.” vices. As mentioned previously five organizations are providing kindergarten Yet, many residents did describe the help that they were receiving from vari- services to make up for the lack of services provided by UNRWA at this level. ous organizations. For example, one mother spoke of the organization UNIPAL Three organizations have centers, which are used to help with psychological (Universities’ Trust for Educational Exchange with Palestinians) that sends people support and creating a friendly environment for children. There are seven orga- from abroad to teach English in the camps and provide recreational activities: nizations that operate care centers that pursue such activities as identifying chil- “There was UNIPAL. They come and teach the children English. My dren with disabilities, disability rehabilitation, increasing protection for women, daughter got a diploma from them. These things are good for the children. providing family counseling, and helping orphaned children. Two organizations They are happy. They come home with their faces painted. They go on trips provide vocational training, focusing on education for women and vocational and we don’t have to pay for the trips. The children are the first people from training for children who have dropped out of school. Additionally, there are the camp to visit the places they go to.” two international NGOs that focus on child protection and psychosocial care The situation is much different in Jal el Bahr. When asked whether there and rehabilitation.109 were any organizations present in the area the vast majority of the residents said no. One member of the PC explained, “There are no organizations here. UNRWA Special Hardship Assistance Program (SHAP) There is nothing for sports, there are no kindergartens, there is nothing for the children.” One man mentioned an organization called Popular Help for Devel- Families in particularly vulnerable situations, often those who are unable to earn opment that had operated a basic clinic and provided services for women and an income for a variety of reasons, are able to apply for special assistance from UNRWA. They must submit an application and be recommended by a social worker children. The organization was forced to close when the owner of the building before they are eligible. Once eligible, their application is reviewed each year to de- returned. A Tdh employee noted that they are also doing work in the gathering, termine if they are still in need.110 although this was not mentioned by any of the residents. However, it is worth Families who are part of the assistance program will receive food every four noting that residents in poor communities across the country may purposely months, including rice, sugar, vegetable oil, lentils, powdered milk, and tuna. They underreport the amount of aid they are receiving in hope of motivating more also receive $10 per person in the family every four months. Additionally, these fami- support for themselves. lies may receive special consideration for other support such as social interventions Many of the residents in Jal el Bahr expressed that they felt excluded from and shelter rehabilitation.111 Many families, especially those in Jal el Bahr, noted that this assistance is insuf- the support offered to other Palestinians because they are not living in a camp. ficient in helping improve their situations. One elderly man said, “The only help we One man said, “It is true that UNRWA takes care of the camps. But none of get [from UNRWA] is hummous, foul, and sugar. It is nothing.” the settlements outside of the camps has any services.” Another man from Jal el Yet this help is better than nothing. One woman described the measures that Bahr explained the situation, “In el Buss it is better than here, because they are her family took in order to remain on the SHAP list: “We made my son get married a UN camp. They have support and help. For example, the municipality takes because he was over 20 and was no longer in school, so our family could no longer their garbage and they have UNRWA services. Here we are alone.” While they receive the rations from UNRWA. They stopped giving it to us because they said he was over 20 and could work now. But he can’t find a job. He is still not working.” are able to receive support from the UNRWA services in the camp, this may not necessarily be true of the other organizations. Additionally, their illegal status may discourage organizations from providing While there are many NGOs operating in the camp, residents of el Buss had help or setting up centers, knowing that they could be evicted at any time. One two complaints. One, mentioned earlier, is that the NGOs (as well as hospitals elderly man said, “People come here and take pictures and then leave. Nothing and schools) are taking up too much space in the camp and residents have no changes. The help goes to the camps, but not here because they say it is not more room to build houses. The second is that while they provide services, some legal.” Another woman echoed his feelings: “People are hopeless because all of community members are still excluded from these services. One woman said, the organizations come here and do studies and then they leave. People don’t “Once UNRWA donated money to people but it was for people that didn’t need have hope anymore.” Even though a DRC report classified Jal el Bahr as being any help. And those that did need help didn’t get anything.” Another woman in the highest category of need in terms of infrastructure,112 organizations may explained, “When UNRWA came to do rehabilitations [on houses] they helped be legally barred from helping or are most likely hesitant to provide aid projects

406 407 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12 that could so easily be dismantled or discontinued. Located in the middle of an urban sprawl, and completely overcrowded, el Buss has no natural capital. The camp is little more than a concrete jungle, with Vulnerable to Shocks no green spaces for its inhabitants to make use of. While the camp has slightly more space than some of the other camps, (such as Bourj el Barajneh and Ein The autumn of 2010 was unseasonably warm and dry across all of Lebanon, wor- el Hilweh), children are forced to play in the cramped alleyways or the lots sur- rying residents and farmers because of the effects on the country’s water supply rounding some of the buildings. Children are so desperate to play and release and agriculture. However, in mid-December a severe storm hit Lebanon dumping some energy that they often scale the walls of the school when it is closed to 200 mm of rain in only a few days (more than one-fifth of the total annual precipitation), with winds up to 100 kilometers per hour, and causing waves up to 10 continue using the open space in the yard. One mother said, “Even if the school meters high. is closed they will jump the fence. But it’s not safe. I argue with my children While residents of Jal el Bahr continuously spoke of the horrible conditions about doing this.” Adults spend their time in the alleys sitting on stairs and in that they face during the winter, this storm was even worse than usual. The beach plastic chairs, talking with their family and neighbors. The overcrowding leads was awash with garbage that had been brought up by the enormous waves. Dozens to feelings of oppression and a lack of privacy; some of the windows are so close of houses suffered damage and flooding and one house was entirely destroyed, the together that neighbors can hear each other’s conversations, and the sun cannot walls closest to the sea had been completely torn down by the wall of water which repeatedly crashed into the house. The recently married fisherman who owns the penetrate the narrow laneways. house has no idea how he will be able to afford the repairs, but he thinks he will Jal el Bahr should offer much more in terms of natural capital to its residents; somehow be able to manage, a demonstration of the Palestinians’ resilience in the however, the garbage and pollution in the sea and on the beach detract from this. face of adversity. Children have been injured playing on the beach and swimming in the sea, and Most of the residents had nowhere else to go during or after the storm. They residents have had skin problems because of the poor quality of water. The natu- stayed with family and neighbors until the time when their houses were livable ral elements have actually had devastating effects on the community in terms of again, increasing the number of people in already overcrowded homes. One woman said, “We moved to live with our neighbor, we moved all of our stuff. There its infrastructure and livelihoods. Houses have been flooded and destroyed due are no [glass] windows in my house, only plastic. Now there are eight of us living to the nearby sea and the incoming waves, and the salt water has eroded the alu- in one room.” Not only were the houses affected, but also the livelihoods of the minum roofs. Residents frequently mentioned needing to replace and renovate community members. parts of their houses due to this problem, an undertaking which is made even One man who owns a mechanic shop estimates that because of the flooding more difficult by the army’s constant vigil over the area. A major storm hit Leba- $20,000 worth of equipment and merchandise was destroyed. Fishing boats and non in December 2010, greatly affecting the community and confirming the de- nets were destroyed, leaving the community without their main source of livelihood. One man said that he had up to $3,000 of fishing nets that were damaged scriptions the refugees gave of the weather-related problems they frequently face. beyond repair, and a $5,000 boat was destroyed. While UNRWA had come to de- However, the natural environment offers some benefits for the community. liver blankets and mattresses there were complaints among the residents that these Fishing provides the main source of livelihoods for the refugees in Jal el Bahr. were not being distributed to those in need, instead they were given to those who During many interviews residents would point out their family members and have affiliations with the Popular Committee. Others mentioned that this is not the neighbors in the fishing boats trawling along the coast. Although Palestinians type of aid they are looking for: “We don’t want money or food. We just want our are technically banned from this profession, the pay is meager, and the condi- houses fixed, like they are in the camp.” The residents were hopeful that the government would permit them to rebuild, tions are often dangerous, fishing provides them with a small income, which they something they are normally prohibited from doing, but it was too early to tell. In might not otherwise have. Jal el Bahr, a community already deeply affected by chronic poverty, an unpredictable event such as this only exacerbates the desperate situation they are already facing. The community possesses very few coping mechanisms in order to deal with shocks such as this one. The residents of Jal el Bahr will spend months, if not longer, recuperating their destroyed and damaged assets; however, in the meantime they will be pushed further into the cycle of poverty.

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said, “What [money] my husband earns, we spend. We can never save. The girls always need things.” Similarly, a woman in Jal el Bahr said, “Nobody can save any money. If you work, you can eat. But if not, then you cannot eat. Some people buy with loans [borrowing money]. If someone gets sick, how can they deal with this?” There are a few different coping mechanisms used by the refugees in order to face their financial difficulties. Those who have relatives abroad depend on remittances in order to help them cover their expenses and deal with shocks. As some Palestinians were able to emigrate during the Civil War, they have since established themselves in other countries with a salary that allows them to send some money back to their families living in the camps. One man in el Buss said, “We send people to work outside because they can send money back.” Another elderly man from Jal el Bahr said, “Those who have families that live outside are better off than those who have none.” Some residents commented that during hard times they borrowed money from relatives and friends, or they took food from shops with the promise to pay later. This was prevalent in both communities, but perhaps more so in el Two men inspecting the damage to a house after the storm in December 2010 Buss due to the increased presence of shops. One elderly man from el Buss said, “Many people take [borrow] money from their relatives, friends, or children One benefit of Jal el Bahr’s location is that in the summer, sea breezes offer during the winter months.” He was referring to the winter months being more a welcome reprieve from the heat and humidity. As one community member difficult because of fewer available employment opportunities. He also noted the explained: need for established personal relationships in order for this exchange to occur: “The only positive thing is that in the summer we have the best life. It is the “People trust each other. They trust me. They give me things because they know best view and situation here. We go to the sea. It doesn’t matter if there is I will pay them back.” A pharmacist echoed this feeling: “Maybe they can buy no electricity because we have a breeze. We wait until the electricity comes on credit at big stores. They [the big stores] can sell it to the customers and they at 11 p.m. and then we go inside. It is better than the camps.” will pay at the end of the month. If it is someone I trust, then maybe I will give The situation faced by Palestinians in el Buss and Jal el Bahr is very similar it to them on credit.” While borrowing and lending does occur in Jal el Bahr, it in terms of their access to financial capital; however, there were some comments seems to be less frequent. One woman said, “You can borrow from stores. Some made throughout the interviews to indicate that residents of el Buss are in a people do it, but I prefer not to because it is hard to pay them back after.” An- slightly better financial situation than those in Jal el Bahr. Some possible rea- other woman added, “People don’t lend to each other. They cannot.” sons for this include the access to services located within the camp boundaries, One man from a political organization in el Buss spoke of how the increase whereas residents of Jal el Bahr need to pay for transportation expenses, as well in consumerism has affected the camp residents. This seems to be a difference as the legal status of the camp, compared to the illegal settlement status of the between the residents of el Buss and Jal el Bahr. He explained: gathering. Residents of Jal el Bahr often reported paying fines and bribes to the “Some people have better housing now, for example they have two bath- army for building in the area or fishing. The vast majority of residents in both rooms. They care about how they dress. There is more consumption. This is areas mentioned rising prices and their inability to meet all of their needs. a negative thing. They have debts. They can’t save for their future. They are Most community members, in both areas, said that they are unable to save, spending more money than they earn. They get loans from the shop where even if they are working more than one job. Usually, families are able to meet they buy their clothes. They pay half the price at the time and pay the rest their daily needs, but find it hard to pay for larger expenses such as school tuition later. For any occasion they want to buy new things.” or treatments for health problems. One man who works as a pharmacist in two Conversely, a woman in Jal el Bahr said, “We want to buy clothes, but the pharmacies in el Buss, said, “I work two jobs, but all of the money I get is used family says we need to buy food first. You can eat or buy clothes.” There are for food and education. I can’t save at all.” A mother of five girls, from el Buss, a few potential explanations for these differences depicted by the residents.

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El Buss is physically integrated in the city boundaries of Tyre. Residents may All households in the community, not just those on the waterfront, reported feel an increased desire to be part of the surrounding community by blending flooding during the winter months. This was either related to the waves crashing in, in terms of their clothes and the way they look. Also, many stores and shops into the houses or the inability of the ground to absorb the rainwater. Ali spoke are located both within el Buss and the immediate surrounding area, facilitating of his house during the winter: “The sea is dangerous because it goes into the their ability to purchase new goods. Alternatively, residents of el Buss may have houses. Yes, it comes into this house!” Not only do residents suffer because of built personal relationships with the store owners, so they are able to buy things the flooding, but, because of the poor construction of the area and the lack of on credit. Jal el Bahr, on the other hand, is more isolated from the city of Tyre pipes and drainage systems, it is very difficult to remove the water once it has than the camp, and it has nothing in terms of commercial establishments within entered the houses. One woman referred to her living room floor, which was its boundaries. A second explanation for the difference is that it demonstrates covered with water: “We have no way of getting the water out. So it just stays in that residents in the camp fare slightly better than those in Jal el Bahr in terms of the house.” their access to financial capital. Referring to the leaky roofs, one woman said, “Wait until it starts raining, Within each community, there are perceptions that some groups are finan- you will see people running to put bowls everywhere.” A member of the Popular cially better off than other groups. One Christian woman in el Buss gave her Committee summed up the feelings of frustration many community members impression that Muslims were able to save more than them. She linked this to have towards their living situation and their inability to change it: “The houses the higher number of children sometimes found in Muslims families, and the are made of zinco. Seventy percent of the houses are not livable. In the summer difference in the desired levels of education: “People with the mosque are able zinco is too hot and in the winter it is too cold. In other places you wouldn’t even to save. For example the boys start working at age 15, and by age 20 they have build with zinco for your chickens!” a house. They [Muslims] depend on their children.” She continued, still refer- Part of the 1969 Cairo Accord, agreed upon by Yasser Arafat and the head ring to the Muslims: “For sure there are remittances here. Each house has six to of the Lebanese army, permitted the camps to be self-governing. Following this, seven children, so if one or two go outside [abroad] to work, they are sending Popular Committees were formed whose main task was to function as the gov- money back.” As mentioned earlier, there was a view by some residents in Jal el erning body within each camp. Their main responsibilities are to provide elec- Bahr that families with ties to the Popular Committee were receiving additional tricity and water to the residents, deal with small problems and conflicts that benefits in terms of aid and financial support. occur between residents, help to organize some of the some activities that take Both Palestinian communities are affected by seasonal changes. In el Buss, place within the camps, and provide representation on behalf of the residents to the biggest concern is lack of work opportunities during the winter, as much of other institutions, such as the Lebanese authorities and UNRWA. The Popular the employment available is seasonal. One woman said, “My husband paints, Committees are made up of different members, representing the various po- but in the winter there is no work.” The lack of employment was compounded litical factions present in the camp, and sometime include key members of the by the increased costs during the winter. During the summer months there are community, such as respected, elderly men. However, there are various problems no education-related payments to be made; however, in the winter, families must with the Popular Committees. In some camps, there are two different groups, pay for the cost of tuition, other expenses for school, as well as the cost of heat- one loyal to the PLO and one loyal to the Tahaluf (an alliance of groups that ing. One resident summarized the situation: “It is more expensive in the winter oppose the Oslo peace accords, which the PLO supports). This results in oppos- because there are more needs, like heating, etc. And there is less work.” ing views regarding the issues they should be controlling as well as uncoordinated While the lack of employment opportunities is also very prevalent in Jal el efforts to provide the necessary services. There is a lack of financial means to Bahr, residents are much more concerned with the increased rain, wind, and complete the required activities, and as people are often chosen based on their sandstorms, and the ability of their ramshackle houses to withstand this weather. political affiliation, and not their skill level, there is sometimes a lack of capacity Residents interviewed were troubled by their powerlessness to fix their houses so within the PCs to effectively manage the community. PCs were also formed for that they could better cope through the cold winter months. One man said, “In the gatherings. They may represent just one gathering or a grouping of gather- the winter it is very cold. The doors and windows don’t work. The roof is zinco. ings. The DRC found that the power and authority of the PCs are the strongest And we don’t have the right to make it better.” He continued, “It is very cold. in the southern camps.113 Everything is manageable, but not when it’s cold. If someone is cold and hungry, Fatah is much more prominent in el Buss than in some of the other camps. how can he sleep?” Walking around the alleyways, there is a strong show of support for Arafat, with many posters depicting his photo and supporting Fatah. One man said:

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Community members of Jal el Bahr, which lacks the presence of the politi- “Somebody is always controlling the camps. Here it is Fatah. In other camps it is not like this. There are other groups, like Hamas, Jihad, and cal factions found in the camps, believe that this is both a positive and negative Islamic groups. The Islamic groups are dangerous for the camp. There are thing. Some residents said that the lack of political factions reduces the fighting no Islamist organizations here.” in the area; while others feel that they are without protection in case anything were to happen. He continued: Generally, Palestinians feel that they are not supported by the political struc- “The Popular Committee is responsible for here. It is [made up of] Fatah tures in Lebanon due to the discriminatory laws and the actions of the army and groups that are with Fatah. Hamas is also here but not like Fatah. Fatah monitoring the camps. In Jal el Bahr, this feeling was extended to other organiza- is more popular and [is here] in greater numbers. They get support from tions as well: “UNRWA and the PLO are supposed to be responsible for us, but the Lebanese government. This is the situation here, maybe it is different in other camps.” they are not taking care of us.” One man in el Buss mentioned the role of the Lebanese government in solving some of the problems that the Palestinians are One man from the el Buss PC said, “The organization has been around facing: “We want a strong Lebanese government, we support the government. since 1971. We work in public life: for example in social problems, infrastructure, The government is not our enemy.” However, until the refugees are given more health, education, etc. These are the responsibility of UNRWA, but we work equal rights, and there is less marginalization, residents continue to feel that they with them. We care about everyday issues.” need wasta in order to get any support or assistance. One man said, “If you don’t The prominence of only one political party may be beneficial for the stability have wasta, you don’t get anything.” of the camp, as one man said, “Even now the situation is very stable, politically, Both communities employ a variety of coping mechanisms in order to deal because there is one party controlling everything and there is no conflict with with the difficult situation in which they find themselves. They use their- sur other parties.” It also seems as though the elderly in the camp have some level rounding social networks of family and friends in order to gain both financial of influence over the situation: “If there are fights, the old men come and tell and emotional support. One woman from el Buss said, “We have lots of social them that we don’t want any fighting.” However, not everyone is content with the gatherings. We laugh. We get together.” The Palestinians also depend on their influence and control of the political bodies over the camp. One man mentioned social networks for help during tough financial periods. One woman said, “Our the fact that politics are often handed-down from parents to their children: “If daughter makes $300 per month, so she helps out. Sometimes our son works someone is in a political organization and they are not educated, they are just as a painter also. So we get by.” Another woman from Jal el Bahr said, “People as ignorant as their parents. The aims of the political organizations are to keep help us because no one works. People see that my husband is disabled and my people ignorant, so they can control them.” children are small, so then they help us.” One of the Christian women recog- In Jal el Bahr, as has been mentioned throughout the chapter, there seem to nized her religion as being a source of support: “I talk to the priest if I have any be two groups, one that supports the PC, and similarly receives support from problems.” the PC, and a second group which is against the committee and receives no Arguably, Jal el Bahr faces more hardships than el Buss, and their residents help. Two quotes from community members demonstrate the stark difference in appear to have more difficulties financially than the refugees in the camp. This opinions. One man said: has created both a need for ingenuity and a sense of community within the area. “We have a Popular Committee, like el Buss, that represents us. They are One woman noted how they are able to afford to send their children to school: good, not bad. Whenever help [money or material donations] comes it “For example, my children want to go to school, but they don’t have shoes. So should be passed to the Popular Committee and they distribute it to the we sew these by ourselves.” While building is outright prohibited, residents find whole area. Even if the help is for one person, they will give to everyone so ways around this. One woman explained, “We build our house at night.” This that no one is left out. When there are problems between people, they can go to them [the PC] and they will help solve it.” way, the enterprise is not directly visible to the army who come during the day. Others described making rehabilitations indoors, leaving the damaged sections Whereas, another man said: in place on the outside, in order to hide the repairs from the authorities. “The Popular Committee helps themselves and the people related to them. The residents have come together to support each other against threats to But we are not related to them, so we don’t feel that they represent us. They the community’s well-being. One woman remembers when they were building don’t go to UNRWA and tell them that the zinco roofs need to be changed, the highway: because their roofs are cement.” “There was a person who had a store here. The army removed the store

414 415 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12

to build the highway, but they did not give him any compensation. So the 1. (Sayigh, 2007) p. 2 whole area protested and closed the road. So they [the army] ended up 2. (Sayigh, 2007) p.21 helping him. But if we didn’t do this, they would have left him alone without 3. (Sayigh, 2007) p. 21 helping him at all. Deep down we thought, ‘If they removed one person, 4. (Fisk, 1990) p. 36 they could do that to all of us.’” 5. (Fisk, 1990) p. 37 Another time when the community has come together was to try and prevent 6. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 4. Though estimates vary and some are con- more destruction and death due to the busy highway. The refugees built speed siderably lower, falling around 90,000 bumps along the highway in order to try and reduce the speed of the cars pass- 7. Spellings of the camp vary, including Al-Bass. ing by the community. Although the municipality eventually removed them, the 8. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 4 initiative shows that the residents are willing to take action for the common good 9. (UNRWA) (b) of the area. 10. (UNRWA and UNHCR, 2007) p. 2 11. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 4 12. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 4 Conclusion 13. On 26 July 1956 Colonel Nasser of Egypt nationalized the Suez Canal after the Therese Delpech writes in her book, Savage Century: United States, the United Kingdom, and the World Bank denied Egypt previously promised loans to build the Aswan high dam. On 29 October 1956 Israeli “… because of the unthinkable crimes committed all through the last cen- forces attacked Egypt with the backing of the United Kingdom and France. Is- tury, that century remains in many respects a century without forgiveness. raelis occupied Gaza strip and the Egyptian Sinai. Israel was hoping to end the It is from that ground still accessible to memory that we must set out once more to find promise of a future, in the absence of which no survival is attacks, which Palestinians groups had been waging from these areas. A cease-fire possible.”114 was agreed upon on 7 November but Israel continued to occupy these areas until 1957. (ICRC, 1996) A Palestinian woman in one of the camps in Lebanon made a comment: 14. In 1967 there was a 6–day war between the Egypt, Jordan, and Syria against Israel. “Many people made mistakes during the Civil War. But is there no forgiveness?” The war took place from 5 June and ended on 10 June with an armistice. There The Palestinians in Lebanon continue to face an uncertain future from an were heavy losses on the Arab countryside, and Israel increased their territory, by unstable present. While most have access to basic services, they are limited in controlling the Golan Heights and parts of Mount Hermon. (Al Jazeera, 2009) what they can do for their livelihoods and restricted in where they can live. There 15. The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was established in 1964 and are even fewer options for the future. While they are very much in the political moved to Lebanon in 1970, as part of the 1969 Cairo Agreement between Yasser consciousness of various debates within the country, they remain socially mar- Arafat (the leader of the PLO) and Emile Boustani, (the head of the Lebanese ginalized in Lebanese society. army), though many people wrongly believe that they invaded the country. The PLO was recognized by the UN as the “sole legitimate representative of the Pal- estinian people.” Many Palestinians say that when the PLO was in Lebanon their situation improved as the PLO created institutions and built infrastructure supporting the refugees. The PLO also added to the financial situation of the refugees, and there were times when two thirds of the Palestinian work force was employed by the PLO and the resistance movements. Many even viewed their arrival as a message from God; the PLO had been sent to alleviate the suffering of the Pales- tinians. Some believe that the arrival of the PLO in Lebanon was the cause of the Civil War, though a key informant noted that they arrived five years prior to the beginning of the conflict. The PLO was then forced to leave the country following the Israeli occupation in 1982, leaving the Palestinians without any protection and with very little access to services. It is made up of a variety of members including the Fatah party. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 1, 4, (Amnesty International,

416 417 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12

2007), Personal and key informant Interviews, Sayigh, 1995 quoted in (Chaaban, 45. (Bennafla, 2007) et al., 2011) p. 3 46. (Peteet, 2007) 16. (Doraï, 2003) p. 24 47. (Doraï, 2003) p. 24 17. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 5 48. (Doraï, 2003) p. 24 18. Amal is a Shiite organization that was started by Imam Moussa Sadr 49. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 7 19. (UNRWA) (b) 50. Jal el Bahr is the focus on the next chapter. It was inserted here for comparison. 20. As of December 2010 there were 425, 640 Palestinians registered with UNRWA in 51. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 8 Lebanon. (Chabaan, et al., 2011) p. 24 52. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 10-11 21. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 24 53. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 17 22. (Amnesty International, 2007) 54. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 17 and personal interviews 23. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 24. This number has been called into question by local 55. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 13 NGOs. As the methodology is not available within the report it is impossible to de- 56. As part of the amendments approved in 2010, the National Social Security Fund termine whether this statistic may be accurate or not. One local NGO worker ex- (NSSF) announced in May 2011 that Palestinian refugees working in Lebanon are plained that their sampling method could greatly affect this number, as the elderly now eligible to receive end of service indemnity benefits. But Palestinian workers are most likely to live on the ground floor, and their children and their families live still are not eligible to benefit from the NSSF’s health, maternity care or family on the higher floors. If the methodology entailed interviewing mainly ground floor allowances. housing, this fact would underestimate the members in each family. Key informant 57. Included in the 2010 amendment will be a social security fund for Palestinians. interview. However, this will only cover retirement indemnities, but no other benefits for 24. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 24 family, illness, or maternity leave, like the Lebanese have under the National Social 25. The destroyed camps were Nabatieh, Jisr el Pasah, and Tall el Zaatar. (Interna- Security Fund (Chabaan, et al., 2011) p. 13. During the parliamentary sessions it tional Crisis Group 2009) p. 4 was not decided how or where this fund would be set up, and many Palestinians 26. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 2-3 are unconvinced that this will ever take place (Personal interviews). The new law is 27. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 4 meant to ease the process by which Palestinians apply for work permits, and also 28. (Frontiers (Rawad) Association, 2006) p. 11-12 supply the permits for free (Muir, 2011). But, one major issue remains the fact that 29. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 4 in order to apply for a permit, Palestinians must have a current work contract, 30. (Frontiers (Rawad) Association, 2006) p. 10 which includes paid health insurance. While employees often pay for this insurance 31. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 4 themselves (Chabaan, et al., 2011) p. 13., this restriction continues to limit their 32. (UNRWA and UNHCR, 2007) p. 2 ability to even apply for the permits, as Palestinians often work in unstable and 33. (UNWRA) (c) insecure jobs, where contracts are not normally issued. Some refugees also believe 34. (Frontiers (Rawad) Association, 2006) that this is just another way in which they can become entangled in bureaucracy 35. Note that the definition refers to Palestine refugees, and not Palestinian refugees. and forced to use wasta or bribery to order obtain work permits (Personal Inter- (UNRWA and UNHCR, 2007) p. 5 views). 36. (Frontiers (Rawad) Association, 2006) p. 60 58. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 13 37. (Frontiers (Rawad) Association, 2006) p. 61 59. Some of the restricted professions, from both categories, include: medical doc- 38. Quoted in (Frontiers (Rawad) Association 2006) p. 63 tors, engineers, pharmacists, professions within the law, architects, nurses, dentists, 39. (Frontiers (Rawad) Association, 2006) p. 64, 70 veterinarians, physiotherapists, hospital owners, drug warehouse workers, medical 40. UNWRA’s fields of operation are: The West Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Syria, and Leba- laboratory workers, dental laboratory workers, teachers (at all levels), certified ac- non. countants, journalists, technicians, travel agents, news editors, insurance agents, 41. (UNRWA and UNHCR, 2007) p. 5 topographers, owners of tourist companies, hairdressers, workers within currency 42. (UNRWA and UNHCR, 2007) p. 6 exchange, real estate agents, taxi drivers, driving instructors, publishers, managers 43. (UNRWA and UNHCR, 2007) of publishing companies, and news editors. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 13 44. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 11 60. The five kindergartens are run by: Beit Atfal Al Somoud, NABAA, Al Najdeh

418 419 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR 12

Association, Al Iman KG, and GUPW. (Handicapped International and ECHO, 91. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 16 2009) 92. (Amensty USA, n.d.) 61. The schools are el Shajara School, Dair Yassin School, and Nimrin School, which 93. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 144 are all operated by UNRWA. Key informant interview 94. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 144 62. Palestinian students must still pay a registration fee at UNRWA schools. Students 95. The recent AUB report noted that this number increased from 25 (as originally noted that the cost for high school registration is LL100,000 ($67) in addition to a reported in (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) to 29 LL15,000 ($10) deposit for books, which is returned at the end of the year. The 96. This is a direct translation from the Arabic name, but the accurate English name registration for elementary schools is less expensive. is not known. 63. (Blome Jacobson, 2003) quoted in (Age, 2005) 97. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 63 64. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 38 98. (Sharar, 2009) p. 8 65. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 36 99. (Sharar, 2009) p. 9 66. (Terre des hommes, 2009) p. 6 100. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 143 67. (UNRWA) (b) 101. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 144 68. A pseudonym 102. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 29. However, an NRC report said that the 69. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 4-5 water network was “protected by a good chlorination as the free residual chlorine 70. Another 17 areas were assessed but were not included either because they did not indicates (0.5 mg/L). No contamination was found.” (Premiere Urgence & Norwe- have humanitarian or protection needs, they were well integrated with reason- gian Refugee Council, 2009) p. 87 able standards or living, or they were very small. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) 103. (Sharar, 2009) p. 27 p. 12, 14 104. (Premiere Urgence & Norwegian Refugee Council, 2009) p. 74, 87 71. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 24 105. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 144 72. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 12 106. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 144 73. Key informant interview and (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. viii 107. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 16 74. A DRC report noted that 20-30 percent of houses in gatherings may be headed by 108. (Hillenkamp, 2008) a female. They explained this large proportion by the death of husbands, injuries 109. Some of the organizations present in the camp are: Beit Atfal Al Somoud, NABAA, incurred in the workplace, or handicaps. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 48, Al Najdeh Association, Al Iman KG, GUPW, the Women’s Humanitarian Orga- 143 nization (PWHO), Nabil Badran Center, Early Intervention Unit, UNRWA social 75. (Premiere Urgence & Norwegian Refugee Council, 2009) p. 87 services center, the Humanitarian Endowment for Development and Relief, Terre 76. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 144 des Hommes, and Handicap International. This list may not be inclusive of all of 77. A pseudonym the NGOs operating in the camp, as these are the only NGOs listed in (Handicap 78. Amendment to decree no. 11614. Cited in (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 17 International and ECHO, 2009) 79. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 17 110. (UNRWA) (d) 80. (Chaaban, et al., 2011) p. 15 111. (UNRWA) (d) One key informant noted that until the late 1980s and early 1990s 81. (Mroue, 2010) all Palestinians had ration cards and received food assistance on a monthly basis. 82. (Daily Star, 2010a) It was at this time that the SHAP program was introduced for the most vulnerable 83. (Daily Star, 2010b) members of the community. According an article on the Forced Migration Online 84. (Zaatari, 2010) website: “Palestinian refugees in Lebanon have the worst socio-economic situation 85. (Sharar, 2009) p 8 in UNRWA’s five areas of operations with the highest percentage of Special Hard- 86. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 145 ship Cases (SHCs). There are approximately 46,204 SHCs and which is about 87. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 144 11.4% of the registered refugee population, in comparison with 8.7% in Gaza 88. (Terre des hommes, 2009) p. 5 and 7.3% in Syria.” For more information see: http://www.forcedmigration.org/ 89. (Terre des hommes, 2009) p. 5 guides/fmo018/fmo018.pdf 90. (Sharar, 2009) p. 9 112. (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 66

420 421 INTRODUCTION 1

113. (International Crisis Group, 2009) p. 1, 22, (Danish Refugee Council, 2005) p. 15 114. (Delpech, 2007) p. 180

Part 4

CONCLUSION

422 423 CONCLUSION

Patterns of poverty

The objective in undertaking this study was to improve the understanding of the qualitative dynamics of poverty in Lebanon. This was accomplished by allowing the individuals and groups affected a voice to describe their own realities of being poor – something that has been missing from previous research in Leba- non. While some quantitative and statistical data exists, it needed to be balanced with an understanding of the human face of poverty – the narrative of the poor. The research methodology moved beyond simple income sufficiency indicators to capture the dynamics of poverty, both the causes and consequences, as explained by those who experience it. Poverty measurement tools like the Multidimensionality Poverty Index (MPI), which is quite similar in concept to the Human Development Index, try to capture this by identifying a range of deprivations in an individual’s life and their household. “The measure assesses the nature and intensity of poverty at the individual level in education, health outcomes, and standard of living.”1 The MPI indicators include education (years of schooling and child enrollment), health (child mortality and nutrition), and standard of living (availability of electricity, type of sanitation, access to drinking water, the type and quality of the floor in the household, the type of cooking fuel used, and the number of assets the household has). In preparing the methodology and framework for the interviews, while tools like the MPI were important, it was quickly realized that they were insufficient for understanding why a community was poor, why its members are vulnerable to external shocks, and what coping mechanisms are utilized to deal with this. Indicators alone are not sufficient in explaining the dynamics of poverty – they only provide a static snapshot of some aspects of poverty. With this in mind other ways of looking at

424 425 CONCLUSION 13 or assessing poverty, such as in terms of vulnerability, maginalization, isolation, Quite concerning is the emergence of another vulnerable group – children. powerlessness, and voicelessness, were added to the framework and explored and These children are both Lebanese and expatriates and include the children of analyzed throughout the study. refugees, prisoners, and migrant workers, as well as children working on the Over 200 interviews with 417 participants in eight communities took place streets and institutionalized children. Child labor is common in both urban and over the course of one year. The primary data collection alone thus provides a rural areas, and while Lebanon has protection mechanisms in place, these are significant contribution to the knowledge base used to understand poverty in contradictory to other policies and often not implemented. Lebanon. While making any definitive universally applicable conclusions about Further trends were evident not only in the causes of poverty but also the poverty in the country would be presumptuous, certain patterns were observed ways in which it is manifested, often with clear links between the two. Those and can be extrapolated from the data, and it is in these patterns that the nature lacking citizenship, which may have occurred for a variety of reasons, have dif- and dynamics of poverty in Lebanon are revealed. ficulty accessing public services and often cannot afford private services, affect- In Lebanon there are very specific groups who experience poverty. Groups ing their ability to improve their own circumstances. Many of the poor lack like the rural communities who live in pockets in the Bekaa Valley, the south, and sufficient education and skills to participate in the labor market and instead end the north are some of the most poor in the country. Historically these areas have up working in the informal sector as day laborers, where work is inconsistent been neglected by the government and have had little access to services. The and dependent on a variety of factors (such as the stability of the country and traditionally poor also include Lebanese who have migrated from rural areas to seasonal changes). The seasonality of the income has a huge impact on the poor urban centers, contributing to an extremely large urban population that experi- not being able to save, other than for the months when they have work, beyond ences a lack of opportunities and lives in slum-like conditions. According to the which there is no surplus. The location of one’s residence also plays a major role UNDP Country Study, 28.54 percent of the Lebanese population in the country in the instance of poverty. Those residing near the southern border live with lives below the national poverty line; many of those contained in that percentage constant feelings of insecurity and have experienced numerous periods of dis- belong to these groups.2 placement because of war and violence. This has caused a decrease in the liveli- Nevertheless, the face of poverty in Lebanon is changing. Due to the major hoods available (constant insecurity serves as a deterrent to investment) as well changes that have taken place across the region during the 20th century and the as repeated damage to their homes and property. Those living in other isolated devastating 15-year Lebanese Civil War, there have been huge changes in the de- regions across the country lack access to government services, such as schools, mographic makeup of the country, resulting in the emergence of new vulnerable health services, and infrastructure. Many of the rural poor own very little, if any, groups, many of whom are considered foreign in the country. The new vulnerable agricultural land, and are therefore unable to provide for their own needs, never populations include: refugees (Armenians, Palestinians, Iraqis, and Syrians), the mind produce a surplus that they would be able to sell for profit. The urban poor Bedouins, the Dom (also known as gypsies or Nawars), and migrant workers, more are often illegally squatting in urban slums, and in many cases experience inse- specifically migrant domestic workers. The exact population sizes of these groups cure land tenure. The quality of the houses in both the rural and urban areas is are unknown although conservative estimates show that they could easily number consistently poor, and homes are often overcrowded. over 1million people, a substantial number given that Lebanon itself only has 4 Regardless of the cause of poverty, many of the vulnerable populations expe- million citizens residing in the country. Likely large percentages of these groups rience poor health. It is suspected that children experience high levels of micro- also fall below the poverty line, though they were not included in the UNDP nutrient deficiencies, which is evident in stunting found among certain groups. Country Study. Unfortunately some of the policies of the Lebanese government Breast-feeding is uncommon and though impoverished populations often have make it difficult for these groups to emerge from the cycle of poverty in which enough to eat, they lack the variety needed for a healthy diet. Adults experi- they are entrapped. For example, Lebanon is not a signatory to the Conventions ence similar health issues to those in developed countries – diabetes, high blood for the Right of Refugees and as a result most refugees have limited protection pressure, and chronic diseases – though the causes for these are often related to and varying access to basic services. All refugees in the country face an uncertain constant stress associated with repeated experiences of violence, conflict, and future, unless they are repatriated to their own countries or are resettled in a third displacement, as well as the daily struggles associated with poverty and margin- country. The Bedouins and Dom face citizenship issues, though many believe alization. they are Lebanese, and therefore cannot access services provided to nationals. Other elements common to poor populations across the country are the lack Often these groups are marginalized, living in poverty on the edges of society of social safety nets as well as adequate coping mechanisms in order to mitigate with very few resources to withstand any emergencies or shocks. the seasonality, shocks, and emergencies that they face. These groups often lack

426 427 CONCLUSION 13 targeted government programs or policies aimed at reducing their vulnerabilities While the community is admittedly poor, they maintain that they are good and alleviating the hardships they experience. Rarely do any of these communi- people with strong morals. This was contrasted by the other urban communities ties have social security or health insurance, which are most often linked to stable studied, Hay el Gharbeh and Karm el Zeitoun, both of which have witnessed employment and citizenship. In addition, lack of financial reserves and assets or an increase in social issues such as drug use and prostitution over the recent access to foreign remittances, all of which assist others in Lebanon to withstand years. Hay el Gharbeh is a community segmented by various populations, both difficult periods, leaves these communities even more vulnerable. Subsequently foreigners and Lebanese, many of whom have migrated from other countries the impoverished often resort to desperate coping mechanisms which may in- or parts of Lebanon in search of cheap accommodation. Housing issues (not clude limiting their food intake, dropping out of school, not seeking medical necessarily land tenureship) are becoming increasingly commonly in Karm el services, or placing their children in institutions. Zeitoun, a community that now hosts almost all of the different communities All of these causes and consequences of poverty manifest themselves in such and populations present across Lebanon. Unlike other mixed communities, a way as to create a downward spiral where each vulnerability or shock increases Karm el Zeitoun has managed to integrate most of its members, though the the chance of a new vulnerability. In turn, each new level of experienced vulner- recent influx of migrant workers has caused strife between long-term residents ability heightens the probability of being exposed to new risks. and those who have just arrived. As evidenced, there was no single universal vulnerability that could be iden- The Palestinian refugees, by far the largest refugee population in the country, tified across communities, though the poverty found in each community is not lack many basic human rights and the means to pull themselves out of their absolutely unique either – there is overlap between communities. destitute situation. The psychological impacts of being unable to return to their For instance, in rural communities poverty is by exacerbation isolation, lack homeland and their perceived feelings of being unwanted in their country of of investment, neglect, and absence of services. Wazzani and Jmeijme in south- residence are significant. ern Lebanon struggled to recover from various conflicts but have never quite Poverty in a middle-income country like Lebanon is often ignored as the done so as they continue to live in a highly insecure part of the country. Ad- country as a whole is not poor. Many within the country even see it as an ditionally, their remote locations mean they lack government services, although embarrassment and actively try to cover it up, though most are not even aware Jmeijme has received increased service provision due to the rather recent pres- of its extent, much less understand its causes and dynamics. While many of ence of sectarian political parties in the area, although this was also likely the its neighbors have plentiful oil and gas reserves, Lebanon lacks such resources cause of the major destruction, which occurred in the area during the 2006 war. and is dependent on service industries like tourism and hospitality, banking and As the villagers in Wazzani claim to have no political affiliation, they do not financial services, and on being a transshipment point for trade. All of these are receive any extra support. Mareh and Bajaa in North Lebanon are also located easily disrupted by political tensions, uncertainty, violence, and conflict. This in an isolated region that has been neglected by many governments, with few places severe restrictions on the budget available to the government to address resources and even fewer investments contributing to the poor socioeconomic issues of poverty. status of the residents. While their natural capital was once quite strong, it is According to the Human Development Index and the Millennium Develop- deteriorating rapidly. Their plots of land are now too small to be productive and ment Goals Lebanon as a country is doing fairly well. It has maintained fairly their main water source has recently become polluted. While the Bedouin also high access to education, its health indicators in terms of maternal and child experience rural isolation, this is not the main challenge that the community mortality rates as well as morbidity rates are fairly good. There is little food faces. Rather, the Bedouins struggle with issues of citizenship and discrimination insecurity and, overall, nutritional rates are fairly good. All these mask signifi- that do not allow them to participate in the mainstream of Lebanese society and cant pockets of poverty in the urban and rural areas, and among certain ethnic limit their ability to access public services, something that is limited to only those groups. While there are now some government programs that identify and target with nationality – this is the main issue present in the Dom communities as well. the poor, certain foreign and refugee populations continue to lack legal or social Poor urban communities are more generally in a state of flux trying to incor- protection. porate new migrant populations who create competition not only for space but What makes the face of poverty different in a country like Lebanon is that also for jobs and housing. Land tenureship is often an issue, though the urban poverty cannot be addressed only by ensuring access to services and subsidies, poor generally live in poor quality housing and slum-like conditions. By far the or by improving livelihoods and income. These are valuable interventions and most prevalent issue in Hay el Tanak is insecure land tenureship. The residents will prevent extreme poverty but will rarely improve the socioeconomic status of are actively fighting for their right to stay on the land or be compensated fairly. the poor and enable them to move out of poverty. The confessional and com-

428 429 CONCLUSION 13

munal structure of Lebanese society does not allow for social mobility. So while 1. (Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative) the poor may be able to access education up to a certain level, they are unable to 2. (Laithy, Abu-Ismail and Hamdan, 2008) move out of chronic poverty and therefore they continue to remain vulnerable. 3. (Sen, 1999) p. 285 The poor belong to marginalized communities and as a result are either geographically isolated in remote parts of the country or socially isolated in pockets in urban areas. They remain voiceless and powerless because they are ignored by those with influence and power. Yet, in the past 50 years certain groups have benefited from social movements that have empowered the poor and the marginalized, and provided with a voice that has alleviated their oppression. Amartya Sen writes in Development as Freedom: “Central to the challenges we face in the contemporary world is our idea of an acceptable society … What can we do to make society more tolerable? Underlying such ideas lie some theories of evaluation and – often implicitly – even some basic understandings of social justice.”3 In Lebanon, such a re-evaluation of the understanding of social justice is essential if poverty in the country is to be alleviated rather than allowed to become ever more deeply ingrained. As has been evidenced across the Middle East in 2011, voicelessness and marginalization are the very traits that eventually lead to social upheaval. Bearing this in mind, and beyond the realities and constraints of confessionalism (which is right now the bedrock of Lebanese society), perhaps it is time Lebanon asked exactly what kind of society it wishes to create and just where do the poor fit into the national agenda.

430 431 MAREH and BAJAA

The river in the valley below Mareh The road leading up to Mareh An old house in Mareh

A tractor delivering water to Mareh Bags full of plants and herbs that have been collected by the villagers

432 433 WAZZANI

Crops in a field beside Wazzani

One resident’s cattle

A house in Wazzani

Olive orchards and the hills in the area surrounding Wazzani A street in Wazzani

434 435 JMEIJME

Grapevines growing in the caza of Bint Jbeil A woman sitting in the rubble after the 2006 war in the caza of Bint Jbeil

Dried tobacco plants A collapsed house in the caza of Bint Jbeil

436 437 ARAB EL HAROUQ

A flock of sheep moving from one field to another for grazing

A Bedouin man from Arab el Harouq

Women from the community working in the fields Houses in Arab el Harouq

438 439 HAY EL TANAK

The main street of Hay el Tanak

Overlooking Hay el Tanak

Dilapidated houses in Hay el Tanak

A house in Hay el Tanak, the reeds and long grass evidence the swampy quality of the soil it is built on Plastic bottles collected by the residents of Hay el Tanak

440 441 HAY EL GHARBEH

Overlooking the houses in Hay el Gharbeh Overlooking Hay el Gharbeh (Shatilla in the background)

Children playing in the streets of Hay el Gharbeh A house in Hay el Gharbeh

442 443 KARM EL ZEITOUN

The steep hill of Karm el Zeitoun, where people’s roof form others’ gardens

Buildings in Karm el Zeitoun A side-street in Karm el Zeitoun

444 445 EL BUSS and JAL EL BAHR

Alleys in el Buss A fishing boat used by the local men

A house built on the beach in Jal el Bahr Houses in Jal el Bahr

446 447 INTRODUCTION 1

APPENDICES

448 449 APPENDIX 1: LEBANON TIMELINE In reference to this study

1920 1 September: The State of Greater Lebanon is proclaimed when the League of Nations grants the mandate for Lebanon and Syria to France. It includes former autonomous provinces, which were historically part of Syria. Throughout the 1920s and early 1930s Armenian refugees arrive.

1926 23 May: A constitution is approved by the Lebanese Representative Council and the Lebanese Republic is declared.

1941 Free French and British troops occupy Lebanon in June 1941; on 26 November, independence is declared

1943 March: An unwritten National Covenant uses the 1932 census to distribute seats in parliament on a ratio of six-to-five in favor of Christians; this ratio was later extended to other public offices. Roles are reserved based on religion: the president must be a Maronite, the prime minister a Sunni Muslim, and the speaker of the Chamber of Deputies a Shiite Muslim. November-December: Members of the recently appointed government, who declared an end to the mandate, are detained by Free French forces. They were released on 22 November, which was then proclaimed Independence Day. France agrees to transfer power to the Lebanese government beginning on 1 January 1944.

450 451 LEBANON TIMELINE I

1948 The conflict in Palestine escalates andNakbah (day of catastrophe) occurs in May October: A ceasefire is arranged following Arab summit meetings in Saudi causing thousands of Palestinians to flee into Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. Arabia and Egypt. The Arab Deterrent Force (ADF) is established to maintain peace; it is predominantly Syrian. 1957 President Camille Chamoun accepts the Eisenhower Doctrine, thereby receiving 1978 economic and military support from the United States, countering Soviet influ- 14-15 March: In reprisal for a Palestinian attack into its territory, Israel invades ence in the region. Lebanon, occupying land as far north as the Litani River. Israel occupies south Lebanon. 1958 19 March: Resolution 425 is passed by the UN Security Council (UNSC), which Internal conflict escalates and develops into a civil war. The US sends marines to calls on Israel to withdraw from all Lebanese territory and establishes the United intervene at the request of President Chamoun. Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) to confirm the Israeli withdrawal, restore peace, and help the Lebanese government re-establish its authority in 1967 the area. June: Lebanon plays no active role in the 6-day Arab-Israeli war. By 13 June territory is handed over from Israel to Major Saad Hadded who is controlling Israel’s proxy militia, which is comprised mainly of Christians. 1968 28 December: Israel raids the Beirut airport, destroying 13 civilian planes in 1982 retaliation for an attack by two members of the Popular Front for the Liberation 6 June: Resulting from the attempted assassination of the Israeli ambassador to of Palestine (PFLP) on an Israeli plane in Athens. Britain, Israel again invades Lebanon in an operation called “Operation Peace for Galilee.” 1969 14 to 15 September: Following the assassination of Bashir Gemayel, the presi- November: An agreement between Army Commander-in-Chief Emile Bustani dent-elect, Israeli forces occupy West Beirut. and Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman Yasser Arafat is signed 16 to 18 September: The Phalangist militia attacks the Palestinian refugee in Cairo aimed at ending clashes between the Lebanese army and Palestinian camps of Sabra and Shatilla, killing many of its residents. fighters and allowing the PLO to operate from Lebanon in order to continue 21 September: Amine Gemayel (Bachir Gemayel’s elder brother) is elected their struggle against Israel. president. 24 September: As requested by the country, peacekeeping forces, comprised 1973 mainly of US, French, and Italian troops arrive in Lebanon. April: The Lebanese government resigns the day after Israeli commandos raid Beirut and kill three Palestinian leaders who are close associates of Arafat. 1983 17 May: Israel and Lebanon sign an agreement to end hostilities, establish a 1975 security zone in south Lebanon, and for the withdrawal of Israeli troops. 13 April: Civil War begins after Phalangist gunmen kill 27 passengers on a bus 23 October: 241 US marines and 56 French paratroopers are killed in two in the Ain el Rummaneh neighborhood of Beirut. They were mainly Palestin- bomb explosions in Beirut, responsibility for which is claimed by two militant ians, many of whom were civilians. The Phalangists claim that Palestinian guer- Shiite groups. rillas had previously attacked a church in the same area. 1985 1976 6 June: By this point most Israeli troops have withdrawn though some remain June: In an effort to restore peace and restrain the Palestinians, Syrian troops to support the South Lebanon Army (SLA) led by Maj. Gen. Antoine Lahoud. enter Lebanon. They continue to operate in a “security zone” in southern area of the country.

452 453 LEBANON TIMELINE I

1987 July: The Lebanese army defeats the PLO in Saida so that it now confronts the 21 May: Lebanon annuls the 1969 Cairo agreement with the PLO as well as Israelis and the SLA north of the so-called “security zone.” cancels the agreement reached with Israel in May 1983. August: The National Assembly grants an amnesty for all crimes committed 1 June: A bomb placed in his helicopter kills Prime Minister Rashid Karami. As during the Civil War, 1975-1990. Aoun receives a presidential pardon and is al- a result Selim al-Hoss becomes prime minister. lowed to leave for France. 1988 1992 22 September: President Amine Gemayel names a six-member interim govern- February: Secretary-General of Hezbollah, Sheikh Abbas al-Musawi, is killed ment when no candidate is elected to succeed him. The interim military govern- when Israeli helicopters attack his motorcade near Saida. ment is made up of three Christians and three Muslims, though the Christians June: All Western hostages held by Shiite groups have been released. later refuse to serve. As a result, two governments are formed; the mainly Muslim 20 October: The first elections since 1972 take place in August and September group operates out of West Beirut, led by el Hoss, while the Christian side is and Nabih Berri, the secretary-general of the Shiite organization Amal becomes based in East Beirut and headed by Michel Aoun, the Maronite Commander- speaker of the National Assembly. in-Chief of the Army. October: Leading a cabinet of technocrats, Rafiq Hariri becomes prime minister. 1989 March: A “war of liberation” is declared by Aoun against the Syrian presence 1993 in Lebanon. July: Attempting to control Hezbollah and the Popular Front for the Libera- 22 October: Following a meeting in Ta’if, Saudi Arabia, The National Assembly tion of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC) in southern Lebanon, Israel approves a Charter of National Reconciliation, known as the Ta’if Accord. This launches its heaviest attack since 1982, “Operation Accountability.” effectively narrowed the power of the president and transferred executive power to the cabinet. Additionally, the National Assembly was altered to have equal 1996 numbers of Muslims and Christians, in comparison to the previous five-to-six April: Israelis bomb Hezbollah strongholds in southern Lebanon, the southern ratio. district of Beirut, and the Bekaa in the attack known as “Operation Grapes of November: Shortly after his election, President Rene Moawad is assassinated. Wrath.” Over 1000 Lebanese civilians are killed in Qana, where they were shel- He is succeeded by Elias Hrawi. Gen. Emile Lahoud replaces Aoun as Com- tering after being displaced. mander-in-Chief of the Army and Selim al-Hoss becomes prime minister. A truce is negotiated by the United States whereby Hezbollah and Palestinian 1990 guerillas agree to stop civilian attacks on north Israel. The truce terms also rec- October: Aoun takes refuge in the French embassy following Syrian air force ognize Israel’s right to self-defense and Hezbollah’s right to resist the Israeli oc- attacks on the Presidential Palace. cupation of southern Lebanon. The Israel-Lebanon Monitoring Group (ILMG), December: The national reconciliation government is headed by Omar Karami with members from the US, France, Israel, Lebanon, and Syria, is set up to monitor the truce; Lebanon and Syria do not sign the understanding. 1991 The dissolution of all militias is ordered to be complete by 30 April, though 1998 Hezbollah (a Shiite party formed during the war) is allowed to remain active and April: UN Security Council Resolution 425 of 1978 is accepted by Israel’s inner the SLA refuses to disband. cabinet, on the condition that Lebanon guarantees the security of Israel’s northern border. This provision is rejected by Lebanon and Syria. 1991 November: Succeeding President Hrawi, Emily Lahoud, the head of the Army, is sworn in as president. May: A Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination is signed in December: Heading a cabinet that includes no militia leaders and only two min- Damascus by Lebanon and Syria. A Higher Council, co-chaired by their two isters from the previous administration, Selim al-Hoss becomes prime minister. presidents, is established.

454 455 LEBANON TIMELINE I

1999 2006 June: Occupied since 1985, the SLA completes its withdrawal from Jezzine. July: Hezbollah seizes two Israeli soldiers, which results in air and sea attacks by Israel. Thousands of people are displaced from south Lebanon, the southern 2000 suburbs of Beirut, and the Bekaa Valley, and civilian casualties are high. Infra- March: The Israeli cabinet votes in favor of the unilateral withdrawal of Israeli structure is badly damaged across the country. troops from southern Lebanon by July 2000. August: After 34 days of fighting and the deaths of around 1,000 Lebanese April: Thirteen Lebanese prisoners, who had been held without trial for more (mainly civilians) and 159 Israelis, (mainly soldiers), a truce between Israel and than 10 years, are released by Israel, although the detentions of Hezbollah’s Hezbollah is agreed upon and comes into effect on 14 August. A UN peacekeep- Sheikh Abdel Karim Obeid and Mustafa Dib el Dirani are extended. ing force deploys along the border with Israel. May: Israeli forces withdraw from south Lebanon, well before the designated September: For the first time in decades Lebanese government forces deploy deadline of 7 July, after the collapse of the SLA and the swift advance of Hez- along the Israeli border. bollah forces. November: Ministers from the Shiite parties resign as cabinet approval for a 25 May: “Resistance and Liberation Day” – a public holiday. tribunal to try the suspects in the killing of Rafiq Hariri looms. Pierre Gemayel, October: Rafiq Hariri is elected prime minister for a second time. a leading Christian politician and government minister is killed. December: Thousands participate in demonstrations demanding the resigna- 2001 tion of the government. March: Israel opposes Lebanon pumping water from a tributary of the Jordan River to supply a village along the southern border. 2007 March: After the Hezbollah-led opposition calls for a general strike in January, a 2002 tent town springs up in central Beirut demanding more influence in the govern- September: Israel does not accept the diversion of the Wazzani River, which ment. They remain there for over 100 days. supplies 10 percent of the country’s drinking water, they threaten to use military May-September: Fighting occurs in the Palestinian camp, Nahr el Bared, be- force. tween Islamist militants and the Lebanese army. Over 300 people die and 40,000 residents flee. Large areas of the camp are completely destroyed before the army 2004 gains control. September: Syria dismisses the UN Security Council resolution demanding the May: The UN Security Council votes to set up a tribunal to try suspects in the exit of foreign troops from Lebanon. case of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. November: After failing to choose a successor, President Emile Lahoud steps 2005 down. The cabinet of Prime Minister Faoud Siniora assumes responsibility for February: Then prime minister Rafiq Hariri along with 22 others in his motor- the presidency. cade are killed by a bomb in Beirut. Prime Minister Omar Karami’s cabinet resigns and there are anti-Syria rallies demanding the withdrawal of Syrian troops. 2008 March: Lebanese, numbering in the hundreds of thousands, rally both for and May: Clashes between Hezbollah and pro-government factions result in the against Syria. The president asks Prime Minister Omar Karami to form a new deaths of over 80 people, precipitating fears of another civil war. Ending a six- government, only days after he resigns. month-long political deadlock, Army chief Michel Suleiman is elected president. April: MP Najib Miqati replaces Karami after he fails to form a new govern- Fouad Siniora is reappointed prime minister, with the task of forming a new ment. As demanded by the UN, Syria says its forces have left Lebanon. unity government. June: Samir Kassir, a journalist who is critical of the Syrian influence, is killed July: The makeup of a national unity government is agreed upon by political by a car bomb. Following elections, Saad Hariri, the son of former PM Rafiq leaders. Hariri and leading an anti-Syrian alliance, wins control of parliament. Fouad July: Suleiman and Bashar el Assad, the Syrian President, meet in Paris and Siniora is chosen as prime minister. agree to work to establish full diplomatic relations between Syria and Lebanon.

456 457 In exchange for the remains of two Israeli soldiers captured by Hezbollah in July APPENDIX II: METHODOLOGY 2006, five Lebanese prisoners are freed by Israel. The exchange is acclaimed by Hezbollah as a “victory for the resistance.” October: Diplomatic relations between Lebanon and Syria are re-established for first time since the 1940s, when both countries gained their independence.

2009 June: Saad Hariri is nominated as prime minister after the Western-backed March 14 alliance wins 71 of 128 seats in parliament. The opposition, the March 8 alliance led by Hezbollah, wins 57 seats. November: A new government of national unity is formed by Hariri. December: Hezbollah’s right to keep its arsenal of weapons is endorsed by the cabinet.

2010 August: Two Lebanese soldiers, a senior Israeli officer, and a Lebanese journalist are killed after Israel and Lebanon exchange fire across the border. Frameworks and models

2011 As mentioned in the introduction, various frameworks and models of poverty January: Ministers from Hezbollah and its political allies resign from the gov- were used to construct both the methodology for the assessment and the inter- ernment causing it to collapse. Najib Miqati is appointed prime minister desig- view guide. The assessment was designed to cover all pertinent aspects of com- nate and asked to form a new government. munity members’ lives, through allowing them to explain the issues in their own June: Miqati finally forms a new government. words. In addition to gathering detailed demographic data, information about livelihoods, education, health, history, migration, etc., researchers incorporated the following frameworks:

• DfID’s Sustainable Livelihood Framework: As explained in the Introduction chapter, this framework acknowledges that poor communities have assets and resources that they can use in order to mitigate a variety of vulnerabilities they may be confronted with over time, such as shocks, trends, and seasonality issues. Whereas historically vulnerabilities were seen in terms of only natural disasters and hazards, this framework adopts a wider approach in analyzing social vulnerabilities as well. • Robert Chambers’ analysis of powerlessness, voicelessness, and isolation: Chambers explains that poor households often lack choices, are easy to coerce, lack influence and social power, are susceptible to exploitation, and are excluded from systems, all of which affects their ability to influence or improve their own lives and remove themselves from poverty.

458 459 METHODOLOGY II

Data collection and analysis The interviews, for the most part, were conducted in Arabic and translated to English immediately by an interpreter present with the research team. For two Before starting the assessment a national level, wide-ranging secondary data reasons it was decided not to record the interviews. Firstly, it enabled an active review was conducted in order to understand the main issues and trends present conversation to take place between the English language speaking researchers in Lebanon as a whole. Upon deciding which communities would be studied, and the Arabic speaking interviewees. Secondly, as some of the topics were quite another review of relevant existing literature was completed, focusing on each sensitive, it was determined that in order to protect the participants and put specific area and the issues prevalent in that area. them at their ease no recordings would be made. For this same reason, it was also As the study was predominantly qualitative in nature, the main data collec- decided not to use any names or identifying characteristics for either the commu- 1 tion tools were chosen from the Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) techniques, nity members or key informants. At most, the name of the NGO or institution which were found to be the best method for allowing the communities to speak where key informants are employed was used, though not always. and tell their stories on their own terms. A variety of tools were selected from this In addition to the interviews and discussions, throughout the assessment re- methodology. While there were some pre-identified topics and sectors selected searchers noted their own direct observations, which were taken into consid- beforehand, semi-structured and open interviews were conducted, allowing the eration in completing the analysis of each community. Researchers also used participants themselves to guide the process. In addition to interviews with com- community-transect walks to allow them to further understand the layout of the munity members, there were also focus group discussions and key informant in- each community as well as identify key features, resources and services, and their terviews, in order to triangulate information and gain the perspectives of others impact. While community-mapping exercises were initially planned, it was real- with particular insights to the issues. ized that this could have dangerous implications for residents given the sensitive A community assessment tool developed by the research team, which can be political situation in some of the communities under study. found in Appendix III. However, it should be noted that this was used as a guide Both during, and upon completion of the community assessment, the re- for the interviews in order to collect qualitative information from participants searchers followed up on key comments of and issues highlighted by the partici- and was in no way a complete or exhaustive tool covering all of the relevant pants using both existing literature and additional key informant interviews with issues. It was designed to assist and provide direction to the interviews, should experts in relevant fields. Where available, pertinent information and quantita- such direction be necessary, but the emphasis remained firmly on enabling par- tive data, was added to the analysis. ticipants to speak about issues, problems, and challenges that were important to Upon completion of all of the interviews in the community, all of the infor- them, and not on following a strict research tool. For example, with some partici- mation was categorized using the community assessment tool. pants who guided the process themselves, the assessment tool was not referred to As the research progressed, and further information was available (for in- at all. The research team, all of whom had various qualitative and quantitative stance additional studies published since the commencement of the assessment) field research experience, was trained extensively in the use of the assessment or as events occurred that impacted upon one or more of the communities (for tool and the project’s data collection philosophy. example, weather-related events like storms), these circumstances were taken While there are many topics listed in the guide, the guide was not designed into consideration, and the analysis and chapters were adjusted accordingly. As to necessarily provide all of the follow-up topics that could have been addressed. such, at the time of submitting information to the publishers, the research was For example, one of the categories says “Housing Conditions/Living Condi- as up to date, as possible.2 tions” with no further follow-up points listed; however, depending on the interview, the researchers may also have asked questions such as: When was the house Sampling methods built? How big is the house? What is it made out of ? From where did the builders secure the construction materials? Are people able to repair or renovate their Generally, the researchers’ first points of contact in each community were key houses? Have houses in the community always been built in the same manner? informants and stakeholders. From there a snowballing technique was used, in In order to have the participants guide the interviews as much as possible, the which participants are asked to recommend others who might be interested in researchers were constantly reviewing the information provided to extract trends participating in the research. In addition to this, a walk and talk method was and topics mentioned by the community members. As such, the interviews and used, where researchers would independently walk around the community and themes were adapted to specifically address the concerns and issues of each com- try to engage people who were not linked with people previously interviewed. As munity. much as possible the researchers tried to engage different groups and popula-

460 461 METHODOLOGY II tions in the communities. It was especially important to ensure those members of • Wazzani November 2010 the community not connected with the main stakeholders had a chance to speak. • Mareh and Bajaa Dec. 2010 and Jan. 2011 In this way, the biases were decreased. • Jmeijme March 2011

Site selection and research timeline Summary of research activities

Through extensive in-depth interviews with numerous key informants and stake- In total there were 202 interviews conducted with 417 participants, in the eight holders, as well as a meticulous secondary data analysis, researchers narrowed communities (see figure II.a). down certain criteria and communities that would fit within the parameters of the study. The following guidelines were used to assist the site selection process: Figure: II.a Total number of interviews and participants (broken down by community • Select communities located in various geographical locations around and role within the community) the country, in order to provide different perspectives (for example examining a mixture of rural and urban sites, as well as sites from the north, south, Bekaa, and Beirut)

4 • Chose sites which had not been extensively researched in the past, in order to contribute to the scope of knowledge about impoverished Community

communities in Lebanon

• Take into consideration the various religious, ethnic, and national groups present in the areas, in order to highlight some of the diver-

sity present in Lebanon3 Interviews Total the from Females Community the Males from Community Informants Key Female InformantsMale Key Informants Key Female the Community from InformantsMale Key the Community from Youth Female (under 18) Male Youth (under 18) Participants Total Mareh and 27 24 7 0 9 3 8 2 2 55 • Select sites that were thought to have divergent causes and conse- Bajaa quences of poverty which would help reveal the complexity of pov- Wazzani 26 10 10 4 9 4 6 5 2 50 erty Lebanon Jmeijme 8 7 9 2 2 2 1 0 2 25 While these guidelines were important in determining the research sites, they Arab el 33 29 39 4 5 4 10 6 0 97 were not definitive criteria in community selection. For example, it was impos- Harouq sible to know beforehand what dimensions of poverty would emerge from the in- Hay el Tanak 20 12 3 0 3 3 5 3 0 29 terviews. However, through the secondary analysis, as well as the key informant Hay el 28 12 7 8 1 3 0 2 1 34 interviews, the researchers were made aware of certain contextual issues before Gharbeh commencing the research, which allowed them to make informed decisions in Karm el 30 15 12 7 4 3 4 0 0 45 terms of site selection. Zeitoun The research was greatly affected by numerous factors, which were beyond Palestinians 30 31 12 2 1 4 13 9 10 82 the control of the assessment, accounting for the long period of time over which TOTAL the research took place. Such things as holidays, the weather, and the political 202 140 99 27 34 26 47 27 17 417 situation in the country impacted the research timeline. The following is an outline of the final research schedule: The participants were broken down by gender, as well as by their roles within the community. For example, it was noted whether the participants were local • Hay el Gharbeh May 2010 community members, key informants, or key informants from the community. • Hay el Tanak June 2010 This latter category includes people who have specific knowledge or expertise • Karm el Zeitoun September 2010 about the community, such as teachers, sheikhs, or NGO workers, and who also • El Buss and Jal el Bahr October 2010 live in the community. Finally, there was a category outlining the number of • Arab el Harouq November 2010 children and youth (under 18) who participated. It was never the outright focus

462 463 METHODOLOGY II of the assessment to include children, though it was inevitable due to the research methodology: conducting community focus groups, as well as interviews Figure II.c: Percentage of interviews conducted in each community in family homes (see figure II.b).

Figure II.b: Participants broken down by role within the community

Limitations

As with any study or assessment, certain limitations can, and should, be acknowledged. One of the primary issues encountered was limited secondary data for some As mentioned above, in total there were 202 inteviews conducted in the study. of the communities assessed, such as Hay el Tanak and Jmeijme. This made tri- While it was attempted to have these distributed as evenly as possible, there were angulation of information more difficult, especially statistical information, such some variations. The most interviews were conducted in Arab el Harouq, largely as population sizes. However, based on the thorough assessments completed due to the fact that researchers were invited to a wedding taking place during the within the communities, as well as with key informants, it is felt that each chapter assessment, and many focus group discussions were possible. Additionally, due to is a fair representation of the community at the time of research. the large geographic and population size of the community, two research teams More female community members were interviewed than male community were used for half of the assessment. The fewest interviews were conducted in members (33.6 percent vs. 23.7 percent). This was mainly due to the social struc- Jmeijme, as the research was halted due to a sensitive political issue ongoing at ture of the communities, where men are often the main breadwinners and there- the time. However, all of the interviews were of very high quality, and extensive fore were usually out of the house during daytime hours when the interviews follow-up interviews were conducted with local NGO staff in order to elaborate were conducted. However, because many of the men in these communities are on some of the issues raised (see figure II.c) irregularly employed day laborers and seasonal workers, male community members still accounted for almost one quarter of the total interviewees. The boundaries of some of the communities, such as Hay el Gharbeh and Arab el Harouq, are not conclusively defined, and as many of these areas are informal gatherings or settlements, they are not even located on government maps. There was a need to define, as best as possible for the purpose of the research, the community boundaries. This was most often done with the help of key informants.

464 465 1. Also called the Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) APPENDIX III: COMMUNITY ASSESSMENT TOOL 2. Although, given the extremely large scale of the research, as well as the geographical scope and number of different participant groups, it is possible that there are omissions. 3. Of course, it was impossible to represent all of the many different groups present in Lebanon. 4. This number does not include those key informants who were asked for their expertise and advice throughout the study. However, there were many who provided valuable insights and opinions, to which the research is indebted.

Name of the community

Location and history of the community

Describe the geography and physical elements of the community - Presence of services and resources

Describe the national/ethnic/religious groups present in the community - Presence of marginalized communities or minority groups present in the area

Housing conditions/living conditions

466 467 COMMUNITY ASSESSMENT TOOL III

History of the community Basic forms of livelihoods and - A separate history where possible types of jobs people do or the ways of each different group they earn their income - Develop a timeline of the community including any relevant events, - Working conditions such as social, cultural, political, - What type of work is it? (e.g.: contract and economic milestones vs. day laborer, stable, etc.) - Seasonal changes Mobility and migration - Age people typically enter the workforce - Are women working? - Describe when and how the popu- Average income lation arrived in this area - Is there any movement among - Are people paid hourly, daily, weekly, community members now? monthly, seasonally, etc.? - Is there any movement in or out of the community now? Income sufficiency

Describe any legal issues facing the - Are they able to meet their daily, weekly community and monthly needs? - What is the legal status of the com- - If not, what are some of the coping munity in the country? mechanisms they use? How many income earners in the family? Presence of schools (both in the area and outside the area) Demographic and socioeconomic data and profile - Details with regards to the levels of edu- Population cation available to the community - What is the perceived quality of educa- - Disaggregate by age and gender, as tion? much as possible given the perceptions - Costs associated with education of community members and observa- - Access to informal education, technical tions institutes, etc. - Population trends over time Level of literacy Basic household makeup - Disaggregate by age and gender as - Number, gender, and age breakdown, much as possible relationships, etc. - Are there any barriers to children ac- - Number of members currently liv- cessing education? ing with the family/same housing unit - To what level are children usually com- (family size) pleting schooling? Perceptions of social status - Note changes over time

- Perceptions of outsiders as well as community members themselves

468 469 COMMUNITY ASSESSMENT TOOL III

Drop outs/repetition rates Maternal health

- Reasons for dropping out - Access to prenatal and postnatal care - When do children normally drop out? - Where are women in the community - Are any groups at a higher risk of drop- delivering? ping out? - Breast-feeding - Changes in drop outs over time - Family planning Diet - Have the trends in the community changed over time? - Number of meals per day - Typical diet - Where can they access food? - Seasonal changes in consumption/food Other topics availability - Presence of underweight/overweight/ Gender issues obese community members - For example: early marriage, ability of Number of clinics and hospitals women to work, women’s role within and details (access to primary, sec- the community, etc. ondary and tertiary health care) Children and Youth - Where are these located? - What are the communities’ perceptions - Any other prevalent issues of the available health services? Dividers and connectors1 - What barriers prevent them from ac- Organizations, associations and cessing health services? charities present in the community - Access to social security - Costs associated with health care facili- - Current development work and support ties in the area Illnesses and diseases prevalent in Comparisons between the community the community and other areas or communities, or comparisons to a national standard - Mortality and morbidity levels - Are there any groups in the community Positive aspects of the community who have worse health than the others? Hopes and dreams of community mem- Children bers Powerlessness, isolation and voice- - Health status lessness2 - Nutritional status - Immunization - Describe the level of powerlessness, isolation and voicelessness that the community experiences? - Are they able to speak for themselves, express their needs, and access the services that they need? - Are they able to influence what affects their community?

470 471 COMMUNITY ASSESSMENT TOOL III

Physical capital

Assets and vulnerabilities of the community3 What infrastructure exists in terms of: - Transportation Assets - Secure shelters and buildings Human capital - Adequate water supply and sanitation - Clean, affordable energy - What kind of training do people have? - Access to communications - Where do they access information that Financial capital is valuable for their livelihoods? (e.g.: sources and networks) - What type of formal and informal fi- - Are some groups within the community nancial services are available? excluded from this information? (e.g.: - Who has access to them? women) - What forms do people save (e.g.: cash, - Are technologies they use from internal jewelry, etc.) How risky is it? How liquid or external sources? is it? - Do people feel that they are lacking in - What is their source of income – earn- certain types of information, which if ings vs. remittances? they had it would improve their livelihood? Vulnerabilities Social capital What shocks do the community periodically face? What is the im- - What networks or connections do they pact? have that allow they access to wider institutions? - Human health - Are they members of formalized - Natural disasters groups, which allow them leverage in - Economic their external relationships? - Conflict - Are there relationships of trust, reci- - Crop/livestock health procity and exchanges that provide an - etc. informal safety net for the poor? How does seasonality affect: Natural capital - Health - Types of natural resources available to - Employment opportunities the community - Prices of their products and produce - Who and which groups have access to - Production these resources? Which don’t? - etc. - Are there conflicts over the resources? What trends are evident in the - How productive are the resources? community with regards to: - How versatile are the resources? Can they be used for multiple purposes? - Population - Resources - Technology - Governance - National and international economy - etc.

472 473 COMMUNITY ASSESSMENT TOOL III

System and structures 1. Dividers and connectors between groups in a community is a concept pioneered by Mary B. Anderson in her framework Local Capacities for Peace (Anderson, Are there political and bureaucratic sys- 1999) tems and structures that facilitate or hin- 2. This section was adapted from texts by Robert Chambers (Chambers, 1983), der the development of the community? (Chambers, 1997) Coping mechanisms 3. The following section was adapted from DfIDs model of Sustainable Liveli- hoods (DfID, 1999) What different types of coping mechanisms do they have to face periodic shocks?

Other Observations

474 475 APPENDIX IV: TENURE SYSTEMS AND THEIR CHARACTERISTICS

Characteristics Advantages Limitations Tenure system Ownership in perpe- High degree of Costs are generally tuity. security. Freedom to high, and collateral val- dispose, use as col- ue may not be relevant lateral for loans, and if incomes are low or fi- maximize commercial nancial institutions are Freehold value. weak. Property value can go up or down and trap the unwary with property worth less than they paid for it.

Conditional owner- Same high security Failure to maintain ship; title gained on as freehold providing payments or develop- completion of pay- payments made as ment may result in ments or develop- required or develop- eviction and loss of ment. ment completed. funds invested. Collat- Freedom to depose eral value may not be or use as collateral relevant if incomes are Delayed for loans. Maximizes low. Property value can freehold commercial value, fluctuate and also trap enabling people to the unwary. realize substantial Expectations of increases in asset increased values can values. divert investment from more productive sectors of the economy.

Ownership for a A secure freehold, but Requires legal frame- Registered specified period only for the period work and costs are leasehold of time from a few specified by the lease. generally high. months to 999 years.

476 477 TENURE SYSTEMS AND THEIR CHARACTERISTICS IV

Rental occupation of A high degree of se- Limited supply may There are various Tenure facilitates fam- Because they are publicly owned land curity providing terms restrict access. Often Religious categories of land ily and group tenures outside the commercial or house. and conditions of oc- badly located for access tenure tenure in Islamic and acceptable and land market, certain Public cupation are met. to livelihoods. Terms systems societies. affordable land man- lands are often inef- rental are often restrictive. (e.g. agement procedures. ficiently managed. In-

Deterioration may Islamic) heritance disputes can result if maintenance cause land difficulties. costs are not met. These include Some of these non- As demand has regularized and formal categories such intensified, even these Rental of privately Good security if Open to abuse by un-regularized as squatting, started informal tenure cat- owned land or protected by legally disreputable owners. squatting, unauthor- as a response to the egories have become Private house. enforceable contract. Deterioration may ized sub-divisions on inability of public commercialized so that rental Provides tenants flex- result if maintenance legally owned land allocation systems or access by lower income Non- ibility of movement. costs are not met. and various forms commercial markets groups is increasingly formal of unofficial rental to provide for the constrained. tenure arrangements. In needs of the poor and systems some cases, several operate on a socially Combination of Provides security and Requires a legal forms of tenure may determined basis delayed freehold potential increase framework and efficient coexist on the same and rental in which in value of delayed management. plot with each party residents purchase a freehold and the Shared entitled to certain stake in their proper- flexibility of rental. equity rights. ty (often 50 percent) Residents can increase and pay rent on the their stake leading to Source: United Nations Human Settlement Programme (UN Habitat), “Urban Land for All” remainder. full ownership. (2004), p. 8

Ownership is vested Good security. Main- Requires a legal frame- in the cooperative tains social cohesion. work. Restrictions may Coopera- or group through reduce incentives to tive tenure which residents are invest. Requires double co-owners. registration of land and of association.

Ownership is vested Widely accepted. May loose legal status in the tribe, group Simple to adminis- in urban areas. Vulner- Custom- or community. Land ter. Maintains social able to abuse under ary allocated by custom- cohesion. pressure of urbaniza- ownership ary authorities. tion. Poor customary leadership may weaken its legitimacy.

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492 493 BIOGRAPHIES

Rupen Das is director for community development at the Lebanese Society for Educational and Social Development (LSESD). He is also senior advisor for capacity building for International Partnerships at Canadian Baptists (CBM). He was professor and program coordinator of International Project Manage- ment at the Business School of Humber College, Toronto. His professional experience includes Director for Emergency Response and Disaster Mitigation at World Vision Canada, WV Field Director for the South Pacific based in Papua New Guinea, project manager in Russia (USAID funded project) and in Belarus (areas affected by Chernobyl). He has extensive relief and development experience in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. As a consultant he has worked on projects for CIDA, the Canadian DART team, Pearson Peacekeeping Center, Plan Canada, Focus Humanitarian Canada (part of the Aga Khan Foundation Network), World Vision Interna- tional, Health Partners International Canada, and IDSS Consulting (Australia), among others. He is also the author of the “NGO Report on the Government of Vanuatu’s Implementation of the Convention of the Rights of the Child” and “Humanitarian Space in Unconventional Warfare,” in Helping Hands and Loaded Arms: Navigating the Military and Humanitarian Space. He was adjunct faculty at East- ern University in the US and has been visiting faculty at the Refugee Study Center, York University, Toronto. Rupen has been a 21st Century Fellow in the UK and was Visiting Scholar at Harvard University’s School of Education. [email protected]

After completing a B.PHE and B.Sc at Queen’s University, Canada, Julie Davidson has spent most of the last five years in South Ameri- ca, Asia, and the Middle East. She has garnered considerable experience with various local and international NGOs, including the International Red Cross, Medecins sans Frontiers, and World Vision. She recently completed a postgraduate, with honors, in International Project Management at Humber College in Toronto. For the past two years she has been based in Beirut, where she has contributed extensively to development work in, and research on, such diverse communities as Palestinian refugees, vulnerable children, refugees in north Lebanon, and migrant domestic workers. [email protected]

With a B.A. in philosophy and political science and an M.A. in writing, Niamh Fleming-Farrell left Ireland for Beirut in August 2009. Since then she has variously written and edited for an educational publishing company, an independent think tank, and a local newspaper. [email protected]

495